Nevertheless, whatever were the hopes of one party or the fears of the other, nothing had as yet occurred to disturb the prevailing15 tranquillity16, when, on the 19th and 20th of July, 1789, a body of troops was formed in the capital of La Gard which was to bear the name of the Nimes Militia17: the resolution which authorised this act was passed by the citizens of the three orders sitting in the hall of the palace.
It was as follows:—
"Article 10. The Nimes Legion shall consist of a colonel, a lieutenant18-colonel, a major, a lieutenant-major, an adjutant, twenty-four captains, twenty-four lieutenants19, seventy-two sergeants20, seventy-two corporals, and eleven hundred and fifty-two privates—in all, thirteen hundred and forty-nine men, forming eighty companies.
"Article 11. The place of general assembly shall be, the Esplanade.
"Article 12. The eighty companies shall be attached to the four quarters of the town mentioned below—viz., place de l'Hotel-de-Ville, place de la Maison-Carree, place Saint-Jean, and place du Chateau22.
"Article 13. The companies as they are formed by the permanent council shall each choose its own captain, lieutenant, sergeants and corporals, and from the date of his nomination23 the captain shall have a seat on the permanent council."
The Nimes Militia was deliberately24 formed upon certain lines which brought Catholics and Protestants closely together as allies, with weapons in their hands; but they stood over a mine which was bound to explode some day, as the slightest friction25 between the two parties would produce a spark.
This state of concealed26 enmity lasted for nearly a year, being augmented27 by political antipathies28; for the Protestants almost to man were Republicans, and the Catholics Royalists.
In the interval—that is to say, towards January, 1790—a Catholic called Francois Froment was entrusted29 by the Marquis de Foucault with the task of raising, organising, and commanding a Royalist party in the South. This we learn from one of his own letters to the marquis, which was printed in Paris in 1817. He describes his mode of action in the following words:—
It is not difficult to understand that being faithful to my religion and my king, and shocked at the seditious ideas which were disseminated30 on all sides, I should try to inspire others with the same spirit with which I myself was animated31, so, during the year 1789, I published several articles in which I exposed the dangers which threatened altar and throne. Struck with the justice of my criticisms, my countrymen displayed the most zealous32 ardor34 in their efforts to restore to the king the full exercise of all his rights. Being anxious to take advantage of this favourable35 state of feeling, and thinking that it would be dangerous to hold communication with the ministers of Louis XVI, who were watched by the conspirators36, I went secretly to Turin to solicit37 the approbation38 and support of the French princes there. At a consultation39 which was held just after my arrival, I showed them that if they would arm not only the partisans40 of the throne, but those of the altar, and advance the interests of religion while advancing the interests of royalty41, it would be easy to save both.
"My plan had for sole object to bind42 a party together, and give it as far as I was able breadth and stability.
"As the revolutionists placed their chief dependence43 on force, I felt that they could only be met by force; for then as now I was convinced of this great truth, that one strong passion can only be overcome by another stronger, and that therefore republican fanaticism44 could only be driven out by religious zeal33.
"The princes being convinced of the correctness of my reasoning and the efficacy of my remedies, promised me the arms and supplies necessary to stem the tide of faction45, and the Comte d'Artois gave me letters of recommendation to the chief nobles in Upper Languedoc, that I might concert measures with them; for the nobles in that part of the country had assembled at Toulouse to deliberate on the best way of inducing the other Orders to unite in restoring to the Catholic religion its useful influence, to the laws their power, and to the king his liberty and authority.
"On my return to Languedoc, I went from town to town in order to meet those gentlemen to whom the Comte d'Artois had written, among whom were many of the most influential46 Royalists and some members of the States of Parliament. Having decided47 on a general plan, and agreed on a method of carrying on secret correspondence with each other, I went to Nimes to wait for the assistance which I had been promised from Turin, but which I never received. While waiting, I devoted48 myself to awakening49 and sustaining the zeal of the inhabitants, who at my suggestion, on the 20th April, passed a resolution, which was signed by 5,000 inhabitants."
This resolution, which was at once a religious and political manifesto50, was drafted by Viala, M. Froment's secretary, and it lay for signature in his office. Many of the Catholics signed it without even reading it, for there was a short paragraph prefixed to the document which contained all the information they seemed to desire.
"GENTLEMEN,—The aspirations52 of a great number of our Catholic and patriotic53 fellow-citizens are expressed in the resolution which we have the honour of laying before you. They felt that under present circumstances such a resolution was necessary, and they feel convinced that if you give it your support, as they do not doubt you will, knowing your patriotism55, your religious zeal, and your love for our august sovereign, it will conduce to the happiness of France, the maintenance of the true religion, and the rightful authority of the king.
"We are, gentlemen, with respect, your very humble57 and obedient servants, the President and Commissioners58 of the Catholic Assembly of Nimes.
"(Signed):
"FROMENT, Commissioner59
LAPIERRE, President
FOLACHER, "
LEVELUT, Commissioner
FAURE,
MELCHIOND, "
ROBIN, "
VIGNE, " "
At the same time a number of pamphlets, entitled Pierre Roman to the Catholics of Nines, were distributed to the people in the streets, containing among other attacks on the Protestants the following passages:
"If the door to high positions and civil and military honours were closed to the Protestants, and a powerful tribunal established at Nimes to see that this rule were strictly60 kept, you would soon see Protestantism disappear.
"The Protestants demand to share all the privileges which you enjoy, but if you grant them this, their one thought will then be to dispossess you entirely62, and they will soon succeed.
"Like ungrateful vipers63, who in a torpid64 state were harmless, they will when warmed by your benefits turn and kill you.
"They are your born enemies: your fathers only escaped as by a miracle from their blood-stained hands. Have you not often heard of the cruelties practised on them? It was a slight thing when the Protestants inflicted65 death alone, unaccompanied by the most horrible tortures. Such as they were such they are."
It may easily be imagined that such attacks soon embittered66 minds already disposed to find new causes for the old hatred67, and besides the Catholics did not long confine themselves to resolutions and pamphlets. Froment, who had already got himself appointed Receiver-General of the Chapter and captain of one of the Catholic companies, insisted on being present at the installation of the Town Council, and brought his company with him armed with pitchforks, in spite of the express prohibition68 of the colonel of the legion. These forks were terrible weapons, and had been fabricated in a particular form for the Catholics of Nimes, Uzes, and Alais. But Froment and his company paid no attention to the prohibition, and this disobedience made a great impression on the Protestants, who began to divine the hostility70 of their adversaries71, and it is very possible that if the new Town Council had not shut their eyes to this act of insubordination, civil war might have burst forth72 in Nimes that very day.
The next day, at roll-call, a sergeant21 of another company, one Allien, a cooper by trade, taunted73 one of the men with having carried a pitchfork the day before, in disobedience to orders. He replied that the mayor had permitted him to carry it; Allien not believing this, proposed to some of the men to go with him to the mayor's and ask if it were true. When they saw M. Marguerite, he said that he had permitted nothing of the kind, and sent the delinquent74 to prison. Half an hour later, however, he gave orders for his release.
As soon as he was free he set off to find his comrades, and told them what had occurred: they, considering that an insult to one was an insult to the whole company, determined75 on having satisfaction at once, so about eleven o'clock P.M. they went to the cooper's house, carrying with them a gallows76 and ropes ready greased. But quietly as they approached, Allien heard them, for his door being bolted from within had to be forced. Looking out of the window, he saw a great crowd, and as he suspected that his life was in danger, he got out of a back window into the yard and so escaped. The militia being thus disappointed, wreaked77 their vengeance78 on some passing Protestants, whose unlucky stars had led them that way; these they knocked about, and even stabbed one of them three times with a knife.
On the 22nd April, 1790, the royalists—that is to say, the Catholics—assumed the white cockade, although it was no longer the national emblem79, and on the 1st May some of the militia who had planted a maypole at the mayor's door were invited to lunch with him. On the 2nd, the company which was on guard at the mayor's official residence shouted several times during the day, "Long live the king! Up with the Cross and down with the black throats!" (This was the name which they had given to the Calvinists.) "Three cheers for the white cockade! Before we are done, it will be red with the blood of the Protestants!" However, on the 5th of May they ceased to wear it, replacing it by a scarlet80 tuft, which in their patois81 they called the red pouf, which was immediately adopted as the Catholic emblem.
Each day as it passed brought forth fresh brawls82 and provocations83: libels were invented by the Capuchins, and spread abroad by three of their number. Meetings were held every day, and at last became so numerous that the town authorities called in the aid of the militia-dragoons to disperse84 them. Now these gatherings85 consisted chiefly of those tillers of the soil who are called cebets, from a Provencal word cebe, which means "onion," and they could easily be recognised as Catholics by their red pouf, which they wore both in and out of uniform. On the other hand, the dragoons were all Protestants.
However, these latter were so very gentle in their admonitions, that although the two parties found themselves, so to speak, constantly face to face and armed, for several days the meetings were dispersed86 without bloodshed. But this was exactly what the cebets did not want, so they began to insult the dragoons and turn them into ridicule87. Consequently, one morning they gathered together in great numbers, mounted on asses88, and with drawn89 swords began to patrol the city.
At the same time, the lower classes, who were nearly all Catholics, joined the burlesque90 patrols in complaining loudly of the dragoons, some saying that their horses had trampled91 on their children, and others that they had frightened their wives.
The Protestants contradicted them, both parties grew angry, swords were half drawn, when the municipal authorities came on the scene, and instead of apprehending92 the ringleaders, forbade the dragoons to patrol the town any more, ordering them in future to do nothing more than send twenty men every day to mount guard at the episcopal palace and to undertake no other duty except at the express request of the Town Council. Although it was expected that the dragoons would revolt against such a humiliation93, they submitted, which was a great disappointment to the cebets, who had been longing94 for a chance to indulge in new outrages95. For all that, the Catholics did not consider themselves beaten; they felt sure of being able to find some other way of driving their quarry96 to bay.
Sunday, the 13th of June, arrived. This day had been selected by the Catholics for a great demonstration97. Towards ten o'clock in the morning, some companies wearing the red tuft, under pretext98 of going to mass, marched through the city armed and uttering threats. The few dragoons, on the other hand, who were on guard at the palace, had not even a sentinel posted, and had only five muskets99 in the guard-house. At two o'clock P.M. there was a meeting held in the Jacobin church, consisting almost exclusively of militia wearing the red tuft. The mayor pronounced a panegyric101 on those who wore it, and was followed by Pierre Froment, who explained his mission in much the same words as those quoted above. He then ordered a cask of wine to be broached102 and distributed among the cebets, and told them to walk about the streets in threes, and to disarm103 all the dragoons whom they might meet away from their post. About six o'clock in the evening a red-tuft volunteer presented himself at the gate of the palace, and ordered the porter to sweep the courtyard, saying that the volunteers were going to get up a ball for the dragoons. After this piece of bravado104 he went away, and in a few moments a note arrived, couched in the following terms:
"The bishop's porter is warned to let no dragoon on horse or on foot enter or leave the palace this evening, on pain of death.
"13th June 1790."
This note being brought to the lieutenant, he came out, and reminded the volunteer that nobody but the town authorities could give orders to the servants at the palace. The volunteer gave an insolent105 answer, the lieutenant advised him to go away quietly, threatening if he did not to put him out by force. This altercation106 attracted a great many of the red-tufts from outside, while the dragoons, hearing the noise, came down into the yard; the quarrel became more lively, stones were thrown, the call to arms was heard, and in a few moments about forty cebets, who were prowling around in the neighbourhood of the palace, rushed into the yard carrying guns and swords. The lieutenant, who had only about a dozen dragoons at his back, ordered the bugle107 to sound, to recall those who had gone out; the volunteers threw themselves upon the bugler108, dragged his instrument from his hands, and broke it to pieces. Then several shots were fired by the militia, the dragoons returned them, and a regular battle began. The lieutenant soon saw that this was no mere109 street row, but a deliberate rising planned beforehand, and realising that very serious consequences were likely to ensue, he sent a dragoon to the town hall by a back way to give notice to the authorities.
M de Saint-Pons, major of the Nimes legion, hearing some noise outside, opened his window, and found the whole city in a tumult110: people were running in every direction, and shouting as they ran that the dragoons were being killed at the palace. The major rushed out into the streets at once, gathered together a dozen to fifteen patriotic citizens without weapons, and hurried to the town hall: There he found two officials of the town, and begged them to go at once to the place de l'Eveche, escorted by the first company, which was on guard at the town hall. They agreed, and set off. On the way several shots were fired at them, but no one was hit. When they arrived at the square, the cebets fired a volley at them with the same negative result. Up the three principal streets which led to the palace numerous red-tufts were hurrying; the first company took possession of the ends of the streets, and being fired at returned the fire, repulsing111 the assailants and clearing the square, with the loss of one of their men, while several of the retreating cebets were wounded.
While this struggle was going on at the palace, the spirit of murder broke loose in the town.
At the gate of the Madeleine, M. de Jalabert's house was broken into by the red-tufts; the unfortunate old man came out to meet them and asked what they wanted. "Your life and the lives of all the other dogs of Protestants!" was the reply. Whereupon he was seized and dragged through the streets, fifteen insurgents112 hacking113 at him with their swords.
At last he managed to escape from their hands, but died two days later of his wounds.
Another old man named Astruc, who was bowed beneath the weight of seventy-two years and whose white hair covered his shoulders, was met as he was on his way to the gate of Carmes. Being recognised as a Protestant, he received five wounds from some of the famous pitchforks belonging to the company of Froment. He fell, but the assassins picked him up, and throwing him into the moat, amused themselves by flinging stones at him, till one of them, with more humanity than his fellows, put a bullet through his head.
Three electors—M. Massador from near Beaucaire, M. Vialla from the canton of Lasalle, and M. Puech of the same place-were attacked by red-tufts on their way home, and all three seriously wounded. The captain who had been in command of the detachment on guard at the Electoral Assembly was returning to his quarters, accompanied by a sergeant and three volunteers of his own company, when they were stopped on the Petit-Cours by Froment, commonly called Damblay, who, pressing the barrel of a pistol to the captain's breast, said, "Stand, you rascal114, and give up your arms." At the same time the red-tufts, seizing the captain from behind by the hair, pulled him down. Froment fired his pistol, but missed. As he fell the captain drew his sword, but it was torn from his hands, and he received a cut from Froment's sword. Upon this the captain made a great effort, and getting one of his arms free, drew a pistol from his pocket, drove back his assassins, fired at Froment, and missed him. One of the men by his side was wounded and disarmed115.
A patrol of the regiment116 of Guienne, attached to which was M. Boudon, a dragoon officer, was passing the Calquieres. M. Boudon was attacked by a band of red-tufts and his casque and his musket100 carried off. Several shots were fired at him, but none of them hit him; the patrol surrounded him to save him, but as he had received two bayonet wounds, he desired revenge, and, breaking through his protectors, darted117 forward to regain possession of his musket, and was killed in a moment. One of his fingers was cut off to get at a diamond ring which he wore, his pockets were rifled of his purse and watch, and his body was thrown into the moat.
Meantime the place-des-Recollets, the Cours, the place-des-Carmes, the Grand-Rue56, and rue de Notre Dame-de-l'Esplanade were filled with men armed with guns, pitchforks, and swords. They had all come from Froment's house, which overlooked that part of Nimes called Les Calquieres, and the entrance to which was on the ramparts near the Dominican Towers. The three leaders of the insurrection—Froment. Folacher, and Descombiez—took possession of these towers, which formed a part of the old castle; from this position the Catholics could sweep the entire quay118 of Les Calquieres and the steps of the Salle de Spectacle with their guns, and if it should turn out that the insurrection they had excited did not attain119 the dimensions they expected nor gain such enthusiastic adherents120, it would be quite feasible for them to defend themselves in such a position until relief came.
These arrangements were either the result of long meditation121 or were the inspiration of some clever strategist. The fact is that everything leads one to believe that it was a plan which had been formed with great care, for the rapidity with which all the approaches to the fortress122 were lined with a double row of militiamen all wearing the red tuft, the care which was taken to place the most eager next the barracks in which the park of artillery123 was stationed, and lastly, the manner in which the approach to the citadel124 was barred by an entire company (this being the only place where the patriots125 could procure126 arms), combine to prove that this plan was the result of much forethought; for, while it appeared to be only defensive127, it enabled the insurrectionists to attack without much, danger; it caused others to believe that they had been first attacked. It was successfully carried out before the citizens were armed, and until then only a part of the foot guard and the twelve dragoons at the palace had offered any resistance to the conspirators.
The red flag round which, in case of civil war, all good citizens were expected to gather, and which was kept at the town hall, and which should have been brought out at the first shot, was now loudly called for. The Abbe de Belmont, a canon, vicar-general, and municipal official, was persuaded, almost forced, to become standard-bearer, as being the most likely on account of his ecclesiastical position to awe129 rebels who had taken up arms in the name of religion. The abbe himself gives the following account of the manner in which he fulfilled this mandate130:
"About seven o'clock in the evening I was engaged with MM. Porthier and Ferrand in auditing131 accounts, when we heard a noise in the court, and going out on the lobby, we saw several dragoons coming upstairs, amongst whom was M. Paris. They told us that fighting was going on in the place de-l'Eveche, because some one or other had brought a note to the porter ordering him to admit no more dragoons to the palace on pain of death. At this point I interrupted their story by asking why the gates had not been closed and the bearer of the letter arrested, but they replied to me that it had not been possible; thereupon MM. Ferrand and Ponthier put on their scarfs and went out.
"A few instants later several dragoons, amongst whom I recognised none but MM. Lezan du Pontet, Paris junior, and Boudon, accompanied by a great number of the militia, entered, demanding that the red flag should be brought out. They tried to open the door of the council hall, and finding it locked, they called upon me for the key. I asked that one of the attendants should be sent for, but they were all out; then I went to the hall-porter to see if he knew where the key was. He said M. Berding had taken it. Meanwhile, just as the volunteers were about to force an entrance, someone ran up with the key. The door was opened, and the red flag seized and forced into my hands. I was then dragged down into the courtyard, and from thence to the square.
"It was all in vain to tell them that they ought first to get authority, and to represent to them that I was no suitable standard-bearer on account of my profession; but they would not listen to any objection, saying that my life depended upon my obedience69, and that my profession would overawe the disturbers of the public peace. So I went on, followed by a detachment of the Guienne regiment, part of the first company of the legion, and several dragoons; a young man with fixed51 bayonet kept always at my side. Rage was depicted132 on the faces of all those who accompanied me, and they indulged in oaths and threats, to which I paid no attention.
"In passing through the rue des Greffes they complained that I did not carry the red flag high enough nor unfurl it fully128. When we got to the guardhouse at the Crown Gate, the guard turned out, and the officer was commanded to follow us with his men. He replied that he could not do that without a written order from a member of the Town Council. Thereupon those around me told me I must write such an order, but I asked for a pen and ink; everybody was furious because I had none with me. So offensive were the remarks indulged in by the volunteers and some soldiers of the Guienne regiment, and so threatening their gestures, that I grew alarmed. I was hustled133 and even received several blows; but at length M. de Boudon brought me paper and a pen, and I wrote:—'I require the troops to assist us to maintain order by force if necessary.' Upon this, the officer consented to accompany us. We had hardly taken half a dozen steps when they all began to ask what had become of the order I had just written, for it could not be found. They surrounded me, saying that I had not written it at all, and I was on the point of being trampled underfoot, when a militiaman found it all crumpled134 up in his pocket. The threats grew louder, and once more it was because I did not carry the flag high enough, everyone insisting that I was quite tall enough to display it to better advantage.
"However, at this point the militiamen with the red tufts made their appearance, a few armed with muskets but the greater number with swords; shots were exchanged, and the soldiers of the line and the National Guard arranged themselves in battle order, in a kind of recess135, and desired me to go forward alone, which I refused to do, because I should have been between two fires.
"Upon this, curses, threats, and blows reached their height. I was dragged out before the troops and struck with the butt136 ends of their muskets and the flat of their swords until I advanced. One blow that I received between the shoulders filled my mouth with blood.
"All this time those of the opposite party were coming nearer, and those with whom I was continued to yell at me to go on. I went on until I met them. I besought137 them to retire, even throwing myself at their feet. But all persuasion138 was in vain; they swept me along with them, making me enter by the Carmelite Gate, where they took the flag from me and allowed me to enter the house of a woman whose name I have never known. I was spitting such a quantity of blood that she took pity on me and brought me everything she could think of as likely to do me good, and as soon as I was a little revived I asked to be shown the way to M. Ponthier's."
While Abbe de Belmont was carrying the red flag the militia forced the Town Councillors to proclaim martial139 law. This had just been done when word was brought that the first red flag had been carried off, so M. Ferrand de Missol got out another, and, followed by a considerable escort, took the same road as his colleague, Abbe de Belmont. When he arrived at the Calquieres, the red-tufts, who still adorned140 the ramparts and towers, began to fire upon the procession, and one of the militia was disabled; the escort retreated, but M. Ferrand advanced alone to the Carmelite Gate, like M. de Belmont, and like him, he too, was taken prisoner.
He was brought to the tower, where he found Froment in a fury, declaring that the Council had not kept its promise, having sent no relief, and having delayed to give up the citadel to him.
The escort, however, had only retreated in order to seek help; they rushed tumultuously to the barracks, and finding the regiment of Guienne drawn up in marching order in command of Lieutenant-Colonel Bonne, they asked him to follow them, but he refused without a written order from a Town Councillor. Upon this an old corporal shouted, "Brave soldiers of Guienne! the country is in danger, let us not delay to do our duty." "Yes, yes," cried the soldiers; "let us march" The lieutenant colonel no longer daring to resist, gave the word of command, and they set off for the Esplanade.
As they came near the rampart with drums beating, the firing ceased, but as night was coming on the new-comers did not dare to risk attacking, and moreover the silence of the guns led them to think that the rebels had given up their enterprise. Having remained an hour in the square, the troops returned to their quarters, and the patriots went to pass the night in an inclosure on the Montpellier road.
It almost seemed as if the Catholics were beginning to recognise the futility141 of their plot; for although they had appealed to fanaticism, forced the Town Council to do their will, scattered142 gold lavishly143 and made wine flow, out of eighteen companies only three had joined them. "Fifteen companies," said M. Alquier in his report to the National Assembly, "although they had adopted the red tuft, took no part in the struggle, and did not add to the number of crimes committed either on that day or during the days that followed. But although the Catholics gained few partisans among their fellow-citizens, they felt certain that people from the country would rally to their aid; but about ten o'clock in the evening the rebel ringleaders, seeing that no help arrived from that quarter either, resolved to apply a stimulus144 to those without. Consequently, Froment wrote the following letter to M. de Bonzols, under-commandant of the province of Languedoc, who was living at Lunel:
"SIR, Up to the present all my demands, that the Catholic companies should be put under arms, have been of no avail. In spite of the order that you gave at my request, the officials of the municipality were of opinion that it would be more prudent145 to delay the distribution of the muskets until after the meeting of the Electoral Assembly. This day the Protestant dragoons have attacked and killed several of our unarmed Catholics, and you may imagine the confusion and alarm that prevail in the town. As a good citizen and a true patriot54, I entreat146 you to send an order to the regiment of royal dragoons to repair at once to Nimes to restore tranquillity and put down all who break the peace. The Town Council does not meet, none of them dares to leave his house; and if you receive no requisition from them just now, it is because they go in terror of their lives and fear to appear openly. Two red flags have been carried about the streets, and municipal officers without guards have been obliged to take refuge in patriotic houses. Although I am only a private citizen, I take the liberty of asking for aid from you, knowing that the Protestants have sent to La Vannage and La Gardonninque to ask you for reinforcements, and the arrival of fanatics147 from these districts would expose all good patriots to slaughter148. Knowing as I do of your kindness and justice, I have full trust that my prayer will receive your favourable attention.
"FROMENT, Captain of Company No. 39
"June 13, 1790, 11 o'c. p.m."
Unfortunately for the Catholic party, Dupre and Lieutaud, to whom this letter was entrusted for delivery, and for whom passports were made out as being employed on business connected with the king and the State, were arrested at Vehaud, and their despatches laid before the Electoral Assembly. Many other letters of the same kind were also intercepted149, and the red-tufts went about the town saying that the Catholics of Nimes were being massacred.
The priest of Courbessac, among others, was shown a letter saying that a Capuchin monk150 had been murdered, and that the Catholics were in need of help. The agents who brought this letter to him wanted him to put his name to it that they might show it everywhere, but were met by a positive refusal.
At Bouillargues and Manduel the tocsin was sounded: the two villages joined forces, and with weapons in their hands marched along the road from Beaucaire to Nimes. At the bridge of Quart the villagers of Redressan and Marguerite joined them. Thus reinforced, they were able to bar the way to all who passed and subject them to examination; if a man could show he was a Catholic, he was allowed to proceed, but the Protestants were murdered then and there. We may remind our readers that the "Cadets de la Croix" pursued the same method in 1704.
Meantime Descombiez, Froment, and Folacher remained masters of the ramparts and the tower, and when very early one morning their forces were augmented by the insurgents from the villages (about two hundred men), they took advantage of their strength to force a way into the house of a certain Therond, from which it was easy to effect an entrance to the Jacobin monastery151, and from there to the tower adjoining, so that their line now extended from the gate at the bridge of Calquieres to that at the end of College Street. From daylight to dusk all the patriots who came within range were fired at whether they were armed or not.
On the 14th June, at four o'clock in the morning, that part of the legion which was against the Catholics gathered together in the square of the Esplanade, where they were joined by the patriots from the adjacent towns and villages, who came in in small parties till they formed quite an army. At five A.M. M. de St. Pons, knowing that the windows of the Capuchin monastery commanded the position taken up by the patriots, went there with a company and searched the house thoroughly152, and also the Amphitheatre, but found nothing suspicious in either.
The country-house belonging to M. and Mme. Noguies had been broken into, the furniture destroyed, the owners killed in their beds, and an old man of seventy who lived with them cut to pieces with a scythe154.
A young fellow of fifteen, named Payre, in passing near the guard placed at the Pont des files, had been asked by a red-tuft if he were Catholic or Protestant. On his replying he was Protestant, he was shot dead on the spot. "That was like killing155 a lamb," said a comrade to the murderer. "Pooh!" said he, "I have taken a vow156 to kill four Protestants, and he may pass for one."
M Maigre, an old man of eighty-two, head of one of the most respected families in the neighbourhood, tried to escape from his house along with his son, his daughter-in-law, two grandchildren, and two servants; but the carriage was stopped, and while the rebels were murdering him and his son, the mother and her two children succeeded in escaping to an inn, whither the assassins pursued them, Fortunately, however, the two fugitives157 having a start, reached the inn a few minutes before their pursuers, and the innkeeper had enough presence of mind to conceal10 them and open the garden gate by which he said they had escaped. The Catholics, believing him, scattered over the country to look for them, and during their absence the mother and children were rescued by the mounted patrol.
The exasperation158 of the Protestants rose higher and higher as reports of these murders came in one by one, till at last the desire for vengeance could no longer be repressed, and they were clamorously insisting on being led against the ramparts and the towers, when without warning a heavy fusillade began from the windows and the clock tower of the Capuchin monastery. M. Massin, a municipal officer, was killed on the spot, a sapper fatally wounded, and twenty-five of the National Guard wounded more or less severely159. The Protestants immediately rushed towards the monastery in a disorderly mass; but the superior, instead of ordering the gates to be opened, appeared at a window above the entrance, and addressing the assailants as the vilest160 of the vile61, asked them what they wanted at the monastery. "We want to destroy it, we want to pull it down till not one stone rests upon another," they replied. Upon this, the reverend father ordered the alarm bells to be rung, and from the mouths of bronze issued the call for help; but before it could arrive, the door was burst in with hatchets161, and five Capuchins and several of the militia who wore the red tuft were killed, while all the other occupants of the monastery ran away, taking refuge in the house of a Protestant called Paulhan. During this attack the church was respected; a man from Sornmieres, however, stole a pyx which he found in the sacristy, but as soon as his comrades perceived this he was arrested and sent to prison.
In the monastery itself, however, the doors were broken in, the furniture smashed, the library and the dispensary wrecked162. The sacristy itself was not spared, its presses being broken into, its chests destroyed, and two monstrances broken; but nothing further was touched. The storehouses and the small cloth-factory connected with the monastery remained intact, like the church.
But still the towers held out, and it was round them that the real fighting took place, the resistance offered from within being all the more obstinate163 that the besieged164 expected relief from moment to moment, not knowing that their letters had been intercepted by the enemy. On every side the rattling165 of shot was heard, from the Esplanade, from the windows, from the roofs; but very little effect was produced by the Protestants, for Descombiez had told his men to put their caps with the red tufts on the top of the wall, to attract the bullets, while they fired from the side. Meantime the conspirators, in order to get a better command of the besiegers, reopened a passage which had been long walled up between the tower Du Poids and the tower of the Dominicans. Descombiez, accompanied by thirty men, came to the door of the monastery nearest the fortifications and demanded the key of another door which led to that part of the ramparts which was opposite the place des Carmes, where the National Guards were stationed. In spite of the remonstrances166 of the monks167, who saw that it would expose them to great danger, the doors were opened, and Froment hastened to occupy every post of vantage, and the battle began in that quarter, too, becoming fiercer as the conspirators remarked that every minute brought the Protestants reinforcements from Gardonninque and La Vaunage. The firing began at ten o'clock in the morning, and at four o'clock in the afternoon it was going on with unabated fury.
At four o'clock, however, a servant carrying a flag of truce168 appeared; he brought a letter from Descombiez, Fremont, and Folacher, who styled themselves "Captains commanding the towers of the Castle." It was couched in the following words:—
"To the Commandant of the troops of the line, with the request that the contents be communicated to the militia stationed in the Esplanade.
"SIR,—We have just been informed that you are anxious for peace. We also desire it, and have never done anything to break it. If those who have caused the frightful169 confusion which at present prevails in the city are willing to bring it to an end, we offer to forget the past and to live with them as brothers.
"The Captains of the Legion of Nimes, in command of the towers of the Castle,
"FROMENT, DESCOMBIEZ, FOLACHER NIMES, the 14th June 1790, 4.00 P.M."
On the receipt of this letter, the city herald171 was sent to the towers to offer the rebels terms of capitulation. The three "captains in command" came out to discuss the terms with the commissioners of the electoral body; they were armed and followed by a great number of adherents. However, as the negotiators desired peace before all things, they proposed that the three chiefs should surrender and place themselves in the hands of the Electoral Assembly. This offer being refused, the electoral commissioners withdrew, and the rebels retired172 behind their fortifications. About five o'clock in the evening, just as the negotiations173 were broken off, M. Aubry, an artillery captain who had been sent with two hundred men to the depot174 of field artillery in the country, returned with six pieces of ordnance175, determined to make a breach176 in the tower occupied by the conspirators, and from which they were firing in safety at the soldiers, who had no cover. At six o'clock, the guns being mounted, their thunder began, first drowning the noise of the musketry and then silencing it altogether; for the cannon177 balls did their work quickly, and before long the tower threatened to fall. Thereupon the electoral commissioners ordered the firing to cease for a moment, in the hope that now the danger had become so imminent178 the leaders would accept the conditions which they had refused one hour before; and not desiring to drive them to desperation, the commissioners advanced again down College Street, preceded by a bugler, and the captains were once more summoned to a parley179. Froment and Descombiez came out to meet them, and seeing the condition of the tower, they agreed to lay down their arms and send them for the palace, while they themselves would proceed to the Electoral Assembly and place themselves under its protection. These proposals being accepted, the commissioners waved their hats as a sign that the treaty was concluded.
At that instant three shots were fired from the ramparts, and cries of "Treachery! treachery!" were heard on every side. The Catholic chiefs returned to the tower, while the Protestants, believing that the commissioners were being assassinated180, reopened the cannonade; but finding that it took too long to complete the breach, ladders were brought, the walls scaled, and the towers carried by assault. Some of the Catholics were killed, the others gained Froment's house, where, encouraged by him, they tried to organise181 a resistance; but the assailants, despite the oncoming darkness, attacked the place with such fury that doors and windows were shattered in an instant. Froment and his brother Pierre tried to escape by a narrow staircase which led to the roof, but before they reached it Pierre was wounded in the hip182 and fell; but Froment reached the roof, and sprang upon an adjacent housetop, and climbing from roof to roof, reached the college, and getting into it by a garret window, took refuge in a large room which was always unoccupied at night, being used during the day as a study.
Froment remained hidden there until eleven o'clock. It being then completely dark, he got out of the window, crossed the city, gained the open country, and walking all night, concealed himself during the day in the house of a Catholic. The next night he set off again, and reached the coast, where he embarked183 on board a vessel184 for Italy, in order to report to those who had sent him the disastrous185 result of his enterprise.
For three whole days the carnage lasted. The Protestants losing all control over themselves, carried on the work of death not only without pity but with refined cruelty. More than five hundred Catholics lost their lives before the 17th, when peace was restored.
For a long time recriminations went on between Catholics and Protestants, each party trying to fix on the other the responsibility for those dreadful three days; but at last Franqois Froment put an end to all doubt on the subject, by publishing a work from which are set forth many of the details just laid before our readers, as well as the reward he met with when he reached Turin. At a meeting of the French nobles in exile, a resolution was passed in favour of M. Pierre Froment and his children, inhabitants of Nimes.
We give a literal reproduction of this historic document:
"We the undersigned, French nobles, being convinced that our Order was instituted that it might become the prize of valour and the encouragement of virtue186, do declare that the Chevalier de Guer having given us proof of the devotion to their king and the love of their country which have been displayed by M. Pierre Froment, receiver of the clergy187, and his three sons, Mathieu Froment citizen, Jacques Froment canon, Francois Froment advocate, inhabitants of Nimes, we shall henceforward regard them and their descendants as nobles and worthy188 to enjoy all the distinctions which belong to the true nobility. Brave citizens, who perform such distinguished189 actions as fighting for the restoration of the monarchy190, ought to be considered as the equals of those French chevaliers whose ancestors helped to found it. Furthermore, we do declare that as soon as circumstances permit we shall join together to petition His Majesty191 to grant to this family, so illustrious through its virtue, all the honours and prerogatives192 which belong to those born noble.
"We depute the Marquis de Meran, Comte d'Espinchal, the Marquis d'Escars, Vicomte de Pons, Chevalier de Guer, and the Marquis de la Feronniere to go to Mgr. le Comte d'Artois, Mgr. le Duc d'Angouleme, Mgr. le Duc de Berry, Mgr. le Prince de Conde, Mgr. le Due de Bourbon, and Mgr. le Duc d'Enghien, to beg them to put themselves at our head when we request His Majesty to grant to MM. Froment all the distinctions and advantages reserved for the true nobility.
"At TURIN, 12th September 1790."
The nobility of Languedoc learned of the honours conferred on their countryman, M. Froment, and addressed the following letter to him:
"LORCH, July 7, 1792
"MONSIEUR, The nobles of Languedoc hasten to confirm the resolution adopted in your favour by the nobles assembled at Turin. They appreciate the zeal and the courage which have distinguished your conduct and that of your family; they have therefore instructed us to assure you of the pleasure with which they will welcome you among those nobles who are under the orders of Marshal de Castries, and that you are at liberty to repair to Lorch to assume your proper rank in one of the companies.
"We have the honour to be, monsieur, your humble and obedient servants,
"COMTE DE TOULOUSE-LAUTREC
"MARQUIS DE LA JONQUIERE "ETC."
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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3
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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4
sublime
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| adj.崇高的，伟大的；极度的，不顾后果的 | |
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etiquette
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| n.礼仪，礼节；规矩 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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sarcasms
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，挖苦( sarcasm的名词复数 ) | |
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withered
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| adj. 枯萎的，干瘪的，（人身体的部分器官）因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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9
monarchical
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| adj. 国王的，帝王的，君主的，拥护君主制的 =monarchic | |
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10
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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concealing
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，遮住( conceal的现在分词 ) | |
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exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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14
orb
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| n.太阳；星球；v.弄圆；成球形 | |
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15
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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17
militia
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| n.民兵，民兵组织 | |
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18
lieutenant
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| n.陆军中尉，海军上尉；代理官员，副职官员 | |
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lieutenants
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| n.陆军中尉( lieutenant的名词复数 )；副职官员；空军；仅低于…官阶的官员 | |
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sergeants
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| 警官( sergeant的名词复数 )； （美国警察）警佐； （英国警察）巡佐； 陆军（或空军）中士 | |
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sergeant
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| n.警官，中士 | |
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chateau
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| n.城堡，别墅 | |
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nomination
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| n.提名，任命，提名权 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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26
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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Augmented
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| adj.增音的 动词augment的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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28
antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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29
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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disseminated
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| 散布，传播( disseminate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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ardor
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| n.热情，狂热 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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solicit
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| vi.勾引；乞求；vt.请求，乞求；招揽(生意) | |
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approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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consultation
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| n.咨询；商量；商议；会议 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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royalty
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| n.皇家，皇族 | |
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42
bind
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| vt.捆，包扎；装订；约束；使凝固；vi.变硬 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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45
faction
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| n.宗派，小集团；派别；派系斗争 | |
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46
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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47
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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48
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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49
awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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manifesto
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| n.宣言，声明 | |
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51
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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52
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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53
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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55
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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56
rue
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| n.懊悔，芸香，后悔；v.后悔，悲伤，懊悔 | |
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57
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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58
commissioners
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| n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 )；长官；委员；政府部门的长官 | |
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59
commissioner
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| n.（政府厅、局、处等部门）专员，长官，委员 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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61
vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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63
vipers
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| n.蝰蛇( viper的名词复数 )；毒蛇；阴险恶毒的人；奸诈者 | |
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64
torpid
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| adj.麻痹的，麻木的，迟钝的 | |
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65
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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66
embittered
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| v.使怨恨，激怒( embitter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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68
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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69
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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70
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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71
adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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72
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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73
taunted
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| 嘲讽( taunt的过去式和过去分词 )； 嘲弄； 辱骂； 奚落 | |
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74
delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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76
gallows
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| n.绞刑架，绞台 | |
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77
wreaked
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| 诉诸（武力），施行（暴力），发（脾气）( wreak的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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80
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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81
patois
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| n.方言；混合语 | |
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82
brawls
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| 吵架，打架( brawl的名词复数 ) | |
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83
provocations
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| n.挑衅( provocation的名词复数 )；激怒；刺激；愤怒的原因 | |
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84
disperse
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| vi.使分散；使消失；vt.分散；驱散 | |
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85
gatherings
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| 聚集( gathering的名词复数 )； 收集； 采集； 搜集 | |
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86
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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87
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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88
asses
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| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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89
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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90
burlesque
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| v.嘲弄，戏仿；n.嘲弄，取笑，滑稽模仿 | |
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91
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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92
apprehending
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的现在分词 )； 理解 | |
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93
humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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94
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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95
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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96
quarry
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| n.采石场；v.采石；费力地找 | |
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97
demonstration
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| n.表明，示范，论证，示威 | |
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98
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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99
muskets
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| n.火枪，（尤指）滑膛枪( musket的名词复数 ) | |
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100
musket
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| n.滑膛枪 | |
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101
panegyric
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| n.颂词，颂扬 | |
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102
broached
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| v.谈起( broach的过去式和过去分词 )；打开并开始用；用凿子扩大（或修光）；（在桶上）钻孔取液体 | |
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103
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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104
bravado
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| n.虚张声势，故作勇敢，逞能 | |
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105
insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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106
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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107
bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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108
bugler
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| 喇叭手； 号兵； 吹鼓手； 司号员 | |
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109
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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110
tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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111
repulsing
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| v.击退( repulse的现在分词 )；驳斥；拒绝 | |
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112
insurgents
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| n.起义，暴动，造反( insurgent的名词复数 ) | |
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113
hacking
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| n.非法访问计算机系统和数据库的活动 | |
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114
rascal
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| n.流氓；不诚实的人 | |
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115
disarmed
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| v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 )；使息怒 | |
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116
regiment
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| n.团，多数，管理；v.组织，编成团，统制 | |
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117
darted
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| v.投掷，投射( dart的过去式和过去分词 )；向前冲，飞奔 | |
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118
quay
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| n.码头，靠岸处 | |
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119
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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120
adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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121
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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122
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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123
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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124
citadel
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| n.城堡；堡垒；避难所 | |
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125
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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126
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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127
defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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128
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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129
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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130
mandate
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| n.托管地；命令，指示 | |
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131
auditing
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| n.审计，查账，决算 | |
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132
depicted
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| 描绘，描画( depict的过去式和过去分词 )； 描述 | |
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133
hustled
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| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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134
crumpled
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| adj. 弯扭的, 变皱的 动词crumple的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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135
recess
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| n.短期休息，壁凹（墙上装架子，柜子等凹处） | |
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136
butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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137
besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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138
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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139
martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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140
adorned
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| [计]被修饰的 | |
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141
futility
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| n.无用 | |
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142
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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143
lavishly
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| adv.慷慨地，大方地 | |
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144
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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145
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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146
entreat
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| v.恳求，恳请 | |
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147
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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148
slaughter
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| n.屠杀，屠宰；vt.屠杀，宰杀 | |
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149
intercepted
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| 拦截( intercept的过去式和过去分词 )； 截住； 截击； 拦阻 | |
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150
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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151
monastery
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| n.修道院，僧院，寺院 | |
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152
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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153
massacres
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| 大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 )； 惨败 | |
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154
scythe
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| n. 长柄的大镰刀，战车镰； v. 以大镰刀割 | |
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155
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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156
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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157
fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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158
exasperation
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| n.愤慨 | |
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159
severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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160
vilest
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| adj.卑鄙的( vile的最高级 )；可耻的；极坏的；非常讨厌的 | |
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161
hatchets
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| n.短柄小斧( hatchet的名词复数 )；恶毒攻击；诽谤；休战 | |
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162
wrecked
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| adj.失事的，遇难的 | |
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163
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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164
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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165
rattling
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| adj. 格格作响的, 活泼的, 很好的 adv. 极其, 很, 非常 动词rattle的现在分词 | |
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166
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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167
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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168
truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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169
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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170
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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171
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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172
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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173
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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174
depot
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| n.仓库，储藏处；公共汽车站；火车站 | |
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175
ordnance
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| n.大炮，军械 | |
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176
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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177
cannon
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| n.大炮，火炮；飞机上的机关炮 | |
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178
imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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179
parley
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| n.谈判 | |
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180
assassinated
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| v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 )；中伤；诋毁；破坏 | |
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181
organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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182
hip
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| n.臀部，髋；屋脊 | |
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183
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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184
vessel
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| n.船舶；容器，器皿；管，导管，血管 | |
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185
disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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186
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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187
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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188
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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189
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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190
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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191
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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192
prerogatives
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| n.权利( prerogative的名词复数 )；特权；大主教法庭；总督委任组成的法庭 | |
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