WHILE the scenes we have described in the foregoing chapter were being performed, several very interesting ones were going through the course of performance at the consul1's office and other places, which we must describe. The British Government, in its instructions to Mr. Mathew, impressed upon him the necessity of being very cautious lest he should in any manner prejudice the interests of the local institutions within his consular2 jurisdiction3; to make no requests that were incompatible4 with the local laws; but to pursue a judicious5 course in bringing the matter of Her Majesty's subjects properly to the consideration of the legal authorities, and to point to the true grievance6; and as it involved a question of right affecting the interests and liberties of her citizens, to ask the exercise of that judicial7 power from which it had a right to expect justice. The main object was to test the question whether this peculiar8 construction given to that local law which prohibits free colored men from coming within the limits of the State, was legal in its application to those who come into its ports connected with the shipping9 interests, pursuing an honest vocation10, and intending to leave whenever their ship was ready. The consul was censured11 by the press in several of the slaveholding States, because he dared to bring the matter before the local legislature. We are bound to say that Consul Mathew, knowing the predominant prejudices of the Carolinians, acted wisely in so doing. First, he knew the tenacious12 value they put upon courtesy; secondly13, the point at issue between South Carolina and the Federal Government, (and, as a learned friend in Georgia once said, "Whether South Carolina belonged to the United States, or the United States to South Carolina;") and thirdly, the right of State sovereignty, which South Carolina held to be of the first importance. To disregard the first, would have been considered an insult to the feelings of her people; and if the question had first been mooted14 with the Federal Government, the ire of South Carolinians would have been fired; the slur15 in placing her in a secondary position would have sounded the war-trumpet of Abolition16 encroachments, while the latter would have been considered a breach17 of confidence, and an unwarrantable disregard of her assertion of State rights. The Executive transmitted the documents to the Assembly, that body referred them to special committees, and the Messrs. Mazyck and McCready, reported as everybody in South Carolina expected, virtually giving the British consul a very significant invitation to keep his petitions in his pocket for the future, and his "black lambs" out of the State, or it might disturb their domesticated18 ideas. Thus was the right clearly reserved to themselves, and the question settled, so far as the State Legislature was concerned. The next course for Mr. Mathew was to appeal to the Judiciary, and should redress19 be denied, make it the medium of bringing the matter, before the Federal courts.
We cannot forbear to say, that the strenuous20 opposition21 waged against this appeal of common humanity arose from political influence, supported by a set of ultra partisans22, whose theoretical restrictions24, assisted by the voice of the press, catered25 to the war-spirit of the abstractionists.
The British consul, as the representative of his government, knowing the personal suffering to which the subjects of his country were subjected by the wretched state of the Charleston prison, and its management, sought to remove no restriction23 that might be necessary for protecting their dangerous institutions, but to relieve that suffering. He had pointed26 the authorities to the wretched state of the prison, and the inhuman27 regimen which existed within it; but, whether through that superlative carelessness which has become so materialized in the spirit of society--that callousness28 to misfortune so strongly manifested by the rich toward the industrious29 poor and the slaves-or, a contempt for his opinions, because he had followed out the instructions of his government, things went on in the same neglected manner and no attention was paid to them.
Now, we dare assert that a large, portion of the excitement which the question has caused has arisen from personal suffering, consequent upon that wretched state of jail provisions which exists in South Carolina, and which, to say the least, is degrading to the spirit and character of a proud people. If a plea could be made, for excuse, upon the shattered finances of the State, we might tolerate something of the abuse. But this is not the case; and when its privileges become reposed30 in men who make suffering the means to serve their own interests, its existence becomes an outrage31.
A stronger evidence of the cause of these remonstrances32 on the part of the British Government, is shown by the manner in which it has been submitted to in Georgia. The British consul of the port of Savannah, a gentleman whose intelligence and humane33 feelings are no less remarkable34 than Mr. Mathew's, has never had occasion to call the attention of the Executive of Georgia to the abuse of power consequent upon the imprisonment35 of colored seamen36 belonging to the ships of Great Britain in that port. The seaman37 was imprisoned38, consequently deprived of his liberty; but there was no suffering attendant beyond the loss of liberty during the stay of the vessel39; for the imprisonment itself was a nominal40 thing; the imprisoned was well cared for; he had good, comfortable apartments, cleanly and well ordered, away from the criminals, and plenty of good, wholesome41 food to eat. There was even a satisfaction in this, for the man got what he paid for, and was treated as if he were really a human being. Thus, with the exception of the restriction on the man's liberty, and that evil, which those interested in commerce would reflect upon as a tax upon the marine42 interests of the port to support a municipal police, because it imposes a tax and burdensome annoyance43 upon owners for that which they have no interest in and can derive44 no benefit from, the observance of the law had more penalty in mental anxiety than bodily suffering. We have sometimes been at a loss to account for the restriction, even as it existed in Georgia, and especially when we consider the character of those controlling and developing the enterprising commercial affairs of Savannah.
But we must return to South Carolina. If we view this law as a police regulation, it only gives us broader latitude45. If a community has that within itself which is dangerous to its well-being46, it becomes pertinent47 to inquire whether there is not an imperfect state of society existing, and whether this policy is not injurious to the well-being of the State. The evil, though it be a mortifying48 fact, we are bound to say, arises from a strange notion of caste and color, which measures sympathy according to complexion49. There is no proof that can possibly be adduced, showing that colored seamen have made any infections among the slaves, or sought to increase the dangers of her peculiar institution.
1 consul | |
n.领事;执政官 | |
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2 consular | |
a.领事的 | |
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3 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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4 incompatible | |
adj.不相容的,不协调的,不相配的 | |
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5 judicious | |
adj.明智的,明断的,能作出明智决定的 | |
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6 grievance | |
n.怨愤,气恼,委屈 | |
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7 judicial | |
adj.司法的,法庭的,审判的,明断的,公正的 | |
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8 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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9 shipping | |
n.船运(发货,运输,乘船) | |
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10 vocation | |
n.职业,行业 | |
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11 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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12 tenacious | |
adj.顽强的,固执的,记忆力强的,粘的 | |
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13 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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14 mooted | |
adj.未决定的,有争议的,有疑问的v.提出…供讨论( moot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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15 slur | |
v.含糊地说;诋毁;连唱;n.诋毁;含糊的发音 | |
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16 abolition | |
n.废除,取消 | |
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17 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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18 domesticated | |
adj.喜欢家庭生活的;(指动物)被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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19 redress | |
n.赔偿,救济,矫正;v.纠正,匡正,革除 | |
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20 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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21 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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22 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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23 restriction | |
n.限制,约束 | |
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24 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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25 catered | |
提供饮食及服务( cater的过去式和过去分词 ); 满足需要,适合 | |
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26 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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27 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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28 callousness | |
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29 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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30 reposed | |
v.将(手臂等)靠在某人(某物)上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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32 remonstrances | |
n.抱怨,抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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33 humane | |
adj.人道的,富有同情心的 | |
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34 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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35 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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36 seamen | |
n.海员 | |
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37 seaman | |
n.海员,水手,水兵 | |
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38 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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39 vessel | |
n.船舶;容器,器皿;管,导管,血管 | |
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40 nominal | |
adj.名义上的;(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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41 wholesome | |
adj.适合;卫生的;有益健康的;显示身心健康的 | |
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42 marine | |
adj.海的;海生的;航海的;海事的;n.水兵 | |
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43 annoyance | |
n.恼怒,生气,烦恼 | |
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44 derive | |
v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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45 latitude | |
n.纬度,行动或言论的自由(范围),(pl.)地区 | |
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46 well-being | |
n.安康,安乐,幸福 | |
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47 pertinent | |
adj.恰当的;贴切的;中肯的;有关的;相干的 | |
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48 mortifying | |
adj.抑制的,苦修的v.使受辱( mortify的现在分词 );伤害(人的感情);克制;抑制(肉体、情感等) | |
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49 complexion | |
n.肤色;情况,局面;气质,性格 | |
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