He read it through, while my friend and I talked about trivial things. After quite a long period of silence he handed the paper back to the giver.
“What do you think of it?” he was asked.
His cigar had gone out. He lit it before he replied. Then he said, gravely:
“America needs a Marius, a Pitt, and a Peel. Before long it must get one or all of them, or it will surely breed a Danton and a Robespierre.”
It may have been mere5 epigram, but the two of us who heard it were startled. For the man who said it was a leader of the world of fashion, powerful in the world of business, and descended6 from four generations of the purest-blooded aristocracy this country owns.
Think, then, of the meaning of this sentiment from such a man at such a time! Marius, a plebeian7, led the slaves of Rome to the seats of political power, broke down the age-old barriers of an aristocratic plutocracy9, and wrote into the history of the world one of its earliest chapters on the revolt of a subjugated10 nation held in chains for the benefit of a few. Pitt, Lord Chatham, the “Great Commoner,” hurled11 from office by the combined power of a king, a plutocratic12 class, and a subservient13 political machine, was forced back into office by the will of the people, unorganized, in the face of all the banded powers against him, and in spite of a condition of political corruption14 that made his return seem a miracle. Peel gave the people of England free corn against the banded powers of commercial greed.
And to-day, in America, an aristocrat8 156and a member of the plutocratic class, sitting in a great city club of fashion, reading an editorial from a paper that is published and edited to meet the demands of that very class, gives it as his opinion that in this country we must raise a Marius, a Pitt, and a Peel! And the alternative—the days of the Terror, the bloody16 hands, the brutish mob, the wild-eyed, frantic17 leaders of the hosts that stormed the Bastile, set up the guillotine—so runs the mind of an aristocrat and a plutocrat, reading the Evening Post in a rich man’s club on upper Fifth Avenue!
I believe that he was right. Without referring specifically to the tariff reform—for this is no political document that I am writing—I believe that the catalogue of legislative18 enactments19 by our administrative20 machine over the past twenty years reveals beyond the shadow of a doubt that the will of the people is subservient to the will of the plutocracy. How can we further blind ourselves to the truth? When such a fact is known as gospel to the people, from Maine to California, published in every section of the press, from the gutter-snipe class to the scholarly review, how may the best educated class in the United States go on upon its careless way ignoring the fact?
The result is perfectly21 obvious in the light of history. The plutocracy, stripped of the artificial screens behind which it grew to power, stands exposed to-day in the full glare of the search-light of public knowledge. Under such circumstances, even in slave-holding nations, there has never lacked a tribune of the people. So158 sprung the Gracchi from the dust to lead the first great battle in Rome. So, even in the dawn of popular liberty, came a Tyler and a Cade, before their hour had struck, it is true, yet, even so, with power to call to their backs armies of men willing to die and conquerable only by accident or guile22. So, in the fullness of time, came other greater men, a Marius, a Pitt, a Peel, who led the people onward23 and upward against the citadels24 of plutocracy.
To-day we of the class that rules, that draws unearned profits from the toil25 of other men, know full well that the time is almost here when there must be a true accounting26. The fortunes that have been made are made; and that is all of it. The fortunes that are in the making through misuse27 of political power, through extortionate exploitation of the people and159 the people’s heritage, through industrial oppression and industrial denial of the rights of man—these must be checked. To-morrow, in this land, the door of opportunity must be again unsealed.
We cannot go back and create more free land to take the place of the millions upon millions of acres thrown away by a lavish28, stupid, careless, traitorous29 government. We cannot fill again the plundered30 mines of Michigan or Montana or Pennsylvania. We cannot clothe the hills of Maine and Michigan again with pine, or the broad bottoms of Ohio with walnut31. We cannot turn backward the hands of the clock, or re-create the economic factors that have been eliminated to make of their fragments the wealth and the social world to-day enjoyed by the exploiters and their descendants.
It is not so that evolution works. That 160rare civilization of the Aztecs which Cortez crushed can never be restored. Only echoes from the tombs of Lucumons, after the lapse32 of twenty centuries, attest33 the fact that once, in Etruria, there existed a civilization distinctive34, splendid, brilliant, until the tempest of Sulla’s vengeance35 blotted36 it from the face of the earth. Only the ashes in the urn15 of history remain of Pharaoh’s Egypt, Athens, Babylon, Persia.
So, too, the golden opportunity of yesterday is gone, never to return within our borders. The lesson of America, however, is burned deep into the records of time. In Canada, such a man as Laurier reads it clearly. In the greater of the Latin republics in South America, they strive to-day to prevent the very condition we now161 find in free America. In this matter of the real substance of rulership, the United States is to-day an example to the nations of a democracy which has deliberately37 squandered38 its birthright.
Yet, for all our lost opportunities, much remains39 that can be done and will be done. It is not my purpose here to sketch40 the process of salvation41 that is yet possible. Only, at this point in my writings, I would warn the people of my class, those of them who do not yet think about these things or understand them, that the moment has arrived when the people demand a Marius—a tribune who shall lead them onward into freedom, a man who shall stand before the world untrammelled by the golden chains of wealth, undefiled by the pollution of time-serving politics, filled with the inspiration of the people’s will, courageous42 to battle to the very bitter end for the rights that the people demand.
Only the morally and intellectually deaf cannot hear the sound of the call of the people. It sweeps from the plains of Kansas in the breath of the rustling43 corn; it swells44 from the hills of Montana in the thud of the drill and the rising and falling of picks in the mines; it whirs from the looms45 of the South and the North, where child slaves earn the bread of labour; it moans from the lofts46 of New York, in the voice of the slaves of the sweat shop; it shrieks47 from the forges of Pittsburg, the charnels of Packingtown, the terrible mines of the mountains of coal.
It is a call for a leader to freedom—the freedom we bought with our blood and signed away in ignorance. I care not where you turn, the voices of the people crying for their rights rise stronger, fuller, more threatening, year by year. Day by day they organize. A meeting of farmers at St. Louis files formal protest against the profits of the middleman, and forms a committee to investigate and report, and puts together a League of Reform. A machine-made politician in New York, in Massachusetts, in Pennsylvania, is crushed by the votes of the people he fondly had dreamed he owned. A firmly entrenched48 public officer is branded a liar49 and a thief, no matter what committees may whitewash50 him. A public document published to clear the skirts of a ruling party of the charge of being in part responsible for the rising prices is laughed out of court by the people themselves.
A daring and preposterous51 attempt on the part of organized railroad owners to advance rates to the general public, while holding them down for the “big interests,” is met by a storm of organized protest. Chambers52 of commerce, industrial clubs, manufacturers’ guilds53, consumers’ leagues, spring up all over the country, expostulating, pleading, threatening, hurling54 legal thunderbolts. A President yields to the clamour, and an attorney-general launches the thunder of Washington against a move that, ten years ago, would have met only the scattered55, sporadic56, half-hearted, hopeless invective57 of the private citizen. The railroads yield, and begin the revision of rates “at the top,” by making agreements with the big organized shippers, the trusts.
The time is ripe, or nearly ripe; the fight begins. The status quo is to be changed. In the political arena58 all is confusion. Already, from the lips of the old, trained leaders, who, through long periods, have served the interests of the plutocracy while wearing the livery of the people, come hesitating phrases of fear and confusion. One announces that he will retire after his present term. Another goes down to defeat, fighting to the last for his masters. A third, branded a corruptionist, sees ruin stalking him amid the shadows of the coming day. Another, reading the papers, dubs59 them traitors60, and madly curses them before the eyes and in the ears of all the people.
And, meantime, we need a Marius, a Lincoln, a strong man of the people, in whose hands will be the threads of political destiny. Events are opening to this strong man the gates of mighty61 power. When he comes (and he is sure to come), he will hear the clear, unmistakable call of166 destiny to its chosen. Can he help but heed62? History supplies the answer. Go read it, you who rest secure within your flimsy barriers of self-interest, self-confidence, and gold. When another Lincoln comes, we shall know him.
“Of all the cankers of human happiness none corrodes63 with so silent yet so baneful64 an influence, as indolence. Body and mind both unemployed65, our being becomes a burthen, and every object about us loathsome66, even the dearest. Idleness begets67 ennui68, ennui the hypochondriac, and that a diseased body. No laborious69 person was ever yet hysterical70. Exercise and application produce order in our affairs, health of body, and cheerfulness of mind; all these make us precious to our friends. It is while we are young that the habit of industry is formed. If not then, it never is afterwards. The fortune of our lives, therefore, depends on employing well the short period of youth.”
—Thomas Jefferson.
点击收听单词发音
1 realization | |
n.实现;认识到,深刻了解 | |
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2 tariff | |
n.关税,税率;(旅馆、饭店等)价目表,收费表 | |
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3 sane | |
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的 | |
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4 dignified | |
a.可敬的,高贵的 | |
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5 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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6 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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7 plebeian | |
adj.粗俗的;平民的;n.平民;庶民 | |
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8 aristocrat | |
n.贵族,有贵族气派的人,上层人物 | |
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9 plutocracy | |
n.富豪统治 | |
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10 subjugated | |
v.征服,降伏( subjugate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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11 hurled | |
v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的过去式和过去分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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12 plutocratic | |
adj.富豪的,有钱的 | |
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13 subservient | |
adj.卑屈的,阿谀的 | |
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14 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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15 urn | |
n.(有座脚的)瓮;坟墓;骨灰瓮 | |
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16 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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17 frantic | |
adj.狂乱的,错乱的,激昂的 | |
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18 legislative | |
n.立法机构,立法权;adj.立法的,有立法权的 | |
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19 enactments | |
n.演出( enactment的名词复数 );展现;规定;通过 | |
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20 administrative | |
adj.行政的,管理的 | |
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21 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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22 guile | |
n.诈术 | |
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23 onward | |
adj.向前的,前进的;adv.向前,前进,在先 | |
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24 citadels | |
n.城堡,堡垒( citadel的名词复数 ) | |
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25 toil | |
vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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26 accounting | |
n.会计,会计学,借贷对照表 | |
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27 misuse | |
n.误用,滥用;vt.误用,滥用 | |
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28 lavish | |
adj.无节制的;浪费的;vt.慷慨地给予,挥霍 | |
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29 traitorous | |
adj. 叛国的, 不忠的, 背信弃义的 | |
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30 plundered | |
掠夺,抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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31 walnut | |
n.胡桃,胡桃木,胡桃色,茶色 | |
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32 lapse | |
n.过失,流逝,失效,抛弃信仰,间隔;vi.堕落,停止,失效,流逝;vt.使失效 | |
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33 attest | |
vt.证明,证实;表明 | |
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34 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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35 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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36 blotted | |
涂污( blot的过去式和过去分词 ); (用吸墨纸)吸干 | |
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37 deliberately | |
adv.审慎地;蓄意地;故意地 | |
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38 squandered | |
v.(指钱,财产等)浪费,乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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39 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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40 sketch | |
n.草图;梗概;素描;v.素描;概述 | |
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41 salvation | |
n.(尤指基督)救世,超度,拯救,解困 | |
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42 courageous | |
adj.勇敢的,有胆量的 | |
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43 rustling | |
n. 瑟瑟声,沙沙声 adj. 发沙沙声的 | |
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44 swells | |
增强( swell的第三人称单数 ); 肿胀; (使)凸出; 充满(激情) | |
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45 looms | |
n.织布机( loom的名词复数 )v.隐约出现,阴森地逼近( loom的第三人称单数 );隐约出现,阴森地逼近 | |
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46 lofts | |
阁楼( loft的名词复数 ); (由工厂等改建的)套房; 上层楼面; 房间的越层 | |
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47 shrieks | |
n.尖叫声( shriek的名词复数 )v.尖叫( shriek的第三人称单数 ) | |
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48 entrenched | |
adj.确立的,不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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49 liar | |
n.说谎的人 | |
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50 whitewash | |
v.粉刷,掩饰;n.石灰水,粉刷,掩饰 | |
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51 preposterous | |
adj.荒谬的,可笑的 | |
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52 chambers | |
n.房间( chamber的名词复数 );(议会的)议院;卧室;会议厅 | |
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53 guilds | |
行会,同业公会,协会( guild的名词复数 ) | |
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54 hurling | |
n.爱尔兰式曲棍球v.猛投,用力掷( hurl的现在分词 );大声叫骂 | |
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55 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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56 sporadic | |
adj.偶尔发生的 [反]regular;分散的 | |
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57 invective | |
n.痛骂,恶意抨击 | |
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58 arena | |
n.竞技场,运动场所;竞争场所,舞台 | |
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59 dubs | |
v.给…起绰号( dub的第三人称单数 );把…称为;配音;复制 | |
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60 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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61 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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62 heed | |
v.注意,留意;n.注意,留心 | |
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63 corrodes | |
v.使腐蚀,侵蚀( corrode的第三人称单数 ) | |
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64 baneful | |
adj.有害的 | |
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65 unemployed | |
adj.失业的,没有工作的;未动用的,闲置的 | |
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66 loathsome | |
adj.讨厌的,令人厌恶的 | |
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67 begets | |
v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 );产生,引起 | |
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68 ennui | |
n.怠倦,无聊 | |
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69 laborious | |
adj.吃力的,努力的,不流畅 | |
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70 hysterical | |
adj.情绪异常激动的,歇斯底里般的 | |
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