This was the first occasion on which the Italians, accustomed as they were to the chivalrous5 contests of the fifteenth century, found themselves in contact with savage6 foreigners who, less advanced in civilisation7, had not yet come to consider war as a clever game, but looked upon it as simply a mortal conflict. So the news of these two butcheries produced a tremendous sensation at Florence, the richest city in Italy, and the most prosperous in commerce and in art. Every Florentine imagined the French to be like an army of those ancient barbarians8 who were wont9 to extinguish fire with blood. The prophecies of Savonarola, who had predicted the foreign invasion and the destruction that should follow it, were recalled to the minds of all; and so much perturbation was evinced that Piero dei Medici, bent10 on getting peace at any price, forced a decree upon the republic whereby she was to send an embassy to the conqueror11; and obtained leave, resolved as he was to deliver himself in person into the hands of the French monarch12, to act as one of the ambassadors. He accordingly quitted Florence, accompanied by four other messengers, and an his arrival at Pietra Santa, sent to ask from Charles VIII a safe-conduct for himself alone. The day after he made this request, Brigonnet and de Piennes came to fetch him, and led him into the presence of Charles VIII.
Piero dei Medici, in spite of his name and influence, was in the eyes of the French nobility, who considered it a dishonourable thing to concern oneself with art or industry, nothing more than a rich merchant, with whom it would be absurd to stand upon any very strict ceremony. So Charles VIII received him on horseback, and addressing him with a haughty14 air, as a master might address a servant, demanded whence came this pride of his that made him dispute his entrance into Tuscany. Piero dei Medici replied, that, with the actual consent of Louis XI, his father Lorenzo had concluded a treaty of alliance with Ferdinand of Naples; that accordingly he had acted in obedience15 to prior obligations, but as he did, not wish to push too far his devotion to the house of Aragon or his opposition16 to France, he was ready to do whatever Charles VIII might demand of him. The king, who had never looked for such humility17 in his enemy, demanded that Sarzano should be given up to him: to this Piero dei Medici at once consented. Then the conqueror, wishing to see how far the ambassador of the magnificent republic would extend his politeness, replied that this concession18 was far from satisfying him, and that he still must have the keys of Pietra Santa, Pisa, Librafatta, and Livorno. Piero saw no more difficulty about these than about Sarzano, and consented on Charles's mere19 promise by word of mouth to restore the town when he had achieved the conquest of Naples. At last Charles VIII, seeing that this man who had been sent out to negotiate with him was very easy to manage, exacted as a final condition, a 'sine qua non', however, of his royal protection, that the magnificent republic should lend him the sum of 200,000 florins. Piero found it no harder to dispose of money than of fortresses20, and replied that his fellow-citizens would be happy to render this service to their new ally. Then Charles VIII set him on horseback, and ordered him to go on in front, so as to begin to carry out his promises by yielding up the four fortresses he had insisted on having. Piero obeyed, and the French army, led by the grandson of Cosimo the Great and the son of Lorenzo the Magnificent, continued its triumphal march through Tuscany.
On his arrival at Lucca, Piero dei Medici learnt that his concessions22 to the King of France were making a terrible commotion23 at Florence. The magnificent republic had supposed that what Charles VIII wanted was simply a passage through her territory, so when the news came there was a general feeling of discontent, which was augmented24 by the return of the other ambassadors, whom Piero had not even consulted when he took action as he did. Piero considered it necessary that he should return, so he asked Charles's permission to precede him to the capital. As he had fulfilled all his promises, except the matter of the loan, which could not be settled anywhere but at Florence, the king saw no objection, and the very evening after he quitted the French army Piero returned incognito25 to his palace in the Via Largo26.
The next day he proposed to present himself before the Signoria, but when he arrived at the Piazza27 del Palazzo Vecchio, he perceived the gonfaloniere Jacopo de Nerli coming towards him, signalling to him that it was useless to attempt to go farther, and pointing out to him the figure of Luca Corsini standing28 at the gate, sword in hand: behind him stood guards, ordered, if need-were, to dispute his passage. Piero dei Medici, amazed by an opposition that he was experiencing for the first time in his life, did not attempt resistance. He went home, and wrote to his brother-in-law, Paolo Orsini, to come and help him with his gendarmes29. Unluckily for him, his letter was intercepted31. The Signoria considered that it was an attempt at rebellion. They summoned the citizens to their aid; they armed hastily, sallied forth32 in crowds, and thronged33 about the piazza of the palace. Meanwhile Cardinal34 Gian dei Medici had mounted on horseback, and under the impression that the Orsini were coming to the rescue, was riding about the streets of Florence, accompanied by his servants and uttering his battle cry, "Palle, Palle." But times had changed: there was no echo to the cry, and when the cardinal reached the Via dei Calizaioli, a threatening murmur35 was the only response, and he understood that instead of trying to arouse Florence he had much better get away before the excitement ran too high. He promptly36 retired37 to his own palace, expecting to find there his two brothers, Piero and Giuliano. But they, under the protection of Orsini and his gendarmes, had made their escape by the Porto San Gallo. The peril39 was imminent40, and Gian dei Medici wished to follow their example; but wherever he went he was met by a clamour that grew more and more threatening. At last, as he saw that the danger was constantly increasing, he dismounted from his horse and ran into a house that he found standing open. This house by a lucky chance communicated with a convent of Franciscans; one of the friars lent the fugitive41 his dress, and the cardinal, under the protection of this humble42 incognito, contrived43 at last to get outside Florence, and joined his two brothers in the Apennines.
The same day the Medici were declared traitors44 and rebels, and ambassadors were sent to the King of France. They found him at Pisa, where he was granting independence to the town which eighty-seven years ago had fallen under the rule of the Florentines. Charles VIII made no reply to the envoys45, but merely announced that he was going to march on Florence.
Such a reply, one may easily understand, terrified the republic. Florence, had no time to prepare a defence, and no strength in her present state to make one. But all the powerful houses assembled and armed their own servants and retainers, and awaited the issue, intending not to begin hostilities47, but to defend themselves should the French make an attack. It was agreed that if any necessity should arise for taking up arms, the bells of the various churches in the town should ring a peal48 and so serve as a general signal. Such a resolution was perhaps of more significant moment in Florence than it could have been in any other town. For the palaces that still remain from that period are virtually fortresses and the eternal fights between Guelphs and Ghibellines had familiarised the Tuscan people with street warfare49.
The king appeared, an the 17th of November, in the evening, at the gate of San Friano. He found there the nobles of Florence clad in their most magnificent apparel, accompanied by priests chanting hymns50, and by a mob who were full of joy at any prospect51 of change, and hoped for a return of liberty after the fall of the Medici. Charles VIII stopped for a moment under a sort of gilded52 canopy53 that had been prepared for him, and replied in a few evasive words to the welcoming speeches which were addressed to him by the Signoria; then he asked for his lance, he set it in rest, and gave the order to enter the town, the whole of which he paraded with his army following him with arms erect54, and then went down to the palace of the Medici, which had been prepared for him.
The next day negotiations56 commenced; but everyone was out of his reckoning. The Florentines had received Charles VIII as a guest, but he had entered the city as a conqueror. So when the deputies of the Signoria spoke57 of ratifying58 the treaty of Piero dei Medici, the king replied that such a treaty no longer existed, as they had banished59 the man who made it; that he had conquered Florence, as he proved the night before, when he entered lance in hand; that he should retain the sovereignty, and would make any further decision whenever it pleased him to do so; further, he would let them know later on whether he would reinstate the Medici or whether he would delegate his authority to the Signoria: all they had to do was to come back the next day, and he would give them his ultimatum60 in writing.
This reply threw Florence into a great state of consternation61; but the Florentines were confirmed in their resolution of making a stand. Charles, for his part, had been astonished by the great number of the inhabitants; not only was every street he had passed through thickly lined with people, but every house from garret to basement seemed overflowing62 with human beings. Florence indeed, thanks to her rapid increase in population, could muster63 nearly 150,000 souls.
The next day, at the appointed hour, the deputies made their appearance to meet the king. They were again introduced into his presence, and the discussion was reopened. At last, as they were coming to no sort of understanding, the royal secretary, standing at the foot of the throne upon which Charles viii sat with covered head, unfolded a paper and began to read, article by article, the conditions imposed by the King of France. But scarcely had he read a third of the document when the discussion began more hotly than ever before. Then Charles VIII said that thus it should be, or he would order his trumpets65 to be sounded. Hereupon Piero Capponi, secretary to the republic, commonly called the Scipio of Florence, snatched from the royal secretary's hand the shameful66 proposal of capitulation, and tearing it to pieces, exclaimed:—
"Very good, sire; blow your trumpets, and we will ring our bells."
He threw the pieces in the face of the amazed reader, and dashed out of the room to give the terrible order that would convert the street of Florence into a battlefield.
Still, against all probabilities, this bold answer saved the town. The French supposed, from such audacious words, addressed as they were to men who so far had encountered no single obstacle, that the Florentines were possessed67 of sure resources, to them unknown: the few prudent68 men who retained any influence over the king advised him accordingly to abate69 his pretensions70; the result was that Charles VIII offered new and more reasonable conditions, which were accepted, signed by both parties, and proclaimed on the 26th of November during mass in the cathedral of Santa Maria Del Fiore.
These were the conditions:
The Signoria were to pay to Charles VIII, as subsidy71, the sum of 120,000 florins, in three instalments;
The Signoria were to remove the sequestration imposed upon the property of the Medici, and to recall the decree that set a price on their heads;
The Signoria were to engage to pardon the Pisans, on condition of their again submitting to the rule of Florence;
Lastly, the Signoria were to recognise the claims of the Duke of Milan over Sarzano and Pietra Santa, and these claims thus recognised, were to be settled by arbitration72.
In exchange for this, the King of France pledged himself to restore the fortresses that had been given up to him, either after he had made himself master of the town of Naples, or when this war should be ended by a peace or a two years' truce73, or else when, for any reason whatsoever74, he should have quitted Italy.
Two days after this proclamation, Charles VIII, much to the joy of the Signoria, left Florence, and advanced towards Rome by the route of Poggibondi and Siena.
The pope began to be affected75 by the general terror: he had heard of the massacres76 of Fivizzano, of Lunigiane, and of Imola; he knew that Piero dei Medici had handed over the Tuscan fortresses, that Florence had succumbed77, and that Catherine Sforza had made terms with the conqueror; he saw the broken remnants of the Neapolitan troops pass disheartened through Rome, to rally their strength in the Abruzzi, and thus he found himself exposed to an enemy who was advancing upon him with the whole of the Romagna under his control from one sea to the other, in a line of march extending from Piombina to Ancona.
It was at this juncture78 that Alexander VI received his answer from Bajazet II: the reason of so long a delay was that the pope's envoy46 and the Neapolitan ambassador had been stopped by Gian della Rovere, the Cardinal Giuliano's brother, just as they were disembarking at Sinigaglia. They were charged with a verbal answer, which was that the sultan at this moment was busied with a triple war, first with the Sultan of Egypt, secondly79 with the King of Hungary, and thirdly with the Greeks of Macedonia and Epirus; and therefore he could not, with all the will in the world, help His Holiness with armed men. But the envoys were accompanied by a favourite of the sultan's bearing a private letter to Alexander VI, in which Bajazet offered on certain conditions to help him with money. Although, as we see, the messengers had been stopped on the way, the Turkish envoy had all the same found a means of getting his despatch sent to the pope: we give it here in all its naivete.
"Bajazet the Sultan, son of the Sultan Mahomet II, by the grace of God Emperor of Asia and Europe, to the Father and Lord of all the Christians80, Alexander VI, Roman pontiff and pope by the will of heavenly Providence82, first, greetings that we owe him and bestow83 with all our heart. We make known to your Highness, by the envoy of your Mightiness84, Giorgio Bucciarda, that we have been apprised85 of your convalescence86, and received the news thereof with great joy and comfort. Among other matters, the said Bucciarda has brought us word that the King of France, now marching against your Highness, has shown a desire to take under his protection our brother D'jem, who is now under yours—a thing which is not only against our will, but which would also be the cause of great injury to your Highness and to all Christendom. In turning the matter over with your envoy Giorgio we have devised a scheme most conducive87 to peace and most advantageous88 and honourable13 for your Highness; at the same time satisfactory to ourselves personally; it would be well if our aforesaid brother D'jem, who being a man is liable to death, and who is now in the hands of your Highness, should quit this world as soon as possible, seeing that his departure, a real good to him in his position, would be of great use to your Highness, and very conducive to your peace, while at the same time it would be very agreeable to us, your friend. If this proposition is favourably89 received, as we hope, by your Highness, in your desire to be friendly towards us, it would be advisable both in the interests of your Highness and for our own satisfaction that it should occur rather sooner than later, and by the surest means you might be pleased to employ; so that our said brother D'jem might pass from the pains of this world into a better and more peaceful life, where at last he may find repose90. If your Highness should adapt this plan and send us the body of our brother, We, the above-named Sultan Bajazet, pledge ourselves to send to your Highness, wheresoever and by whatsoever hands you please, the sum of 300,000 ducats, With which sum you could purchase some fair domain91 for your children. In order to facilitate this purchase, we would be willing, while awaiting the issue, to place the 300,000 ducats in the hands of a third party, so that your Highness might be quite certain of receiving the money on an appointed day, in return for the despatch of our brother's body. Moreover, we promise your Highness herewith, for your greater satisfaction, that never, so long as you shall remain on the pontifical92 throne, shall there be any hurt done to the Christians, neither by us, nor by our servants, nor by any of our compatriots, of whatsoever kind or condition they may be, neither on sea nor on land. And for the still further satisfaction of your Highness, and in order that no doubt whatever may remain concerning the fulfilment of our promises, we have sworn and affirmed in the presence of Bucciarda, your envoy, by the true God whom we adore and by our holy Gospels, that they shall be faithfully kept from the first point unto the last. And now for the final and complete assurance of your Highness, in order that no doubt may still remain in your heart, and that you may be once again and profoundly convinced of our good faith, we the aforesaid Sultan Bajazet do swear by the true God, who has created the heavens and the earth and all that therein is, that we will religiously observe all that has been above said and declared, and in the future will do nothing and undertake nothing that may be contrary to the interests of your Highness.
"Given at Constantinople, in our palace, on the 12th of September A.D. 1494."
This letter was the cause of great joy to the Holy Father: the aid of four or five thousand Turks would be insufficient93 under the present circumstances, and would only serve to compromise the head of Christendom, while the sum of 300,000 ducats—that is, nearly a million francs—was good to get in any sort of circumstances. It is true that, so long as D'jem lived, Alexander was drawing an income of 180,000 livres, which as a life annuity94 represented a capital of nearly two millions; but when one needs ready mangy, one ought to be able to make a sacrifice in the way of discount. All the same, Alexander formed no definite plan, resolved on acting95 as circumstances should indicate.
But it was a more pressing business to decide how he should behave to the King of France: he had never anticipated the success of the French in Italy, and we have seen that he laid all the foundations of his family's future grandeur96 upon his alliance with the house of Aragon. But here was this house tattering, and a volcano more terrible than her own Vesuvius was threatening to swallow up Naples. He must therefore change his policy, and attach himself to the victor,—no easy matter, for Charles VIII was bitterly annoyed with the pope for having refused him the investiture and given it to Aragon.
In consequence, he sent Cardinal Francesco Piccolomini as an envoy to the king. This choice looked like a mistake at first, seeing that the ambassador was a nephew of Pius II, who had vigorously opposed the house of Anjou; but Alexander in acting thus had a second design, which could not be discerned by those around him. In fact, he had divined that Charles would not be quick to receive his envoy, and that, in the parleyings to which his unwillingness97 must give rise, Piccolomini would necessarily be brought into contact with the young king's advisers98. Now, besides his ostensible99 mission to the king, Piccalamini had also secret instructions for the more influential100 among his counsellors. These were Briconnet and Philippe de Luxembourg; and Piccolomini was authorised to promise a cardinal's hat to each of them. The result was just what Alexander had foreseen: his envoy could not gain admission to Charles, and was obliged to confer with the people about him. This was what the pope wished. Piccolomini returned to Rome with the king's refusal, but with a promise from Briconnet and Philippe de Luxembourg that they would use all their influence with Charles in favour of the Holy Father, and prepare him to receive a fresh embassy.
But the French all this time were advancing, and never stopped more than forty-eight hours in any town, so that it became more and more urgent to get something settled with Charles. The king had entered Siena and Viterbo without striking a blow; Yves d' Alegre and Louis de Ligny had taken over Ostia from the hands of the Colonnas; Civita Vecchia and Corneto had opened their gates; the Orsini had submitted; even Gian Sforza, the pope's son-in-law, had retired from the alliance with Aragon. Alexander accordingly judged that the moment had came to abandon his ally, and sent to Charles the Bishops101 of Concordia and Terni, and his confessor, Mansignore Graziano. They were charged to renew to Briconnet and Philippe de Luxembourg the promise of the cardinalship104, and had full powers of negotiation55 in the name of their master, both in case Charles should wish to include Alfonso II in the treaty, and in case he should refuse to sign an agreement with any other but the pope alone. They found the mind of Charles influenced now by the insinuation of Giuliano della Ravere, who, himself a witness of the pope's simony, pressed the king to summon a council and depose105 the head of the Church, and now by the secret support given him by the Bishops of Mans and St. Malo. The end of it was that the king decided106 to form his own opinion about the matter and settle nothing beforehand, and continued this route, sending the ambassadors back to the pope, with the addition of the Marechal de Gie, the Seneschal de Beaucaire, and Jean de Gannay, first president of the Paris Parliament. They were ordered to say to the pope—
That the king wished above all things to be admitted into Rome without resistance; that, an condition of a voluntary, frank, and loyal admission, he would respect the authority of the Holy Father and the privileges of the Church;
That the king desired that D'jem should be given up to him, in order that he might make use of him against the sultan when he should carry the war into Macedonia or Turkey or the Holy Land;
That the remaining conditions were so unimportant that they could be brought forward at the first conference.
The ambassadors added that the French army was now only two days distant from Rome, and that in the evening of the day after next Charles would probably arrive in person to demand an answer from His Holiness.
It was useless to think of parleying with a prince who acted in such expeditious108 fashion as this. Alexander accordingly warned Ferdinand to quit Rome as soon as possible, in the interests of his own personal safety. But Ferdinand refused to listen to a word, and declared that he would not go out at one gate while Charles VIII came in at another. His sojourn109 was not long. Two days later, about eleven o'clock in the morning, a sentinel placed on a watch-tower at the top of the Castle S. Angelo, whither the pope had retired, cried out that the vanguard of the enemy was visible on the horizon. At once Alexander and the Duke of Calabria went up an the terrace which tops the fortress21, and assured themselves with their own eyes that what the soldier said was true. Then, and not till then, did the duke of Calabria mount an horseback, and, to use his own words, went out at the gate of San Sebastiana, at the same moment that the French vanguard halted five hundred feet from the Gate of the People. This was on the 31st of December 1494.
At three in the afternoon the whole army had arrived, and the vanguard began their march, drums beating, ensigns unfurled. It was composed, says Paolo Giove, an eye-witness (book ii, p. 41 of his History), of Swiss and German soldiers, with short tight coats of various colours: they were armed with short swords, with steel edges like those of the ancient Romans, and carried ashen110 lances ten feet long, with straight and sharp iron spikes111: only one-fourth of their number bore halberts instead of lances, the spikes cut into the form of an axe113 and surmounted114 by a four-cornered spike112, to be used both for cutting like an axe and piercing like a bayonet: the first row of each battalion115 wore helmets and cuirasses which protected the head and chest, and when the men were drawn116 up for battle they presented to the enemy a triple array of iron spikes, which they could raise or lower like the spines117 of a porcupine118. To each thousand of the soldiery were attached a hundred fusiliers: their officers, to distinguish them from the men, wore lofty plumes119 on their helmets.
After the Swiss infantry120 came the archers121 of Gascony: there were five thousand of them, wearing a very simple dress, that contrasted with the rich costume of the Swiss soldiers, the shortest of whom would have been a head higher than the tallest of the Gascons. But they were excellent soldiers, full of courage, very light, and with a special reputation for quickness in stringing and drawing their iron bows.
Behind them rode the cavalry122, the flower of the French nobility, with their gilded helmets and neck bands, their velvet123 and silk surcoats, their swords each of which had its own name, their shields each telling of territorial124 estates, and their colours each telling of a lady-love. Besides defensive125 arms, each man bore a lance in his hand, like an Italian gendarme30, with a solid grooved126 end, and on his saddle bow a quantity of weapons, some for cutting and same for thrusting. Their horses were large and strong, but they had their tails and ears cropped according to the French custom. These horses, unlike those of the Italian gendarmes, wore no caparisons of dressed leather, which made them more exposed to attack. Every knight127 was followed by three horses—the first ridden by a page in armour128 like his own, the two others by equerries who were called lateral129 auxiliaries130, because in a fray131 they fought to right and left of their chief. This troop was not only the most magnificent, but the most considerable in the whole army; for as there were 2500 knights132, they formed each with their three followers133 a total of 10,000 men. Five thousand light horse rode next, who carried huge wooden bows, and shot long arrows from a distance like English archers. They were a great help in battle, for moving rapidly wherever aid was required, they could fly in a moment from one wing to another, from the rear to the van, then when their quivers were empty could go off at so swift a gallop134 that neither infantry or heavy cavalry could pursue them. Their defensive armour consisted of a helmet and half-cuirass; some of them carried a short lance as well, with which to pin their stricken foe135 to the ground; they all wore long cloaks adorned136 with shoulder-knots, and plates of silver whereon the arms of their chief were emblazoned.
At last came the young king's escort; there were four hundred archers, among whom a hundred Scots formed a line on each side, while two hundred of the most illustrious knights marched on foot beside the prince, carrying heavy arms on their shoulders. In the midst of this magnificent escort advanced Charles VIII, both he and his horse covered with splendid armour; an his right and left marched Cardinal Ascanio Sforza, the Duke of Milan's brother, and Cardinal Giuliano della Rovere, of whom we have spoken so often, who was afterwards Pope Julius II. The Cardinals103 Colonna and Savelli followed immediately after, and behind them came Prospero and Fabrizia Colonna, and all the Italian princes and generals who had thrown in their lot with the conqueror, and were marching intermingled with the great French lords.
For a long time the crowd that had collected to see all these foreign soldiers go by, a sight so new and strange, listened uneasily to a dull sound which got nearer and nearer. The earth visibly trembled, the glass shook in the windows, and behind the king's escort thirty-six bronze cannons137 were seen to advance, bumping along as they lay on their gun-carriages. These cannons were eight feet in length; and as their mouths were large enough to hold a man's head, it was supposed that each of these terrible machines, scarcely known as yet to the Italians, weighed nearly six thousand pounds. After the cannons came culverins sixteen feet long, and then falconets, the smallest of which shot balls the size of a grenade. This formidable artillery138 brought up the rear of the procession, and formed the hindmost guard of the French army.
It was six hours since the front guard entered the town; and as it was now night and for every six artillery-men there was a torch-bearer, this illumination gave to the objects around a more gloomy character than they would have shown in the sunlight. The young king was to take up his quarters in the Palazzo di Venezia, and all the artillery was directed towards the plaza139 and the neighbouring streets. The remainder of the army was dispersed140 about the town. The same evening, they brought to the king, less to do honour to him than to assure him of his safety, the keys of Rome and the keys of the Belvedere Garden just the same thing had been done for the Duke of Calabria.
The pope, as we said, had retired to the Castle S. Angelo with only six cardinals, so from the day after his arrival the young king had around him a court of very different brilliance141 from that of the head of the Church. Then arose anew the question of a convocation to prove Alexander's simony and proceed to depose him; but the king's chief counsellors, gained over, as we know, pointed64 out that this was a bad moment to excite a new schism142 in the Church, just when preparations were being made for war against the infidels. As this was also the king's private opinion, there was not much trouble in persuading him, and he made up his mind to treat with His Holiness.
But the negotiations had scarcely begun when they had to be broken off; for the first thing Charles VIII demanded was the surrender of the Castle S. Angelo, and as the pope saw in this castle his only refuge, it was the last thing he chose to give up. Twice, in his youthful impatience143, Charles wanted to take by force what he could not get by goodwill144, and had his cannons directed towards the Holy Father's dwelling-place; but the pope was unmoved by these demonstrations145; and obstinate146 as he was, this time it was the French king who gave way.
This article, therefore, was set aside, and the following conditions were agreed upon:
That there should be from this day forward between His Majesty147 the King of France and the Holy Father a sincere friendship and a firm alliance;
Before the completion of the conquest of the kingdom of Naples, the King of France should occupy, for the advantage and accommodation of his army, the fortresses of Civita Vecchia, Terracina, and Spoleto;
Lastly, the Cardinal Valentino (this was now the name of Caesar Borgia, after his archbishopric of Valencia) should accompany the king in the capacity of apostolic ambassador, really as a hostage.
These conditions fixed148, the ceremonial of an interview was arranged. The king left the Palazzo di Venezia and went to live in the Vatican. At the appointed time he entered by the door of a garden that adjoined the palace, while the pope, who had not had to quit the Castle S. Angelo, thanks to a corridor communicating between the two palaces, came down into the same garden by another gate. The result of this arrangement was that the king the next moment perceived the pope, and knelt down, but the pope pretended not to see him, and the king advancing a few paces, knelt a second time; as His Holiness was at that moment screened by some masonry149, this supplied him with another excuse, and the king went on with the performance, got up again, once mare107 advanced several steps, and was on the point of kneeling down the third time face to face, when the Holy Father at last perceived him, and, walking towards him as though he would prevent him from kneeling, took off his own hat, and pressing him to his heart, raised him up and tenderly kissed his forehead, refusing to cover until the king had put his cap upon his head, with the aid of the pope's own hands. Then, after they had stood for a moment, exchanging polite and friendly speeches, the king lost no time in praying His Holiness to be so good as to receive into the Sacred College William Bricannet, the Bishop102 of St. Malo. As this matter had been agreed upon beforehand by that prelate and His Holiness, though the king was not aware of it, Alexander was pleased to get credit by promptly granting the request; and he instantly ordered one of his attendants to go to the house of his son, Cardinal Valentino, and fetch a cape38 and hat. Then taking the king by the hand, he conducted him into the hall of Papagalli, where the ceremony was to take place of the admission of the new cardinal. The solemn oath of obedience which was to be taken by Charles to His Holiness as supreme150 head of the Christian81 Church was postponed151 till the following day.
When that solemn day arrived, every person important in Rome, noble, cleric, or soldier, assembled around His Holiness. Charles, on his side, made his approach to the Vatican with a splendid following of princes, prelates, and captains. At the threshold of the palace he found four cardinals who had arrived before him: two of them placed themselves one on each side of him, the two others behind him, and all his retinue152 following, they traversed a long line of apartments full of guards and servants, and at last arrived in the reception-room, where the pope was seated on his throne, with his son, Caesar Borgia; behind him. On his arrival at the door, the King of France began the usual ceremonial, and when he had gone on from genuflexions to kissing the feet, the hand, and the forehead, he stood up, while the first president of the Parliament of Paris, in his turn stepping forward, said in a loud voice:
"Very Holy Father, behold153 my king ready to offer to your Holiness that oath of obedience that he owes to you; but in France it is customary that he who offers himself as vassal154 to his lord shall receive in exchange therefor such boons155 as he may demand. His Majesty, therefore, while he pledges himself for his own part to behave unto your Holiness with a munificence156 even greater than that wherewith your Holiness shall behave unto him, is here to beg urgently that you accord him three favours. These favours are: first, the confirmation157 of priveleges already granted to the king, to the queen his wife, and to the dauphin his son; secondly, the investiture, for himself and his successors, of the kingdom of Naples; lastly, the surrender to him of the person of the sultan D'jem, brother of the Turkish emperor."
At this address the pope was for a moment stupefied, for he did not expect these three demands, which were moreover made so publicly by Charles that no manner of refusal was possible. But quickly recovering his presence of mind, he replied to the king that he would willingly confirm the privileges that had been accorded to the house of France by his predecessors158; that he might therefore consider his first demand granted; that the investiture of the kingdom was an affair that required deliberation in a council of cardinals, but he would do all he possibly could to induce them to accede159 to the king's desire; lastly, he must defer160 the affair of the sultan's brother till a time more opportune161 for discussing it with the Sacred College, but would venture to say that, as this surrender could not fail to be for the good of Christendom, as it was demanded for the purpose of assuring further the success of a crusade, it would not be his fault if on this point also the king should not be satisfied.
At this reply, Charles bowed his head in sign of satisfaction, and the first president stood up, uncovered, and resumed his discourse162 as follows.
"Very Holy Father, it is an ancient custom among Christian kings, especially the Most Christian kings of France, to signify, through their ambassadors, the respect they feel for the Holy See and the sovereign pontiffs whom Divine Providence places thereon; but the Most Christian king, having felt a desire to visit the tombs of the holy apostles, has been pleased to pay this religious debt, which he regards as a sacred duty, not by ambassadors or by delegates, but in his own person. This is why, Very Holy Father, His Majesty the King of France is here to acknowledge you as the true vicar of Christ, the legitimate164 successor of the apostles St. Peter and St. Paul, and with promise and vow165 renders you that filial and respectful devotion which the kings his predecessors have been accustomed to promise and vow, devoting himself and all his strength to the service of your Holiness and the interests of the Holy See."
The pope arose with a joyful166 heart; for this oath, so publicly made, removed all his fears about a council; so inclined from this moment to yield to the King of France anything he might choose to ask, he took him by his left hand and made him a short and friendly reply, dubbing167 him the Church's eldest168 son. The ceremony over, they left the hall, the pope always holding the king's hand in his, and in this way they walked as far as the room where the sacred vestments are put off; the pope feigned169 a wish to conduct the king to his own apartments, but the king would not suffer this, and, embracing once more, they separated, each to retire to his own domicile.
The king remained eight days longer at the Vatican, then returned to the Palazzo San Marco. During these eight days all his demands were debated and settled to his satisfaction. The Bishop of Mans was made cardinal; the investiture of the kingdom of Naples was promised to the conqueror; lastly, it was agreed that on his departure the King of France should receive from the pope's hand the brother of the Emperor of Constantinople, for a sum of 120,000 livres. But—the pope, desiring to extend to the utmost the hospitality he had been bestowing170, invited D'jem to dinner on the very day that he was to leave Rome with his new protector.
When the moment of departure arrived, Charles mounted his horse in full armour, and with a numerous and brilliant following made his way to the Vatican; arrived at the door, he dismounted, and leaving his escort at the Piazza of St. Peter, went up with a few gentlemen only. He found His Holiness waiting for him, with Cardinal Valentino on his right, and on his left D'jem, who, as we said before, was dining with him, and round the table thirteen cardinals. The king at once, bending on his knee, demanded the pope's benediction171, and stooped to kiss his feet. But this Alexander would not suffer; he took him in his arms, and with the lips of a father and heart of an enemy, kissed him tenderly on his forehead. Then the pope introduced the son of Mahomet II, who was a fine young man, with something noble and regal in his air, presenting in his magnificent oriental costume a great contrast in its fashion and amplitude172 to the narrow, severe cut of the Christian apparel. D'jem advanced to Charles without humility and without pride, and, like an emperor's son treating with a king, kissed his hand and then his shoulder; then, turning towards the Holy Father, he said in Italian, which he spoke very well, that he entreated173 he would recommend him to the young king, who was prepared to take him under his protection, assuring the pontiff that he should never have to repent174 giving him his liberty, and telling Charles that he hoped he might some day be proud of him, if after taking Naples he carried out his intention of going on to Greece. These words were spoken with so much dignity and at the same time with such gentleness, that the King of France loyally and frankly175 grasped the young sultan's hand, as though he were his companion-in-arms. Then Charles took a final farewell of the pope, and went down to the piazza. There he was awaited by Cardinal Valentino, who was about to accompany him, as we know, as a hostage, and who had remained behind to exchange a few words with his father. In a moment Caesar Borgia appeared, riding on a splendidly harnessed mule176, and behind him were led six magnificent horses, a present from the Holy Father to the King of France. Charles at once mounted one of these, to do honour to the gift. The pope had just conferred on him, and leaving Rome with the rest of his troops, pursued his way towards Marino, where he arrived the same evening.
He learned there that Alfonso, belying177 his reputation as a clever politician and great general, had just embarked178 with all his treasures in a flotilla of four galleys179, leaving the care of the war and the management of his kingdom to his son Ferdinand. Thus everything went well for the triumphant180 march of Charles: the gates of towns opened of themselves at his approach, his enemies fled without waiting for his coming, and before he had fought a single battle he had won for himself the surname of Conqueror.
The day after at dawn the army started once more, and after marching the whole day, stopped in the evening at Velletri. There the king, who had been on horseback since the morning, with Cardinal Valentine and D'jem, left the former at his lodging181, and taking D'jem with him, went on to his own. Then Caesar Borgia, who among the army baggage had twenty very heavy waggons182 of his own, had one of these opened, took out a splendid cabinet with the silver necessary for his table, and gave orders for his supper to be prepared, as he had done the night before. Meanwhile, night had come on, and he shut himself up in a private chamber183, where, stripping off his cardinal's costume, he put on a groom's dress. Thanks to this disguise, he issued from the house that had been assigned for his accommodation without being recognised, traversed the streets, passed through the gates, and gained the open country. Nearly half a league outside the town, a servant awaited him with two swift horses. Caesar, who was an excellent rider, sprang to the saddle, and he and his companion at full gallop retraced184 the road to Rome, where they arrived at break of day. Caesar got down at the house of one Flores, auditor185 of the rota, where he procured186 a fresh horse and suitable clothes; then he flew at once to his mother, who gave a cry of joy when she saw him; for so silent and mysterious was the cardinal for all the world beside, and even for her, that he had not said a word of his early return to Rome. The cry of joy uttered by Rosa Vanozza when she beheld187 her son was far mare a cry of vengeance188 than of love. One evening, while everybody was at the rejoicings in the Vatican, when Charles VIII and Alexander VI were swearing a friendship which neither of them felt, and exchanging oaths that were broken beforehand, a messenger from Rosa Vanozza had arrived with a letter to Caesar, in which she begged him to come at once to her house in the Via delta189 Longara. Caesar questioned the messenger, but he only replied that he could tell him nothing, that he would learn all he cared to know from his mother's own lips. So, as soon as he was at liberty, Caesar, in layman's dress and wrapped in a large cloak, quitted the Vatican and made his way towards the church of Regina Coeli, in the neighbourhood of which, it will be remembered, was the house where the pope's mistress lived.
As he approached his mother's house, Caesar began to observe the signs of strange devastation190. The street was scattered191 with the wreck192 of furniture and strips of precious stuffs. As he arrived at the foot of the little flight of steps that led to the entrance gate, he saw that the windows were broken and the remains193 of torn curtains were fluttering in front of them. Not understanding what this disorder194 could mean, he rushed into the house and through several deserted195 and wrecked196 apartments. At last, seeing light in one of the rooms, he went in, and there found his mother sitting on the remains of a chest made of ebony all inlaid with ivory and silver. When she saw Caesar, she rose, pale and dishevelled, and pointing to the desolation around her, exclaimed:
"Look, Caesar; behold the work of your new friends."
"But what does it mean, mother?" asked the cardinal. "Whence comes all this disorder?"
"From the serpent," replied Rosa Vanozza, gnashing her teeth,—"from the serpent you have warmed in your bosom197. He has bitten me, fearing no doubt that his teeth would be broken on you."
"Who has done this?" cried Caesar. "Tell me, and, by Heaven, mother, he shall pay, and pay indeed!"
"Who?" replied Rosa. "King Charles VIII has done it, by the hands of his faithful allies, the Swiss. It was well known that Melchior was away, and that I was living alone with a few wretched servants; so they came and broke in the doors, as though they were taking Rome by storm, and while Cardinal Valentino was making holiday with their master, they pillaged198 his mother's house, loading her with insults and outrages199 which no Turks or Saracens could possibly have improved upon."
"Very good, very good, mother," said Caesar; "be calm; blood shall wash out disgrace. Consider a moment; what we have lost is nothing compared with what we might lose; and my father and I, you may be quite sure, will give you back more than they have stolen from you."
"I ask for no promises," cried Rosa; "I ask for revenge."
Having by these words reassured201 his mother, he took her to Lucrezia's palace, which in consequence of her marriage with Pesaro was unoccupied, and himself returned to the Vatican, giving orders that his mother's house should be refurnished more magnificently than before the disaster. These orders were punctually executed, and it was among her new luxurious202 surroundings, but with the same hatred203 in her heart, that Caesar on this occasion found his mother. This feeling prompted her cry of joy when she saw him once more.
The mother and son exchanged a very few words; then Caesar, mounting on horseback, went to the Vatican, whence as a hostage he had departed two days before. Alexander, who knew of the flight beforehand, and not only approved, but as sovereign pontiff had previously204 absolved205 his son of the perjury206 he was about to commit, received him joyfully207, but all the same advised him to lie concealed208, as Charles in all probability would not be slow to reclaim209 his hostage:
Indeed, the next day, when the king got up, the absence of Cardinal Valentino was observed, and as Charles was uneasy at not seeing him, he sent to inquire what had prevented his appearance. When the messenger arrived at the house that Caesar had left the evening before, he learned that he had gone out at nine o'clock in the evening and not returned since. He went back with this news to the king, who at once suspected that he had fled, and in the first flush of his anger let the whole army know of his perjury. The soldiers then remembered the twenty waggons, so heavily laden210, from one of which the cardinal, in the sight of all, had produced such magnificent gold and silver plate; and never doubting that the cargo211 of the others was equally precious, they fetched them down and broke them to pieces; but inside they found nothing but stones and sand, which proved to the king that the flight had been planned a long time back, and incensed212 him doubly against the pope. So without loss of time he despatched to Rome Philippe de Bresse, afterwards Duke of Savoy, with orders to intimate to the Holy Father his displeasure at this conduct. But the pope replied that he knew nothing whatever about his son's flight, and expressed the sincerest regret to His Majesty, declaring that he knew nothing of his whereabouts, but was certain that he was not in Rome. As a fact, the pope was speaking the truth this time, for Caesar had gone with Cardinal Orsino to one of his estates, and was temporarily in hiding there. This reply was conveyed to Charles by two messengers from the pope, the Bishops of Nepi and of Sutri, and the people also sent an ambassador in their own behalf. He was Monsignore Porcari, dean of the rota, who was charged to communicate to the king the displeasure of the Romans when they learned of the cardinal's breach213 of faith. Little as Charles was disposed to content himself with empty words, he had to turn his attention to mare serious affairs; so he continued his march to Naples without stopping, arriving there on Sunday, the 22nd of February, 1495.
Four days later, the unlucky D'jem, who had fallen sick at Capua died at Castel Nuovo. When he was leaving, at the farewell banquet, Alexander had tried on his guest the poison he intended to use so often later on upon his cardinals, and whose effects he was destined214 to feel himself,—such is poetical215 justice. In this way the pope had secured a double haul; for, in his twofold speculation216 in this wretched young man, he had sold him alive to Charles for 120,000 livres and sold him dead to Bajazet for 300,00 ducats....
But there was a certain delay about the second payment; for the Turkish emperor, as we remember, was not bound to pay the price of fratricide till he received the corpse217, and by Charles's order the corpse had been buried at Gaeta.
When Caesar Borgia learned the news, he rightly supposed that the king would be so busy settling himself in his new capital that he would have too much to think of to be worrying about him; so he went to Rome again, and, anxious to keep his promise to his mother, he signalised his return by a terrible vengeance.
Cardinal Valentino had in his service a certain Spaniard whom he had made the chief of his bravoes; he was a man of five-and-thirty or forty, whose whole life had been one long rebellion against society's laws; he recoiled218 from no action, provided only he could get his price. This Don Michele Correglia, who earned his celebrity219 for bloody220 deeds under the name of Michelotto, was just the man Caesar wanted; and whereas Michelotto felt an unbounded admiration221 for Caesar, Caesar had unlimited222 confidence in Michelotto. It was to him the cardinal entrusted223 the execution of one part of his vengeance; the other he kept for himself.
Don Michele received orders to scour163 the Campagna and cut every French throat he could find. He began his work at once; and very few days elapsed before he had obtained most satisfactory results: more than a hundred persons were robbed or assassinated224, and among the last the son of Cardinal de St. Malo, who was en his way back to France, and on whom Michelotto found a sum of 3000 crowns.
For himself, Caesar reserved the Swiss; for it was the Swiss in particular who had despoiled225 his mother's house. The pope had in his service about a hundred and fifty soldiers belonging to their nation, who had settled their families in Rome, and had grown rich partly by their pay and partly in the exercise of various industries. The cardinal had every one of them dismissed, with orders to quit Rome within twenty-four hours and the Roman territories within three days. The poor wretches226 had all collected together to obey the order, with their wives and children and baggage, on the Piazza of St. Peter, when suddenly, by Cardinal Valentino's orders, they were hemmed227 in on all sides by two thousand Spaniards, who began to fire on them with their guns and charge them with their sabres, while Caesar and his mother looked down upon the carnage from a window. In this way they killed fifty or perhaps sixty; but the rest coming up, made a charge at the assassins, and then, without suffering any loss, managed to beat a retreat to a house, where they stood a siege, and made so valiant228 a defense229 that they gave the pope time—he knew nothing of the author of this butchery—to send the captain of his guard to the rescue, who, with a strong detachment, succeeded in getting nearly forty of them safely out of the town: the rest had been massacred on the piazza or killed in the house.
But this was no real and adequate revenge; for it did not touch Charles himself, the sole author of all the troubles that the pope and his family had experienced during the last year. So Caesar soon abandoned vulgar schemes of this kind and busied himself with loftier concerns, bending all the force of his genius to restore the league of Italian princes that had been broken by the defection of Sforza, the exile of Piero dei Medici, and the defeat of Alfonso. The enterprise was more easily accomplished230 than the pope could have anticipated. The Venetians were very uneasy when Charles passed so near, and they trembled lest, when he was once master of Naples, he might conceive the idea of conquering the rest of Italy. Ludovico Sforza, on his side, was beginning to tremble, seeing the rapidity with which the King of France had dethroned the house of Aragon, lest he might not make much difference between his allies and his enemies. Maximilian, for his part, was only seeking an occasion to break the temporary peace which he had granted for the sake of the concession made to him. Lastly, Ferdinand and Isabella were allies of the dethroned house. And so it came about that all of them, for different reasons, felt a common fear, and were soon in agreement as to the necessity of driving out Charles VIII, not only from Naples, but from Italy, and pledged themselves to work together to this end, by every means in their power, by negotiations, by trickery, or by actual force. The Florentines alone refused to take part in this general levy231 of arms, and remained faithful to their promises.
According to the articles of the treaty agreed upon by the confederates, the alliance was to last for five-and-twenty years, and had for ostensible object the upholding of the majority of the pope, and the interests of Christendom; and these preparations might well have been taken for such as would precede a crusade against the Turks, if Bajazet's ambassador had not always been present at the deliberations, although the Christian princes could not have dared for very shame to admit the, sultan by name into their league. Now the confederates had to set on foot an army of 30,000 horse and 20,000 infantry, and each of them was taxed for a contingent232; thus the pope was to furnish 4000 horse, Maximilian 6000, the King of Spain, the Duke of Milan, and the republic of Venice, 8000 each. Every confederate was, in addition to this, to levy and equip 4000 infantry in the six weeks following the signature of the treaty. The fleets were to be equipped by the Maritime233 States; but any expenses they should incur234 later on were to be defrayed by all in equal shares.
The formation of this league was made public on the 12th of April, 1495, Palm Sunday, and in all the Italian States, especially at Rome, was made the occasion of fetes and immense rejoicings. Almost as soon as the publicly known articles were announced the secret ones were put into execution. These obliged Ferdinand and Isabella to send a fleet of sixty galleys to Ischia, where Alfonso's son had retired, with six hundred horsemen on board and five thousand infantry, to help him to ascend235 the throne once more. Those troops were to be put under the command of Gonzalvo of Cordova, who had gained the reputation of the greatest general in Europe after the taking of Granada. The Venetians with a fleet of forty galleys under the command of Antonio Grimani, were to attack all the French stations on the coast of Calabria and Naples. The Duke of Milan promised for his part to check all reinforcements as they should arrive from France, and to drive the Duke of Orleans out of Asti.
Lastly, there was Maximilian, who had promised to make invasions on the frontiers, and Bajazet, who was to help with money, ships, and soldiers either the Venetians or the Spaniards, according as he might be appealed to by Barberigo or by Ferdinand the Catholic.
This league was all the more disconcerting for Charles, because of the speedy abatement236 of the enthusiasm that had hailed his first appearance. What had happened to him was what generally happens to a conqueror who has more good luck than talent; instead of making himself a party among the great Neapolitan and Calabrian vassals237, whose roots would be embedded238 in the very soil, by confirming their privileges and augmenting239 their power, he had wounded their feelings by bestowing all the titles, offices, and fiefs on those alone who had followed him from France, so that all the important positions in the kingdom were filled by strangers.
The result was that just when the league was made known, Tropea and Amantea, which had been presented by Charles to the Seigneur de Precy, rose in revolt and hoisted240 the banner of Aragon; and the Spanish fleet had only to present itself at Reggio, in Calabria, for the town to throw open its gates, being more discontented with the new rule than the old; and Don Federiga, Alfonso's brother and Ferdinand's uncle, who had hitherto never quitted Brindisi, had only to appear at Tarentum to be received there as a liberator241.
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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lighting
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| n.照明，光线的明暗，舞台灯光 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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chivalrous
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| adj.武士精神的；对女人彬彬有礼的 | |
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savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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conqueror
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| n.征服者，胜利者 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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concessions
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| n.（尤指由政府或雇主给予的）特许权( concession的名词复数 )；承认；减价；（在某地的）特许经营权 | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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incognito
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| adv.匿名地；n.隐姓埋名；adj.化装的，用假名的，隐匿姓名身份的 | |
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largo
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| n.广板乐章；adj.缓慢的，宽广的；adv.缓慢地，宽广地 | |
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piazza
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| n.广场；走廊 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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gendarmes
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| n.宪兵，警官( gendarme的名词复数 ) | |
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gendarme
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| n.宪兵 | |
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intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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murmur
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| n.低语，低声的怨言；v.低语，低声而言 | |
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promptly
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| adv.及时地，敏捷地 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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cape
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| n.海角，岬；披肩，短披风 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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45
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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46
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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47
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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48
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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49
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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50
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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51
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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52
gilded
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| a.镀金的，富有的 | |
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53
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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54
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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55
negotiation
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| n.谈判，协商 | |
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56
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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57
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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58
ratifying
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| v.批准，签认（合约等）( ratify的现在分词 ) | |
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59
banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
ultimatum
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| n.最后通牒 | |
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61
consternation
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| n.大为吃惊，惊骇 | |
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62
overflowing
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| n. 溢出物,溢流 adj. 充沛的，充满的 动词overflow的现在分词形式 | |
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63
muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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64
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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65
trumpets
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|
| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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66
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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67
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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68
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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69
abate
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| vi.(风势，疼痛等)减弱，减轻，减退 | |
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70
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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71
subsidy
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| n.补助金，津贴 | |
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72
arbitration
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| n.调停，仲裁 | |
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73
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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74
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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75
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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76
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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77
succumbed
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|
| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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78
juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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79
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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80
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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81
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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82
providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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83
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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84
mightiness
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| n.强大 | |
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85
apprised
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| v.告知，通知( apprise的过去式和过去分词 )；评价 | |
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86
convalescence
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| n.病后康复期 | |
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87
conducive
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|
| adj.有益的，有助的 | |
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88
advantageous
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|
| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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89
favourably
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| adv. 善意地，赞成地 =favorably | |
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90
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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91
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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92
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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93
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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94
annuity
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| n.年金；养老金 | |
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95
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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96
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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97
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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98
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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99
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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100
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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101
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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102
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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103
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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104
cardinalship
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| 红衣主教之职位或任期 | |
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105
depose
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| vt.免职；宣誓作证 | |
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106
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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107
mare
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| n.母马，母驴 | |
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108
expeditious
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| adj.迅速的，敏捷的 | |
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109
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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110
ashen
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| adj.灰的 | |
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111
spikes
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| n.穗( spike的名词复数 )；跑鞋；（防滑）鞋钉；尖状物v.加烈酒于( spike的第三人称单数 )；偷偷地给某人的饮料加入（更多）酒精（ 或药物）；把尖状物钉入；打乱某人的计划 | |
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112
spike
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| n.长钉，钉鞋；v.以大钉钉牢，使...失效 | |
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113
axe
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| n.斧子；v.用斧头砍，削减 | |
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114
surmounted
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| 战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 )； 克服（困难）； 居于…之上； 在…顶上 | |
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115
battalion
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| n.营；部队；大队(的人) | |
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116
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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117
spines
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| n.脊柱( spine的名词复数 )；脊椎；（动植物的）刺；书脊 | |
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118
porcupine
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| n.豪猪， 箭猪 | |
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119
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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120
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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121
archers
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| n.弓箭手，射箭运动员( archer的名词复数 ) | |
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122
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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123
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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124
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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125
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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126
grooved
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| v.沟( groove的过去式和过去分词 )；槽；老一套；（某种）音乐节奏 | |
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127
knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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128
armour
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| （=armor）n.盔甲；装甲部队 | |
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129
lateral
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| adj.侧面的，旁边的 | |
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130
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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131
fray
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| v.争吵；打斗；磨损，磨破；n.吵架；打斗 | |
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132
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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133
followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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134
gallop
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| v./n.(马或骑马等)飞奔；飞速发展 | |
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135
foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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136
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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137
cannons
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| n.加农炮，大炮，火炮( cannon的名词复数 ) | |
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138
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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139
plaza
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| n.广场，市场 | |
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140
dispersed
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|
| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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141
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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142
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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143
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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144
goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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145
demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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146
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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147
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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148
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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149
masonry
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| n.砖土建筑；砖石 | |
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150
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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151
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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152
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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153
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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154
vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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155
boons
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| n.恩惠( boon的名词复数 )；福利；非常有用的东西；益处 | |
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156
munificence
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| n.宽宏大量，慷慨给与 | |
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157
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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158
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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159
accede
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| v.应允，同意 | |
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160
defer
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| vt.推迟，拖延；vi.(to)遵从，听从，服从 | |
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161
opportune
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| adj.合适的，适当的 | |
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162
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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163
scour
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| v.搜索；擦，洗，腹泻，冲刷 | |
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164
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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165
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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166
joyful
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| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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167
dubbing
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| n.配音v.给…起绰号( dub的现在分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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168
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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169
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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170
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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171
benediction
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| n.祝福；恩赐 | |
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172
amplitude
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| n.广大；充足；振幅 | |
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173
entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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174
repent
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| v.悔悟，悔改，忏悔，后悔 | |
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175
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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176
mule
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| n.骡子，杂种，执拗的人 | |
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177
belying
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| v.掩饰，与…不符，使…失望；掩饰( belie的现在分词 )；证明（或显示）…为虚假；辜负；就…扯谎 | |
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178
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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179
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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180
triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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181
lodging
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| n.寄宿，住所；(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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182
waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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183
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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184
retraced
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| v.折回( retrace的过去式和过去分词 )；回忆；回顾；追溯 | |
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185
auditor
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| n.审计员，旁听着 | |
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186
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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187
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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188
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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189
delta
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| n.（流的）角洲 | |
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190
devastation
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| n.毁坏；荒废；极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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191
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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192
wreck
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| n.失事，遇难；沉船；vt.(船等)失事，遇难 | |
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193
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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194
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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195
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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196
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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197
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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198
pillaged
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| v.抢劫，掠夺( pillage的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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199
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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200
avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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201
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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202
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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203
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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204
previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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205
absolved
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| 宣告…无罪，赦免…的罪行，宽恕…的罪行( absolve的过去式和过去分词 )； 不受责难，免除责任 [义务] ,开脱（罪责） | |
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206
perjury
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| n.伪证；伪证罪 | |
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207
joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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208
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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209
reclaim
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| v.要求归还，收回；开垦 | |
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210
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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211
cargo
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| n.(一只船或一架飞机运载的)货物 | |
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212
incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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213
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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214
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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215
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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216
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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217
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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218
recoiled
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| v.畏缩( recoil的过去式和过去分词 )；退缩；报应；返回 | |
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219
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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220
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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221
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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222
unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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223
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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224
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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225
despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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226
wretches
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| n.不幸的人( wretch的名词复数 )；可怜的人；恶棍；坏蛋 | |
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227
hemmed
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| 缝…的褶边( hem的过去式和过去分词 )； 包围 | |
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228
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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229
defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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230
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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231
levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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232
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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233
maritime
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| adj.海的，海事的，航海的，近海的，沿海的 | |
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234
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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235
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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236
abatement
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| n.减(免)税，打折扣，冲销 | |
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237
vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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238
embedded
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| a.扎牢的 | |
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239
augmenting
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| 使扩张 | |
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240
hoisted
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| 把…吊起，升起( hoist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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241
liberator
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| 解放者 | |
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