“Be seated. I wish to talk with you.”
The clear gray eyes of the exiled Rexanian rested searchingly on the pale, clean-cut face of the youth, and he smiled benignly6 as he drew a chair toward his captive and, seating himself, awaited the latter’s pleasure.
“How long have you lived in this country, Posadowski?” asked the prince, abandoning his smiling visions with an effort and returning to the dreary7 realities of life.
“Nearly ten years,” answered the revolutionist, whose gray hair proved that he was older than his smooth pink and white complexion8 would have indicated.
“I wish to ask you a few questions,” continued Prince Carlo. “I feel—in spite of the fact that you deceived me at our first meeting—that in the larger matters pertaining9 to the questions at issue between us I can trust you implicitly10. I give you credit, Posadowski, for being a man of good intentions[83] and honest in your avowed11 love for Rexania.”
The arch-conspirator bowed gratefully, in acknowledgment of the generous words of the man he had wronged.
“Tell me frankly12,” went on the prince, “do you find, Posadowski, that in this land of democracy the people of the lower classes—for I learn that there are class distinctions in America—are in better case than the working-people of Rexania? Compare, for instance, the rich and the poor in Rexopolis and the rich and the poor in New York. Is there not more awful poverty in yonder city than in my capital across the sea? Conversely, is there in Rexania a nobleman who wields13 over the lives of others an authority as tyrannical as that exercised by the great landlords of New York?”
Posadowski gazed at Prince Carlo in bewilderment. He had come to point out to his royal captive the far-reaching influence his abdication14 of a crown would have upon the oppressed millions of the human race who still live and struggle and perish beneath the crushing weight of thrones and what those thrones demand; and, lo, this incarnation of obsolete15 systems and archaic16 theories had asked him a few pertinent17 and practical questions that rendered Posadowski’s present mission seemingly absurd. For the arch-conspirator was a clear-headed, honest-hearted man, whose constitutional detestation for shams18 had long ago made him a rebel against monarchy19, and now rendered him dumb as he slowly took in the full significance of the line of inquiry20 Prince Carlo had put forth21.
[84]
“You do not answer, Posadowski,” went on Prince Carlo, his voice and manner growing sterner as his words flowed more freely. “Do you know, man, why I came to this country, why I defied my father’s wishes and ran a risk greater even than I imagined at the moment? I wished to see for myself what popular government has really done for a great people in a century of time. They told me on the steamer, these New Yorkers, facts that made even the hard heart of a king bleed for the poor devils who chased the ignis fatuus of freedom into the very stronghold of human tyranny. These are harsh words, Posadowski. Do you dare tell me that they are false—you who know the East Side of that great city in which you, and thousands of deluded22 Europeans, have toiled23 in misery24 that makes the lot of a Rexanian peasant easy, even luxurious25, in comparison? Perhaps I have been misinformed. Perhaps I have failed to read aright the newspapers that have come to my hand since I reached this strange, distorted land. But what I have heard, what I have read, forces me to the conviction that no Rexanian in Rexopolis has ever suffered from a form of tyranny so pitiless as that which keeps our countrymen in New York poorer and more hopeless than they were in their native land. If I am wrong, if I am deceived through insufficient26 data, I am sure you will set me right. Speak, man. Have I told the truth?”
Posadowski was silent for a moment. Then he answered, a note of stubbornness in his voice:
“Industrial conditions here are not as they[85] should be. That is true. But surely a monarchy would not set them right.”
“Ha!” cried Prince Carlo, “that is just the point. A monarchy would not solve the problems of this country. On the other hand, a republic would not remedy the defects in Rexania’s body politic27. I am liberal in my views, Posadowski. I will grant you that if I should mount the throne of Rexania I could not rule after the fashion of my great-grandfather. The king and his people must walk hand-in-hand to-day, not at sword’s points. But let Rexania become a republic on the instant, and what would result? Dissensions among the people, and political chaos28: possibly the annexation29 of the country by a stronger power on our border. You talk of the selfishness of kings. Are they not the most heroic figures of the age? Take my father—God be with him! He has loved Rexania with a devoted30 unselfishness that only those who have been near him can appreciate. Weary, sad at heart, sometimes almost hopeless, he has had it in his power to accumulate a vast fortune, put it into portable shape, and abandon his country for a land in which he could live in peace and idleness. Do you think that such a step has been no temptation to him? You have so long looked at only one side of this matter that it will be hard for you to realize the full force of my question. I tell you that my father has loved Rexania with more fervor31 than you have ever felt for our fatherland, that he has displayed more courage and patriotic32 devotion in his life than any one of his rebellious33 subjects has ever shown, and that he has understood the practical necessities of[86] our country’s environment better than the dreamers who have fostered discontent among the people. My father has been a grand and unselfish man, Posadowski, and you—you would crucify him.”
The arch-conspirator had grown pale as the youth, with a calmness that was almost uncanny in its exhibition of self-control, had given voice to the thoughts that had taken form in his mind during his days of captivity34. Presently he spoke35 again, observing that Posadowski had, at that moment, no arguments to advance.
“What dire36 calamities37 you may bring upon Rexania by holding me here a prisoner I dare to contemplate38. Granting that you keep me captive from the very highest motives39 of patriotism40, can you not see that you are endangering the very cause for which you strive? Let us suppose that my father dies and that Rexania becomes a republic. Unless you kill me, Posadowski, I shall eventually return to Europe. Not only that, but I shall be placed upon the throne of Rexania by forces against which your republican brethren could make no resistance worthy41 of the name. You are a clear-headed man, Posadowski. I can see by your face that what I have said has made an impression upon you that will give you, surely, a different point of view.”
A grim smile crossed the arch-conspirator’s countenance42. “I will acknowledge, Prince Carlo, that I have not at this moment arguments at hand to answer the line of reasoning you have advanced. I am a slow thinker, and, as you can well understand, I am confronted by a dilemma43 of tremendous import. I must ask you to give me time to weigh[87] your words. If, after close consideration, I reach your conclusions—a result that necessitates44 the rejection45 of convictions that I have cherished for many years—I will discuss frankly with you the step that we should take.”
Posadowski arose and approached the prince.
“Let me ask you, Prince Carlo,” he said, before taking his leave, “let me ask you not to discuss the matters we have in hand with my colleagues. There is not one among them who would have allowed you to explain your position as I have done. You understand me?”
“Fully,” answered the prince, smiling up at the gray-eyed Rexanian, “I understand you, Posadowski, and I trust you.”
At that very moment Ludovics was making his exit from a road-house a mile away, the fumes46 of brandy imprisoned47 in the cells of his brain. With the money that Norman Benedict had left for him at the restaurant in St. Mark’s Square, Ludovics had purchased a revolver and had gone on a hunting expedition into Westchester County. It was big game that he was after—nothing less than a king who was making wild merriment at his expense; and where that king was Ludovics well knew.
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1
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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2
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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3
pensive
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| a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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4
longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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5
tinged
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| v.（使）发丁丁声( ting的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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6
benignly
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| adv.仁慈地，亲切地 | |
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7
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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8
complexion
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| n.肤色；情况，局面；气质，性格 | |
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9
pertaining
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| 与…有关系的，附属…的，为…固有的(to) | |
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10
implicitly
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| adv. 含蓄地, 暗中地, 毫不保留地 | |
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11
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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12
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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13
wields
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的第三人称单数 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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14
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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15
obsolete
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| adj.已废弃的，过时的 | |
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16
archaic
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| adj.(语言、词汇等)古代的，已不通用的 | |
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17
pertinent
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| adj.恰当的；贴切的；中肯的；有关的；相干的 | |
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18
shams
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| 假象( sham的名词复数 )； 假货； 虚假的行为（或感情、言语等）； 假装…的人 | |
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19
monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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20
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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22
deluded
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| v.欺骗，哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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23
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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24
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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25
luxurious
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| adj.精美而昂贵的；豪华的 | |
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26
insufficient
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| adj.(for，of)不足的，不够的 | |
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27
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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28
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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29
annexation
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| n.吞并，合并 | |
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30
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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31
fervor
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| n.热诚；热心；炽热 | |
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32
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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33
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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34
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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35
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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36
dire
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| adj.可怕的，悲惨的，阴惨的，极端的 | |
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37
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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38
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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39
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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40
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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41
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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42
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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43
dilemma
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| n.困境，进退两难的局面 | |
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44
necessitates
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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45
rejection
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| n.拒绝，被拒，抛弃，被弃 | |
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46
fumes
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| n.(强烈而刺激的)气味，气体 | |
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47
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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