A few days later, Godfrey of Marsana, Count of Squillace and grand admiral of the kingdom, was arrested by the king's orders. His life was promised him on condition of his delivering up Conrad of Catanzaro, one of his relatives, accused of conspiring7 against Andre. The grand admiral committed this act of shameless treachery, and did not shrink from sending his own son to persuade Conrad to come to the town. The poor wretch8 was given over to the king, and tortured alive on a wheel made with sharp knives. The sight of these barbarities, far from calming the king's rage, seemed to inflame9 it the more. Every day there were new accusations10 and new sentences. The prisons were crowded: Louis's punishments were redoubled in severity. A fear arose that the town, and indeed the whole kingdom, were to be treated as having taken part in Andre's death. Murmurs11 arose against this barbarous rule, and all men's thoughts turned towards their fugitive12 queen. The Neapolitan barons13 had taken the oath of fidelity14 with no willing hearts; and when it came to the turn of the Counts of San Severino, they feared a trick of some kind, and refused to appear all together before the Hungarian, but took refuge in the town of Salerno, and sent Archbishop Roger, their brother, to make sure of the king's intentions beforehand. Louis received him magnificently, and appointed him privy15 councillor and grand proto notary16. Then, and not till then, did Robert of San Severino and Roger, Count of Chiaramonte, venture into the king's presence; after doing homage17, they retired18 to their homes. The other barons followed their example of caution, and hiding their discontent under a show of respect, awaited a favourable19 moment for shaking off the foreign yoke20. But the queen had encountered no obstacle in her flight, and arrived at Nice five days later. Her passage through Provence was like a triumph. Her beauty, youth, and misfortunes, even certain mysterious reports as to her adventures, all contributed to arouse the interest of the Provencal people. Games and fetes were improvised21 to soften22 the hardship of exile for the proscribed23 princess; but amid the outbursts of joy from every town, castle, and city, Joan, always sad, lived ever in her silent grief and glowing memories.
At the gates of Aix she found the clergy24, the nobility, and the chief magistrates25, who received her respectfully but with no signs of enthusiasm. As the queen advanced, her astonishment27 increased as she saw the coldness of the people and the solemn, constrained28 air of the great men who escorted her. Many anxious thoughts alarmed her, and she even went so far as to fear some intrigue29 of the King of Hungary. Scarcely had her cortege arrived at Castle Arnaud, when the nobles, dividing into two ranks, let the queen pass with her counsellor Spinelli and two women; then closing up, they cut her off from the rest of her suite30. After this, each in turn took up his station as guardian31 of the fortress32.
There was no room for doubt: the queen was a prisoner; but the cause of the manoeuvre33 it was impossible to guess. She asked the high dignitaries, and they, protesting respectful devotion, refused to explain till they had news from Avignon. Meanwhile all honours that a queen could receive were lavished34 on Joan; but she was kept in sight and forbidden to go out. This new trouble increased her depression: she did not know what had happened to Louis of Tarentum, and her imagination, always apt at creating disasters, instantly suggested that she would soon be weeping for his loss.
But Louis, always with his faithful Acciajuoli, had after many fatiguing35 adventures been shipwrecked at the port of Pisa; thence he had taken route for Florence, to beg men and money; but the Florentines decided36 to keep an absolute neutrality, and refused to receive him. The prince, losing his last hope, was pondering gloomy plans, when Nicholas Acciajuoli thus resolutely37 addressed him:
"My lord, it is not given to mankind to enjoy prosperity for ever: there are misfortunes beyond all human foresight38. You were once rich and powerful, and you are now a fugitive in disguise, begging the help of others. You must reserve your strength for better days. I still have a considerable fortune, and also have relations and friends whose wealth is at my disposal: let us try to make our way to the queen, and at once decide what we can do. I myself shall always defend you and obey you as my lord and master."
The prince received these generous offers with the utmost gratitude39, and told his counsellor that he placed his person in his hands and all that remained of his future. Acciajuoli, not content with serving his master as a devoted40 servant, persuaded his brother Angelo, Archbishop of Florence, who was in great favour at Clement41 VI's court, to join with them in persuading the pope to interest himself in the cause of Louis of Tarentum. So, without further delay, the prince, his counsellor, and the good prelate made their way to the port of Marseilles, but learning that the queen was a prisoner at Aix, they embarked43 at Acque-Morte, and went straight to Avignon. It soon appeared that the pope had a real affection and esteem44 for the character of the Archbishop of Florence, for Louis was received with paternal45 kindness at the court of Avignon; which was far more than he had expected: when he kneeled before the sovereign pontiff, His Holiness bent46 affectionately towards him and helped him to rise, saluting47 him by the title of king.
Two days later, another prelate, the Archbishop of Aix, came into the queen's presence,—
"Most gracious and dearly beloved sovereign, permit the most humble48 and devoted of your servants to ask pardon, in the name of your subjects, for the painful but necessary measure they have thought fit to take concerning your Majesty49. When you arrived on our coast, your loyal town of Aix had learned from a trustworthy source that the King of France was proposing to give our country to one of his own sons, making good this loss to you by the cession50 of another domain51, also that the Duke of Normandy had come to Avignon to request this exchange in person. We were quite decided, madam, and had made a vow52 to God that we would give up everything rather than suffer the hateful tyranny of the French. But before spilling blood we thought it best to secure your august person as a sacred hostage, a sacred ark which no man dared touch but was smitten53 to the ground, which indeed must keep away from our walls the scourge54 of war. We have now read the formal annulment55 of this hateful plan, in a brief sent by the sovereign pontiff from Avignon; and in this brief he himself guarantees your good faith.
"We give you your full and entire liberty, and henceforth we shall only endeavour to keep you among us by prayers and protestations. Go then, madam, if that is your pleasure, but before you leave these lands, which will be plunged57 into mourning by your withdrawal58, leave with us some hope that you forgive the apparent violence to which we have subjected you, only in the fear that we might lose you; and remember that on the day when you cease to be our queen you sign the death-warrant of all your subjects."
Joan reassured59 the archbishop and the deputation from her good town of Aix with a melancholy60 smile, and promised that she would always cherish the memory of their affection. For this time she could not be deceived as to the real sentiments of the nobles and people; and a fidelity so uncommon61, revealed with sincere tears, touched her heart and made her reflect bitterly upon her past. But a league's distance from Avignon a magnificent triumphal reception awaited her. Louis of Tarentum and all the cardinals63 present at the court had come out to meet her. Pages in dazzling dress carried above Joan's head a canopy of scarlet64 velvet65, ornamented66 with fleur-de-lys in gold and plumes67. Handsome youths and lovely girls, their heads crowned with flowers, went before her singing her praise. The streets were bordered with a living hedge of people; the houses were decked out; the bells rang a triple peal68, as at the great Church festivals. Clement VI first received the queen at the castle of Avignon with all the pomp he knew so well how to employ on solemn occasions, then she was lodged69 in the palace of Cardinal62 Napoleon of the Orsini, who on his return from the Conclave70 at Perugia had built this regal dwelling71 at Villeneuve, inhabited later by the popes.
No words could give an idea of the strangely disturbed condition of Avignon at this period. Since Clement V had transported the seat of the papacy to Provence, there had sprung up, in this rival to Rome, squares, churches, cardinals' palaces, of unparalleled splendour. All the business of nations and kings was transacted72 at the castle of Avignon. Ambassadors from every court, merchants of every nation, adventurers of all kinds, Italians, Spaniards, Hungarians, Arabs, Jews, soldiers, Bohemians, jesters, poets, monks73, courtesans, swarmed75 and clustered here, and hustled76 one another in the streets. There was confusion of tongues, customs, and costumes, an inextricable mixture of splendour and rags, riches and misery77, debasement and grandeur78. The austere79 poets of the Middle Ages stigmatised the accursed city in their writings under the name of the New Babylon.
There is one curious monument of Joan's sojourn80 at Avignon and the exercise of her authority as sovereign. She was indignant at the effrontery81 of the women of the town, who elbowed everybody shamelessly in the streets, and published a notable edict, the first of its kind, which has since served as a model in like cases, to compel all unfortunate women who trafficked in their honour to live shut up together in a house, that was bound to be open every day in the year except the last three days of Holy Week, the entrance to be barred to Jews at all times. An abbess, chosen once a year, had the supreme82 control over this strange convent. Rules were established for the maintenance of order, and severe penalties inflicted83 for any infringement84 of discipline. The lawyers of the period gained a great reputation by this salutary institution; the fair ladies of Avignon were eager in their defence of the queen in spite of the calumnious85 reports that strove to tarnish86 her reputation: with one voice the wisdom of Andre's widow was extolled87. The concert of praises was disturbed, however, by murmurs from the recluses88 themselves, who, in their own brutal89 language, declared that Joan of Naples was impeding90 their commerce so as to get a monopoly for herself.
Meanwhile Marie of Durazzo had joined her sister. After her husband's death she had found means to take refuge in the convent of Santa Croce with her two little daughters; and while Louis of Hungary was busy burning his victims, the unhappy Marie had contrived91 to make her escape in the frock of an old monk74, and as by a miracle to get on board a ship that was setting sail for Provence. She related to her sister the frightful92 details of the king's cruelty. And soon a new proof of his implacable hatred93 confirmed the tales of the poor princess.
Louis's ambassadors appeared at the court of Avignon to demand formally the queen's condemnation94.
It was a great day when Joan of Naples pleaded her own cause before the pope, in the presence of all the cardinals then at Avignon, all the ambassadors of foreign powers, and all the eminent95 persons come from every quarter of Europe to be present at this trial, unique in the annals of history. We must imagine a vast enclosure, in whose midst upon a raised throne, as president of the august tribunal, sat God's vicar on earth, absolute and supreme judge, emblem96 of temporal and spiritual power, of authority human and divine. To right and left of the sovereign pontiff, the cardinals in their red robes sat in chairs set round in a circle, and behind these princes of the Sacred College stretched rows of bishops97 extending to the end of the hall, with vicars, canons, deacons, archdeacons, and the whole immense hierarchy98 of the Church. Facing the pontifical99 throne was a platform reserved for the Queen of Naples and her suite. At the pope's feet stood the ambassadors from the King of Hungary, who played the part of accusers without speaking a word, the circumstances of the crime and all the proofs having been discussed beforehand by a committee appointed for the purpose. The rest of the hall was filled by a brilliant crowd of high dignitaries, illustrious captains, and noble envoys100, all vying101 with one another in proud display. Everyone ceased to breathe, all eyes were fixed102 on the dais whence Joan was to speak her own defence. A movement of uneasy curiosity made this compact mass of humanity surge towards the centre, the cardinals above raised like proud peacocks over a golden harvest-field shaken in the breeze.
The queen appeared, hand in hand with her uncle, the old Cardinal of Perigord, and her aunt, the Countess Agnes. Her gait was so modest and proud, her countenance103 so melancholy and pure, her looks so open and confident, that even before she spoke104 every heart was hers. Joan was now twenty years of age; her magnificent beauty was fully26 developed, but an extreme pallor concealed105 the brilliance106 of her transparent107 satin skin, and her hollow cheek told the tale of expiation108 and suffering. Among the spectators who looked on most eagerly there was a certain young man with strongly marked features, glowing eyes, and brown hair, whom we shall meet again later on in our narrative109; but we will not divert our readers' attention, but only tell them that his name was James of Aragon, that he was Prince of Majorca, and would have been ready to shed every drop of his blood only to check one single tear that hung on Joan's eyelids110. The queen spoke in an agitated111, trembling voice, stopping from time to time to dry her moist and shining eyes, or to breathe one of those deep sighs that go straight to the heart. She told the tale of her husband's death painfully and vividly112, painted truthfully the mad terror that had seized upon her and struck her down at that frightful time, raised her hands to her brow with the gesture of despair, as though she would wrest113 the madness from her brain—and a shudder114 of pity and awe115 passed through the assembled crowd. It is a fact that at this moment, if her words were false, her anguish116 was both sincere and terrible. An angel soiled by crime, she lied like Satan himself, but like him too she suffered all the agony of remorse117 and pride. Thus, when at the end of her speech she burst into tears and implored118 help and protection against the usurper119 of her kingdom, a cry of general assent120 drowned her closing words, several hands flew to their sword-hilts, and the Hungarian ambassadors retired covered with shame and confusion.
That same evening the sentence, to the great joy of all, was proclaimed, that Joan was innocent and acquitted121 of all concern in the assassination122 of her husband. But as her conduct after the event and the indifference123 she had shown about pursuing the authors of the crime admitted of no valid124 excuse, the pope declared that there were plain traces of magic, and that the wrong-doing attributed to Joan was the result of some baneful125 charm cast upon her, which she could by no possible means resist. At the same time, His Holiness confirmed her marriage with Louis of Tarentum, and bestowed126 on him the order of the Rose of Gold and the title of King of Sicily and Jerusalem. Joan, it is true, had on the eve of her acquittal sold the town of Avignon to the pope for the sum of 80,000 florins.
While the queen was pleading her cause at the court of Clement VI, a dreadful epidemic127, called the Black Plague—the same that Boccaccio has described so wonderfully—was ravaging128 the kingdom of Naples, and indeed the whole of Italy. According to the calculation of Matteo Villani, Florence lost three-fifths of her population, Bologna two-thirds, and nearly all Europe was reduced in some such frightful proportion. The Neapolitans were already weary of the cruelties and greed of the Hungarians, they were only awaiting some opportunity to revolt against the stranger's oppression, and to recall their lawful129 sovereign, whom, for all her ill deeds, they had never ceased to love. The attraction of youth and beauty was deeply felt by this pleasure-loving people. Scarcely had the pestilence130 thrown confusion into the army and town, when loud cursing arose against the tyrant131 and his executioners. Louis of Hungary, suddenly threatened by the wrath132 of Heaven and the people's vengeance133, was terrified both by the plague and by the riots, and disappeared in the middle of the night. Leaving the government of Naples in the hands of Conrad Lupo, one of his captains, he embarked hastily at Berletta, and left the kingdom in very much the same way as Louis of Tarentum, fleeing from him, had left it a few months before.
This news arrived at Avignon just when the pope was about to send the queen his bull of absolution. It was at once decided to take away the kingdom from Louis's viceroy. Nicholas Acciajuoli left for Naples with the marvellous bull that was to prove to all men the innocence134 of the queen, to banish135 all scruples136 and stir up a new enthusiasm. The counsellor first went to the castle of Melzi, commanded by his son Lorenzo: this was the only fortress that had always held out. The father and son embraced with the honourable137 pride that near relatives may justly feel when they meet after they have united in the performance of a heroic duty. From the governor of Melzi Louis of Tarentum's counsellor learned that all men were wearied of the arrogance138 and vexatious conduct of the queen's enemies, and that a conspiracy139 was in train, started in the University of Naples, but with vast ramifications140 all over the kingdom, and moreover that there was dissension in the enemy's army. The indefatigable141 counsellor went from Apulia to Naples, traversing towns and villages, collecting men everywhere, proclaiming loudly the acquittal of the queen and her marriage with Louis of Tarentum, also that the pope was offering indulgences to such as would receive with joy their lawful sovereigns. Then seeing that the people shouted as he went by, "Long live Joan! Death to the Hungarians!" he returned and told his sovereigns in what frame of mind he had left their subjects.
Joan borrowed money wherever she could, armed galleys142, and left Marseilles with her husband, her sister, and two faithful advisers143, Acciajuoli and Spinelli, on the 10th of September 1348. The king and queen not being able to enter at the harbour, which was in the enemy's power, disembarked at Santa Maria del Carmine144, near the river Sebeto, amid the frenzied145 applause of an immense crowd, and accompanied by all the Neapolitan nobles. They made their way to the palace of Messire Ajutorio, near Porta Capuana, the Hungarians having fortified146 themselves in all the castles; but Acciajuoli, at the head of the queen's partisans147, blockaded the fortresses148 so ably that half of the enemy were obliged to surrender, and the other half took to flight and were scattered149 about the interior of the kingdom. We shall now follow Louis of Tarentum in his arduous150 adventures in Apulia, the Calabrias, and the Abruzzi, where he recovered one by one the fortresses that the Hungarians had taken. By dint151 of unexampled valour and patience, he at last mastered nearly all the more considerable places, when suddenly everything changed, and fortune turned her back upon him for the second time. A German captain called Warner, who had deserted152 the Hungarian army to sell himself to the queen, had again played the traitor153 and sold himself once more, allowed himself to be surprised at Corneto by Conrad Lupo, the King of Hungary's vicar-general, and openly joined him, taking along with him a great party of the adventurers who fought under his orders. This unexpected defection forced Louis of Tarentum to retire to Naples. The King of Hungary soon learning that the troops had rallied round his banner, and only awaited his return to march upon the capital, disembarked with a strong reinforcement of cavalry154 at the port of Manfredonia, and taking Trani, Canosa, and Salerno, went forward to lay siege to Aversa.
The news fell like a thunder-clap on Joan and her husband. The Hungarian army consisted of 10,000 horse and more than 7000 infantry155, and Aversa had only 500 soldiers under Giacomo Pignatelli. In spite of the immense disproportion of the numbers, the Neapolitan general vigorously repelled156 the attack; and the King of Hungary, fighting in the front, was wounded in his foot by an arrow. Then Louis, seeing that it would be difficult to take the place by storm, determined157 to starve them out. For three months the besieged158 performed prodigies159 of valour, and further assistance was impossible. Their capitulation was expected at any moment, unless indeed they decided to perish every man. Renaud des Baux, who was to come from Marseilles with a squadron of ten ships to defend the ports of the capital and secure the queen's flight, should the Hungarian army get possession of Naples, had been delayed by adverse160 winds and obliged to stop on the way. All things seemed to conspire161 in favour of the enemy. Louis of Tarentum, whose generous soul refused to shed the blood of his brave men in an unequal and desperate struggle, nobly sacrificed himself, and made an offer to the King of Hungary to settle their quarrel in single combat. We append the authentic162 letters that passed between Joan's husband and Andre's brother.
"Illustrious King of Hungary, who has come to invade our kingdom, we, by the grace of God King of Jerusalem and Sicily, invite you to single combat. We know that you are in no wise disturbed by the death of your lancers or the other pagans in your suite, no more indeed than if they were dogs; but we, fearing harm to our own soldiers and men-at-arms, desire to fight with you personally, to put an end to the present war and restore peace to our kingdom. He who survives shall be king. And therefore, to ensure that this duel163 shall take place, we definitely propose as a site either Paris, in the presence of the King of France, or one of the towns of Perugia, Avignon, or Naples. Choose one of these four places, and send us your reply."
The King of Hungary first consulted with his council, and then replied:—
"Great King, we have read and considered your letter sent to us by the bearer of these presents, and by your invitation to a duel we are most supremely164 pleased; but we do not approve of any of the places you propose, since they are all suspect, and for several reasons. The King of France is your maternal165 grandfather, and although we are also connected by blood with him, the relationship is not so near. The town of Avignon, although nominally166 belonging to the sovereign pontiff, is the capital of Provence, and has always been subject to your rule. Neither have we any more confidence in Perugia, for that town is devoted to your cause.
"As to the city of Naples, there is no need to say that we refuse that rendezvous167, since it is in revolt against us and you are there as king. But if you wish to fight with us, let it be in the presence of the Emperor of Germany, who is lord supreme, or the King of England, who is our common friend, or the Patriarch of Aquilea, a good Catholic. If you do not approve of any of the places we propose, we shall soon be near you with our army, and so remove all difficulties and delays. Then you can come forth56, and our duel can take place in the presence of both armies."
After the interchange of these two letters, Louis of Tarentum proposed nothing further. The garrison168 at Aversa had capitulated after a heroic resistance, and it was known only too well that if the King of Hungary could get so far as the walls of Naples, he would not have to endanger his life in order to seize that city. Happily the Provencal galleys had reached port at last. The king and the queen had only just time to embark42 and take refuge at Gaeta. The Hungarian army arrived at Naples. The town was on the point of yielding, and had sent messengers to the king humbly169 demanding peace; but the speeches of the Hungarians showed such insolence170 that the people, irritated past endurance, took up arms, and resolved to defend their household gods with all the energy of despair.
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1
canopy
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| n.天篷，遮篷 | |
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deferred
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| adj.延期的，缓召的v.拖延，延缓，推迟( defer的过去式和过去分词 )；服从某人的意愿，遵从 | |
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pregnancy
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| n.怀孕，怀孕期 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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consigned
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| v.把…置于（令人不快的境地）( consign的过去式和过去分词 )；把…托付给；把…托人代售；丟弃 | |
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impaired
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| adj.受损的；出毛病的；有（身体或智力）缺陷的v.损害，削弱( impair的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conspiring
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| 密谋( conspire的现在分词 )； 搞阴谋； （事件等）巧合； 共同导致 | |
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wretch
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| n.可怜的人，不幸的人；卑鄙的人 | |
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inflame
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| v.使燃烧；使极度激动；使发炎 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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improvised
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| a.即席而作的,即兴的 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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proscribed
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| v.正式宣布（某事物）有危险或被禁止( proscribe的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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constrained
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| adj.束缚的,节制的 | |
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intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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manoeuvre
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| n.策略，调动；v.用策略，调动 | |
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lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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fatiguing
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| a.使人劳累的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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41
clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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42
embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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43
embarked
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| 乘船( embark的过去式和过去分词 )； 装载； 从事 | |
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44
esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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45
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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46
bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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47
saluting
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| v.欢迎，致敬( salute的现在分词 )；赞扬，赞颂 | |
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48
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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49
majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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50
cession
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| n.割让，转让 | |
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51
domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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52
vow
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| n.誓(言)，誓约；v.起誓，立誓 | |
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53
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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54
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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55
annulment
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| n.废除，取消，（法院对婚姻等）判决无效 | |
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56
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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57
plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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58
withdrawal
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| n.取回，提款；撤退，撤军；收回，撤销 | |
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59
reassured
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| adj.使消除疑虑的；使放心的v.再保证，恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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60
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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61
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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62
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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63
cardinals
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| 红衣主教( cardinal的名词复数 )； 红衣凤头鸟（见于北美，雄鸟为鲜红色）； 基数 | |
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64
scarlet
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| n.深红色，绯红色，红衣；adj.绯红色的 | |
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65
velvet
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| n.丝绒，天鹅绒；adj.丝绒制的，柔软的 | |
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66
ornamented
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| adj.花式字体的v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
plumes
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| 羽毛( plume的名词复数 )； 羽毛饰； 羽毛状物； 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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68
peal
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| n.钟声；v.鸣响 | |
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69
lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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70
conclave
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| n.秘密会议，红衣主教团 | |
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71
dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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72
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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73
monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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74
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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75
swarmed
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|
| 密集( swarm的过去式和过去分词 )； 云集； 成群地移动； 蜜蜂或其他飞行昆虫成群地飞来飞去 | |
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76
hustled
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| 催促（hustle的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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77
misery
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|
| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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78
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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79
austere
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| adj.艰苦的；朴素的，朴实无华的；严峻的 | |
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80
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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81
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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82
supreme
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|
| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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83
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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85
calumnious
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|
| adj.毁谤的，中伤的 | |
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86
tarnish
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|
| n.晦暗，污点；vt.使失去光泽；玷污 | |
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87
extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
recluses
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| n.隐居者，遁世者，隐士( recluse的名词复数 ) | |
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89
brutal
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|
| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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90
impeding
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| a.(尤指坏事)即将发生的，临近的 | |
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91
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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92
frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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93
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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94
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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95
eminent
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|
| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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96
emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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97
bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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98
hierarchy
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| n.等级制度；统治集团，领导层 | |
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99
pontifical
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| adj.自以为是的，武断的 | |
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100
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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101
vying
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| adj.竞争的；比赛的 | |
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102
fixed
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|
| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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103
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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104
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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105
concealed
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|
| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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106
brilliance
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| n.光辉，辉煌，壮丽，（卓越的）才华，才智 | |
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107
transparent
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| adj.明显的，无疑的；透明的 | |
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108
expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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109
narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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110
eyelids
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| n.眼睑( eyelid的名词复数 )；眼睛也不眨一下；不露声色；面不改色 | |
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111
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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112
vividly
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| adv.清楚地，鲜明地，生动地 | |
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113
wrest
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| n.扭，拧，猛夺；v.夺取，猛扭，歪曲 | |
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114
shudder
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| v.战粟，震动，剧烈地摇晃；n.战粟，抖动 | |
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115
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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116
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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117
remorse
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| n.痛恨，悔恨，自责 | |
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118
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
usurper
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| n. 篡夺者, 僭取者 | |
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120
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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121
acquitted
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的过去式和过去分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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122
assassination
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| n.暗杀；暗杀事件 | |
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123
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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124
valid
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| adj.有确实根据的；有效的；正当的，合法的 | |
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125
baneful
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| adj.有害的 | |
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126
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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127
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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128
ravaging
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| 毁坏( ravage的现在分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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129
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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130
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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131
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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132
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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133
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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134
innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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135
banish
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| vt.放逐，驱逐；消除，排除 | |
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136
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
honourable
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| adj.可敬的；荣誉的，光荣的 | |
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138
arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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139
conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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140
ramifications
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| n.结果，后果( ramification的名词复数 ) | |
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141
indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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142
galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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143
advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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144
carmine
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| n.深红色，洋红色 | |
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145
frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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146
fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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147
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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148
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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149
scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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150
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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151
dint
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| n.由于，靠；凹坑 | |
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152
deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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153
traitor
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| n.叛徒，卖国贼 | |
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154
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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155
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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156
repelled
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| v.击退( repel的过去式和过去分词 )；使厌恶；排斥；推开 | |
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157
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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158
besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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159
prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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160
adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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161
conspire
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| v.密谋，（事件等）巧合，共同导致 | |
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162
authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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163
duel
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| n./v.决斗；(双方的)斗争 | |
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164
supremely
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| adv.无上地，崇高地 | |
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165
maternal
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| adj.母亲的，母亲般的，母系的，母方的 | |
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166
nominally
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| 在名义上，表面地； 应名儿 | |
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167
rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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168
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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169
humbly
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| adv. 恭顺地，谦卑地 | |
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170
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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