That familiar phrase, the Brotherhood8 of Men, sounds rather hollow in the ears of many. I am avoiding pretty phrases and disputable creeds9 and subtle philosophies—I am trying to keep in direct contact with the realities of life—and therefore I do not use it. But the sincere sentiment behind it, the feeling that we men and women do form one large family in possession of an immense and infinitely10 fertile estate, and that we will develop our property more advantageously for each of us if we act as though we were brothers, can hardly be challenged. The question of the exact expression of our relationship to each other may be left to poets and scientists.
Those lighter11 shams12 of patriotism14, which I shall describe in this chapter as hampering16 the march of the race, will be recognised even by men who, with Carlyle or Nietzsche, refuse the title of brother to some of their fellows. We ourselves smile at them sometimes, and at the cheerfulness with which we endure the grave inconvenience they put on us; and they will certainly provoke the laughter of the scholars who will some day learnedly discuss the question whether we men and women of the twentieth century were or were not civilised. They have, it is true, a much more serious aspect; they are important auxiliaries17 of the war-god. On the whole, however, they are shams that we ought to kill with ridicule18 and bury with genial19 disdain20. They are practices or institutions which we have plainly inherited from the barbaric past, when men were slaves of tradition, kingly or priestly, and dare hardly use their own intelligence on their own habits. In this age of ours, when we are at last becoming the masters, instead of the slaves, of our traditions, they are regarded by large bodies of men and women in every civilised country as stupid, anachronistic21, and mischievous22.
In fact, there is here again no serious difference of opinion. One has not to force one’s way through some controversial thicket23 before one can discover the correct path of reform. The way lies perfectly24 clear before us, and we can enter it at any time when we have the collective will to do so. One might again describe the proposal, not as a “reform”—since many people instinctively25 shrink from the word reform—but as a business proposition of the simplest and most profitable character. I speak of those false and antiquated26 freaks of patriotism which keep different groups of human beings speaking different languages, using different weights and measures, wrestling with each other’s mysterious coinage, collecting each other’s stamps, and stumbling against the many other irritating diversities which make one part of the earth “foreign” to another. It may seem to imply some lack of sense of proportion to pass from so grave a subject as war to these matters, but a very little reflection will show how closely they are connected.
The first and most ludicrous of them is the stubbornness with which each fragment of the race prides itself on having a language of its own. This confusion of tongues has irritated and inconvenienced and helped to exasperate27 against each other the various sections of the human community for thousands of years, although we could suppress it at will in half a generation. Millions of us have an acute and constant experience of the absurdity28 of the system. In our schools, where mind and body require the fullest possible attention during the few years of training, we devote a large proportion of the time to teaching children how the same idea may be expressed by half a dozen different sounds. The higher the class of school, the more valuable and skilled the teacher, the more time must be wasted in learning how ancient Greeks and Romans, or how Germans and French and Italians, have invented different sounds from ours for expressing the same ideas. The slenderness of the protest one hears against this polyglot29 system from educators themselves is amazing. They have, it is true, begun to rebel in large numbers against the teaching of dead languages, but comparatively few of them support the increasing demand for that adoption30 of a common tongue which would do so much for the advance of education.
Those whose parents did not happen to be wealthy enough in their youth to send them to schools which have the distinction of teaching “languages” are hampered31 in a hundred ways. If they travel, they must pay sycophantic32 waiters and couriers to give them a dim understanding of the human world through which they pass. Even in their own country they cannot order a dinner at any well-ordered restaurant without first studying a lengthy33 vocabulary of superfluous34 sounds, or without practising a dozen little hypocrisies35 to conceal36 their ignorance. In large colonial hotels, where hardly a single person who does not speak English is ever found, one receives a “menu” with the usual intimidating37 array of French phrases. “You ought to supply dictionaries with this sort of thing!” said an angry young squatter38, taking a seat beside me in the Grand Hotel at Melbourne, to the waiter. If you are travelling for business, or even transacting39 business at home, you must have your foreign correspondents and agents; and with their aid you follow dimly the very interesting advances and experiments that are being made in your department abroad. Our Governments must pay more heavily for diplomatic and consular40 service. Our books and magazines make a parade of foreign phrases which have not yet become as familiar as English. Our shopkeepers add twenty-five per cent. to the cost of our linen41 by calling it “lingerie.” ...
We are tormented42 in a hundred ways, yet we contemplate43 this absurd muddle44 and waste with as resigned an air as if we still believed that the Almighty45 had, in a fit of temper, created the confusion of tongues at ancient Babel. So subtle and strong is the hold of custom on us that we rarely even ask ourselves whether this is a wise or an unalterable arrangement. We hear with indifference46, if not with amusement, of societies which propose to adopt one international tongue in the place of this ridiculous confusion; we languidly picture to ourselves little groups of long-haired faddists meeting in bleak48 halls to attract our duller neighbours to the cultivation49 of one more innocent enthusiasm. We have not time for these things. When a sensible man has given adequate time to business and pleasure, he has, he says, no hours to spare for these idealistic luxuries. Yet a moment’s serious reflection would show us that the sole aim of these “faddists” is to make life less crowded and laborious50, to lighten our business and add to our pleasure, to introduce common-sense into a large part of our conduct. To such strange contradictions and absurdities does this resolve to resist innovation bring us.
Most people are, perhaps,—if they ever give a thought to the matter,—under the impression that it is a mountainous and impracticable task to introduce such a reform into the life of the world. It is, on the contrary, one of the simplest and most practicable reforms to which men could set their hands. It is even less controversial a measure than the abolition51 of war. There are few prejudices of our time which have not attracted the ingenuity52 of some faddist47 or other; but this is one of the few. More emphatically here than in the case of war, all that we need is the will of the majority to change our anachronistic practice. When one regards the entirely53 uncontroversial nature of the reform and the immense economy it will entail54, it is hardly unreasonable55 to hope that this will of the majority may soon be secured.
I assume that, when we agree to direct our “Governments” to carry out this elementary improvement of international life, they will summon an international commission of philologists56, educators, and commercial men, whose business it will be to create a new language. This step will not be taken until the voluntary movement for reform has reached such proportions as to arouse the interest of politicians; but in the end we rely on governmental action, as it is necessary to reform schools and Parliaments. This international commission will, no doubt, examine impartially57 such languages as Esperanto. Possibly these existing international tongues will be found more complex than an ideal language ought to be, and less attentive58 to the finer values of speech. For the simple purpose of expression it is possible to create a tongue far less complex than any in use in the civilised world to-day: a tongue that could be learned in a few months even by the untrained intelligence. It would proceed on the entirely opposite principle to that of modern word-makers: the principle, for instance, that changes “fireworks” into “pyrotechnics” (a piece of bad Greek for good English), or “gardening” into “horticulture.” The use of this debased Latin and Greek in science has a certain advantage under our present polyglot system, as it is an approach toward international agreement, but it is making more onerous59 than ever the burden of our languages. We want a simple means of expression and intercourse60, with a power of expanding to meet the advance of thought and discovery without needing to run to such lengths as “diaminotrihydroxydodecanoic acid.” No existing national speech would meet the purpose, least of all English; but it would be advisable to have some regard to æsthetic interests in framing a new language, and the old tongues would supply a good deal of material in this regard. The success of the poet depends on qualities of words as well as qualities of imagination, and we have no wish, like Plato, to exclude poets from the ideal commonwealth61. We should retain large numbers of these short expressive62 words.
Great numbers of people hesitate in face of this proposal because they feel that it is a very large innovation, however simple and indisputable it is in principle. They contemplate such things as a nervous child gazes on the sea from the steps of a bathing machine. Intellectually, a few such plunges63 would be of incalculable service to our generation. One can understand people hesitating before some disputed economic or political scheme, but to shrink from adopting plain and large reforms such as this is not a sign of health. We need to purge64 our sluggish65 imaginations of their prejudices, to brace66 our intellectual power, to take pride in our creativeness.
When the new international tongue is ready, a few years will suffice to make it prevail over the older languages in the leading countries which helped to set up the commission. It will become the one speech of the school, the press, commerce, law, government, and, possibly, the church. The travelling public will, as every Esperantist knows, at once discover the advantage. The commercial world will find it a splendid economy and a priceless boon67 to international trade. A man will be able to travel from London to Tokyo with as little difficulty as from Woolwich to Ealing; and it will be found that when the foreign tongue, which so instinctively suggests to us the uniform of an enemy, has disappeared, one of the worst obstacles to mutual68 good-feeling will be removed. When the Englishman can talk to the Berliner with perfect ease,—I assume that all beginnings of dialect would be suppressed as mercilessly as weeds in a well-kept garden,—just as a citizen of London now talks with a citizen of New York or Sydney, a very dangerous chasm69 will be bridged. It is quite certain that the calamitous70 attitude of modern Germany could not have proceeded to such a dangerous pitch if the Imperialist and other literature which is responsible for it had been intelligible71 to the whole of Europe. A few students of particular aspects of German life were more or less acquainted with it, and we refused to believe then. Now we discover, to our amazement72, that a neighbouring nation has for decades been openly educated up to a pitch of unscrupulous aggression73, and the world has been threatened with an incalculable catastrophe74. I am not overlooking the real reasons for this development, but I say confidently that it would have been impossible if a national literature were not generally confined within the nation which produces it.
In the school the advantage would be very considerable. Our overstrained and bespectacled children would be spared several hours a day of their school-work or home-work. The whole ancient and modern-language section of the curriculum would be suppressed, and this suppression, with other reforms which I will describe later, would enlarge the teacher’s opportunity of giving real education and spare the pupil a great deal of devastating75 brain-fag. For the education of older people the gain would be almost as great. A Birmingham artisan could read the latest novel of d’Annunzio or latest play of Hauptmann without the assistance of expert or inexpert translators. All the older literature that is worth preserving would be translated by specially76 qualified77 interpreters into the new tongue, and the originals would then become the toys of leisured pedants78. If, as I suggested, a proper attention to word-values were secured in the making of the new tongue, there is no reason why it should not express poetical79 sentiments as gracefully80 and pleasantly as any existing tongue.
Is there any Utopian element in this scheme? Most people will probably recognise that the only bit of utopianism in it is the expectation that the majority of any nation can be induced to adopt it. That might seem to justify81 one in using impatient language about the wisdom of the majority of us, but it is no reflection on the scheme itself. The reformer, however, is ill-advised in reflecting on the intelligence of his fellows. Carlyle’s “twenty-seven millions, mostly fools,” discovered in the end that all their follies82, which he so vigorously denounced in his Latter-Day Pamphlets, were more permanent and accurate than his “eternal verities83.” It is usually want of leisure or immediate84 profit which alienates85 the public from schemes of reform. Possibly a scheme which so plainly promises more leisure to us and a very considerable profit may hope to win attention. The reform of spelling I, of course, take as an integral part of the scheme.
But this reform of international intercourse must take a more comprehensive shape than the mere86 suppression of this confusing plurality of tongues. It is just as foolish of us to maintain a plurality of weights and measures, of coinage and postage-stamps, of social and civic87 and juridical forms. Even if we confine our attention to the leading civilised nations, we find in these respects a confusion which outrages88 the elementary instincts of commercial life and lays a monstrous89 burden of superfluous trouble on us all. Travellers and business-men endure it year after year with the most amazing patience. Men who would be fired to instant action if they found a trace of such disorder in their domestic or commercial concerns resign themselves to this colossal90 muddle of international intercourse as calmly as if it were a providential and entirely sacred arrangement. I remember once passing rather rapidly from Lucerne to London, by way of Wiesbaden, Cologne, and Brussels: on another occasion by way of Cologne and Amsterdam. The hours one has to spend in calculating coinage (or lose the exchange-value), the worry expended91 in struggling for stamps or dinners in the less familiar tongues, the confusion of train-rules and street-usages and civic regulations, reflect a system of chaotic92 disorder; to say nothing of the “sizes” of boots or collars you need, the weight of tobacco or fruit, and so on.
All this is a portentous93 example of slavery to tradition, whether the tradition be reasonable or no. We have not the slightest regard for the historical development of this muddle and the peculiar94 folly95 of retaining it in our generation. Our earlier ancestors measured their woollens or their corn or their mead96 by the simple standards that are apt to occur to primitive97 peoples. Even, however, where the same standard occurred to, or commended itself to, different and remote communities, its vagueness was fatal. “A thousand paces” (a mille, as the Romans said) seemed a fair reckoning for long distances, but the stretch varied99, and we have Irish miles and German miles and English miles and nautical100 miles. Our ounces and yards and pints101 are as intelligent as most of the other things which the ancient Briton invented, but, being British, they seem sacred to us. A hundred years ago a far superior standard, the decimal system, was put before us, but our fathers felt that it smacked102 of the French Revolution and Napoleon and atheism103. We smile at their prejudice, yet we have no greater disposition104 to alter our unintelligent ways. The German would be horrified105 at having to reckon his distances in kilometres. The British lion, the French or German or Russian or American eagle,—there is a marvellous love of that symbol of aspiration106 and progress,—or the rising sun of Japan, must have its own system of weights and measures and coins. Passing through a strip of Canada some months ago I had, from lack of the local stamps, to entrust107 my post to a kindly108 waitress; and was, of course, robbed. Of late years, Australia has patriotically109 resolved to have its own coins, and has fought parliamentary battles over its stamps.
The often-imagined visitor from another planet would not be so much surprised at this extraordinary and costly111 muddle of patriotic110 shams as at our faculty112 for progress in commerce and industry amidst it all. We seem to be quite blind to the larger applications of our modern doctrine113 of efficiency. Regarded as an economic system, which it really is, the international arrangement of our civilised world is full of crudities which are more worthy114 of a Papuan pedlar. The contrast between the methods of a large Chicago store or a British or German engineering-business and the methods we retain in far larger and more important concerns will one day be a subject of amazement. The evil of which I am speaking eats into the very heart of an industrial and commercial system which prides itself on its order, economy, and efficiency. Yet this comprehensive muddle is contemplated115 almost without protest by business-men. If it were merely the leisure hours of travellers which were dissipated in this abstruse116 study of foreign tongues and coins and customs, we might merely deplore117 proverbial vagaries118 of taste. But the abuse is immeasurably greater than this; the advantage we should gain by this scheme of unification can scarcely be calculated. One would think that the reform was really difficult to achieve, or lay under the frown of some imposing119 school of theologians or moralists or economists120!
I omit from the list of perversities whatever is the subject of serious economic controversy121. Such things as national tariffs122, for instance. However arguable the question may be in England, even the free-trader usually appreciates in such a country as Australia the plea for a protective tariff123. There is, at all events, a very serious controversy on the general issue, and it would not be expedient124 to include among plain reforms any scheme of universal free-trade or universal protection. It is enough to point out that certain obvious, stupid, and mischievous survivals of old conditions gravely hamper15 our international intercourse. The prestige of our civilisation125, as well as a common-sense view of our interest, demand that we shall suppress them. More disputable reforms may be considered afterwards. Our usual method is, one fears, to discuss the more disputable reforms first.
It is difficult to conceive any plea being put forward on behalf of these irrational126 old customs, but a sufficiently127 ingenious and superficial apologist might claim that patriotism bids us maintain them. There is no doubt that the work of reform will have to proceed over the bodies of a number of the pettier patriots128. No one can suppose that the task of unification will be accomplished129 without friction130. German professors and Bulgarian politicians will protest against this pernicious cosmopolitan132 spirit, this horrible wish to denationalise us, this tampering133 with the sources of national energy. Ardent134 Irishmen and Welshmen will form very talkative associations for the defence of “the grand old tongue.” Rival languages will be put forward, and Esperanto will strain its hitherto respectable resources in denouncing Volapük or the new official speech. French and English and German savants will heatedly press the claims of ideal words in their respective languages to be taken over, and pamphleteers will discuss whether Herr Professor Doktor Schmidt did or did not contribute more suggestions than Professor Smith. A higher criticism of the new language will spread its pale growth like a parasitic135 fungus136.
What is patriotism? In the sense in which the word is still widely, if not generally, understood, it stands for a sentiment that belongs essentially137 to a pre-rational age and cannot survive unchanged in a rational age. This does not mean that a rational age has no place for sentiments; it means that the sentiments must not affront138 reason. We cannot at once pride ourselves on being paragons139 of common-sense, yet slaves to a sentiment which common-sense must not examine too closely. Loyalty140 to that larger national family to which we belong: cordial and generous support of its interests: sacrifice, if need be, for its just ambitions: pride in its worthy achievements, even in its worthier141 superiorities—these are useful and intelligible sentiments, and it is not unreasonable to make a flag the visible symbol of these just interests and achievements. But a blind and undiscriminating devotion to flag or king, a glorification143 of our national family above others in the roystering fashion of the Middle Ages, a refusal to ask if the demands of our rulers are just or if the interests we are pressed to support are sound and equitable144, an obstinate145 pride in a thing because it is British or German, whether it be wise or no—these are sentiments entirely at variance146 with the best spirit of our age. We may recognise that even the crude old patriotism has contributed much to the advance of civilisation. This gathering147 of men into rival national groups has forced the pace, and has at times developed noble qualities. But we must admit also that the same patriotism has inspired hundreds of unjust and stupid wars, and has maintained on their thrones kings and queens who ought to have been dismissed with ignominy.
The progress of civilisation does not entail the suppression, but the refinement148, of sentiment, as is very plainly seen in the supposed implications of patriotism. When it is urged that these absurd national diversities of speech and coinage must be sustained on the ground of patriotism, we ask at once which sound element of patriotism could demand such an anachronism? It is, surely, only the spurious medieval sentiment that could dictate149 so utter an absurdity! Will the interests of England be endangered because we remove a very serious burden from its economic life and its educational activity? Shall we be less prosperous, less happy, less respected, for correcting an antiquated and foolish practice? These things, we may reflect, were not stupid at the time when they were developed. The resolute150 patriot13 may, if he wills, take pride in the relative ingenuity of the people who invented them. Each separate national system was the outcome of special conditions, and the slender commerce between the different communities at the time they were developed did not require a rigorous international standard. One bartered151 by the piece or the lump. But it is sheer folly to ignore the modern transformation152 of international life: to fancy that our unwillingness153 to exert ourselves, even for our own advantage, may be ascribed to some lofty virtue154.
It need hardly be said that I am not cherishing a dream of spreading at once over the entire planet a uniformity of language and coins and standards. The leading civilised nations might, within a few years, adopt such a scheme; and a certain number of the smaller and less advanced nations, which aspire155 to membership of the civilised group, would probably accept the reform speedily enough. On the other hand, the permeation156 of the lower races with our ideas would be a slow and difficult process: a part of that general task of civilising the whole race which we have sooner or later to confront. This difficulty does not at all affect the advantage we should gain by adopting a scheme of unification within the family of civilised nations, and it cannot be pleaded as a reason for postponement157. But all the reforms I have hitherto discussed will, when they have spread over the more highly organised countries, find a temporary check in this chaotic jumble158 of peoples on the fringe of civilisation, and it may be useful to discuss the principles which ought to inform our attitude toward them.
Our generation looks out upon these backward branches of the race, not only with a finer sentiment and a stricter regard for principle than any previous generation did, but with a very much clearer knowledge of their meaning. We may, of course, be faithless to our principles in cases: we may casuistically wrap a piece of frank buccaneering of the old type in hypocritical humanitarian159 phrases. The general attitude is, however, more enlightened, as these pieces of hypocrisy160 themselves show. We may or may not hold the doctrine of universal brotherhood; at least we understand the true relation of these more backward races to ourselves, and we are in a much better position to determine our right and our duties. We have advanced considerably161 since, little more than half a century ago, a stern moralist like Carlyle could defend black-slavery and denounce as “a gospel of dirt” the scientific revelation which threw light and hope on inferior types of manhood.
The chief difference is that we now see the true relation of the lower races to the higher. It is false to say, as Carlyle did, that some races were created with higher gifts than others, and were therefore divinely appointed as the master-races. The notion is as absurd as the old and profitable legend of the laying of a primitive curse on Ham and his black descendants. Difference of geographical162 conditions is the chief clue to the unequal development of the various branches of the race. I have in various works developed this theme and will not linger over it here. You have at the start the same human material and capacities in all the scattered groups. But some have been for ages isolated163 from the stimulating164 contact of races with a different or a higher culture, and this is the essential condition of advance. Others have, by sheer chance, been so situated165 that they enjoyed this stimulation166 in an extraordinary degree. On this principle we can understand the birth of civilisation in that fermenting167 mass of peoples which settled between the Mediterranean168 and the Persian Gulf169 ages ago, and the direction of the advancing stream of culture, partly eastward170 to India and China, but mainly in the more favourable171 north-western direction.
It is, therefore, no difference of aboriginal172 outfit173, but a difference in the chances of migration174 and situation, which accounts for the cultural diversity of races. Yet we must not at once infer that any lower race can, on this account, be drawn175 from its isolation176 and lifted to the higher level. There is reason to believe that a race loses its educability if it remains177 unprogressive for too long a period. The physiological178 reason may be that the skull179 closes firmly, at a relatively180 early age, over the brain in a people in which expansion of brain after puberty has not been encouraged. Take the three “lower races” of Australasia. The Tasmanian was one of the oldest and least cultured branches of the human family, and he died out within a century after contact with the whites. The Maori of New Zealand is the most recent and most advanced of the three aboriginal races. With the Polynesian, he is closely related to the European or Caucasic race, and is certainly educable. The Australian black comes between the two in culture and in the period of his isolation. Australian scientific men who have made the most sympathetic efforts to uplift the black tell me that they have failed, and the race seems to be doomed181.
These scientific principles have discredited182 the old legendary183 notions about the lower races, but we must not as yet make dogmas of them. Nothing but candid184 and careful experience will show which races are educable and which ineducable. It is very probable that such peoples as the wild Veddahs of Ceylon, the Aetas of the Philippines, the Yahgans of Tierra del Fuego, and some of the Central African groups, will prove ineducable. Other races which have been considered “savage” are already proving educable, either as a body or in large numbers of instances. Many peoples have not been tested at all. We are only just at the fringe of this vast and interesting problem.
In regard to the races which, after humane185 and thorough experiment, prove entirely ineducable, the solution does not offer much difficulty. Once their primitive habits are disturbed, and they begin to live on a pension allotted186 them by the European nations which have seized their territory, they gradually die out. A very good case may be established by those writers who hold that races which cling incurably187 to barbarism ought to be painlessly extirpated188, or prevented from multiplying. Such races as the Australian blacks are quite familiar with a process of sterilisation which does not interfere189 with their enjoyment190 of life. On the other hand, the life led by these domesticated191 but ineducable savages192 is hardly worth preserving at all. However, as they are disappearing, one need not press that point. The claim of sane193 humanitarians194, that we have no right to interfere with their conditions and seize their territory, is quite unsound. The human family has a right to see large fertile regions of the earth developed. Who regrets to-day that the Amerinds were pensioned in order to find room for Canada and the United States and Brazil and Argentina? Who does not see the advantage of peopling Australia with a fine and advancing civilisation of (eventually) twenty or thirty million progressive whites instead of a few hundred thousand miserable195 aboriginals196?
At the other end of the scale we have, as I said, peoples who are most probably or certainly educable. At a hazard one might instance the Thibetans and Siberian Mongolians, the Koreans, the Maoris and Polynesians, the Lapps (of the same blood as the Finns), and a large number of Asiatic and African peoples. We must keep in mind the high civilisation reached by the Amerinds of Peru, whereas their modern descendants, the Quichwas, seem so negligible. In Africa there is a vast amount of experiment and classification to do, and already the pure Bantu races are furnishing scores of men who are susceptible197 of a university education. I know several of them who are as competent and well-educated as the average English university man.
Has the white race a duty (“the white man’s burden”) to attempt to civilise the coloured races? I speak in general terms, of course. It is sheer insolence198 to regard the Chinese or Burmese—one must not mention the Japanese—as lower races. Now, speaking in the abstract, as a matter of general moral principle, the white has no clear duty to civilise the coloured races. The sentiment of brotherhood may inspire a feeling of duty in some, but one cannot build firmly on that phrase. It is, however, not an abstract ethical199 question. The white men have, in point of fact, spread over the globe, and they are in a fair way to occupy all the territory on which the coloured races (except the Chinese and Japanese and Burmese) were settled. Only an attitude of general unscrupulousness could ignore the obligation which this seizure200 of territory implies. England and Germany have, for instance, occupied the islands of the Pacific and made their inhabitants a “subject race.” They have done this, not only with a gross lack of discrimination between the Polynesian (who is certainly educable) and the much lower Melanesian, but with a quite cynical201 idea of the “civilising” process. The work has been left to sailors and travellers, who have decimated the population by spirits and syphilis, or to the crudities of Christian202 missionaries203. The joy of native life has been killed, and the enforcement of clothing (which the natives naturally cast off in the cooler evening, when the sensitive European was not able to see them) has led to an appalling204 amount of pneumonia205 and phthisis. We have done much to turn a wonderfully happy and healthy people into a gin-drinking swaddled caricature of a Bank Holiday crowd.
But the lists of our crimes in dealing206 with the lower races need not be given here. If we white people are to go out among the more backward coloured races, and to profess131 that we are assuming the paternal207 function of administering their territory, we must act on some principle. It is rather late in the history of the world to send out civilising expeditions which consist of missionaries presenting copies of the Sermon on the Mount, and soldiers and merchants who, in flagrant contradiction to the Sermon on the Mount, exploit the natives and appropriate their soil. There must be a serious attempt to educate them, and then an elimination208 of the unfit. Africa will prove a formidable region for this discriminating142 work. The Mohammedans themselves have already proved that many of its peoples are capable of culture.
We have a special problem in our treatment of races which, like the Hindus and Egyptians, have already been drawn into the white system. Let us be quite candid with ourselves in this matter. We appropriated their territory for our advantage, not theirs, and our professed209 modern sentiments are compelling us to say that we are not in possession of their territory in their interest. We protect the Hindu from native despots, the Egyptian from a cruel Mahdi or Pacha, the retired210 official tells you. However, I do not propose that we should investigate the title-deeds of all our existing empires as regards their oversea possessions; nor do I in the least advocate the dismemberment of such large unities98 as the British Empire. But the principle on which some would stake our existence in India or Egypt, the maxim211 that “What we have we hold,”—which is often illustrated212 by a picture of a particularly stupid-looking bull-dog guarding the British flag,—is the first principle of the pickpocket213 and the burglar. Modern sentiment has to grant colonial empires a sort of “Bula de Composicion,” such as the Spanish Church, for a consideration, grants to pickpockets214. The best compromise is that the peoples which are to-day linked in empires should remain linked; not as dominant215 and subject peoples, but as sister-nations working out the destiny of the race according to the highest standards. This implies that, as they assimilate Western culture (as the Hindus are quite rapidly doing), they shall be more and more entrusted216 with the administration of their own countries. The very different situation of colonies need not be discussed. When Australia and Canada find, if they ever do find, that it is to their interest to set up complete independence, they will not cut the cable: they will cast it off as calmly and confidently as they now cast off the cable of an Orient liner on the quays217 at Sydney.
Along these lines we may forecast the future, and very slow, drafting of the more backward peoples into the homogeneous family of the more civilised races. The unification of languages, coinage, etc., will be gradually extended to them. But it is not my purpose in this work to contemplate remote tasks and contingencies218. A great and practicable reform lies at our doors. The overwhelming majority of the race are already incorporated in civilised nations, and the work of organisation219 amongst these is urgent and comparatively easy. I am not advocating a fantastic and lofty scheme for which one needs to be prepared by the acceptance of advanced humanitarian sentiments. What I am pleading for is the application to international life of our treasured maxims220 of common-sense and efficiency. Those simple and indisputable maxims condemn221 in the most stringent222 terms the patriotic shams which we suffer to perplex and burden our life. Let us run the planet on recognised business-principles.
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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undone
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disorder
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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antagonistic
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| adj.敌对的 | |
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7
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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8
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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9
creeds
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| （尤指宗教）信条，教条( creed的名词复数 ) | |
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10
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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11
lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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12
shams
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| 假象( sham的名词复数 )； 假货； 虚假的行为（或感情、言语等）； 假装…的人 | |
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13
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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14
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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15
hamper
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| vt.妨碍，束缚，限制；n.(有盖的)大篮子 | |
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16
hampering
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的现在分词 ) | |
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17
auxiliaries
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| n.助动词 ( auxiliary的名词复数 )；辅助工，辅助人员 | |
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18
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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19
genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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20
disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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21
anachronistic
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| adj.时代错误的 | |
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22
mischievous
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| adj.调皮的，恶作剧的，有害的，伤人的 | |
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23
thicket
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| n.灌木丛，树林 | |
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24
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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25
instinctively
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| adv.本能地 | |
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26
antiquated
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| adj.陈旧的，过时的 | |
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27
exasperate
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| v.激怒，使（疾病）加剧，使恶化 | |
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28
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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29
polyglot
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| adj.通晓数种语言的；n.通晓多种语言的人 | |
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30
adoption
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| n.采用，采纳，通过；收养 | |
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31
hampered
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| 妨碍，束缚，限制( hamper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
sycophantic
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| adj.阿谀奉承的 | |
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33
lengthy
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| adj.漫长的，冗长的 | |
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34
superfluous
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| adj.过多的，过剩的，多余的 | |
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35
hypocrisies
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| n.伪善，虚伪( hypocrisy的名词复数 ) | |
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36
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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37
intimidating
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| vt.恐吓，威胁( intimidate的现在分词) | |
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38
squatter
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| n.擅自占地者 | |
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39
transacting
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的现在分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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40
consular
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| a.领事的 | |
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41
linen
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|
| n.亚麻布，亚麻线，亚麻制品；adj.亚麻布制的，亚麻的 | |
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42
tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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43
contemplate
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| vt.盘算，计议；周密考虑；注视，凝视 | |
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44
muddle
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|
| n.困惑，混浊状态；vt.使混乱，使糊涂，使惊呆；vi.胡乱应付，混乱 | |
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45
almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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46
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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47
faddist
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|
| n.趋于时尚者，好新奇的人 | |
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48
bleak
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| adj.(天气)阴冷的；凄凉的；暗淡的 | |
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49
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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50
laborious
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|
| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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51
abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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52
ingenuity
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|
| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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53
entirely
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|
| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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54
entail
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| vt.使承担，使成为必要，需要 | |
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55
unreasonable
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|
| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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56
philologists
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| n.语文学( philology的名词复数 ) | |
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57
impartially
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| adv.公平地，无私地 | |
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58
attentive
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|
| adj.注意的，专心的；关心(别人)的，殷勤的 | |
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59
onerous
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| adj.繁重的 | |
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60
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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61
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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62
expressive
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| adj.表现的，表达…的，富于表情的 | |
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63
plunges
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|
| n.跳进，投入vt.使投入，使插入，使陷入vi.投入，跳进，陷入v.颠簸( plunge的第三人称单数 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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64
purge
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|
| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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65
sluggish
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|
| adj.懒惰的，迟钝的，无精打采的 | |
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66
brace
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| n. 支柱,曲柄,大括号; v. 绷紧,顶住,(为困难或坏事)做准备 | |
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67
boon
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|
| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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68
mutual
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|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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69
chasm
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| n.深坑，断层，裂口，大分岐，利害冲突 | |
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70
calamitous
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|
| adj.灾难的，悲惨的；多灾多难；惨重 | |
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71
intelligible
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|
| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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72
amazement
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| n.惊奇，惊讶 | |
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73
aggression
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|
| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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74
catastrophe
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| n.大灾难，大祸 | |
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75
devastating
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|
| adj.毁灭性的，令人震惊的，强有力的 | |
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76
specially
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|
| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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77
qualified
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|
| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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78
pedants
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| n.卖弄学问的人，学究，书呆子( pedant的名词复数 ) | |
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79
poetical
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|
| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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80
gracefully
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|
| ad.大大方方地；优美地 | |
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81
justify
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|
| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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82
follies
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|
| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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83
verities
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|
| n.真实( verity的名词复数 )；事实；真理；真实的陈述 | |
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84
immediate
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|
| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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85
alienates
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|
| v.使疏远( alienate的第三人称单数 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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86
mere
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|
| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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87
civic
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|
| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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88
outrages
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|
| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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89
monstrous
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|
| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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90
colossal
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|
| adj.异常的，庞大的 | |
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91
expended
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|
| v.花费( expend的过去式和过去分词 )；使用（钱等）做某事；用光；耗尽 | |
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92
chaotic
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|
| adj.混沌的，一片混乱的，一团糟的 | |
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93
portentous
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|
| adj.不祥的，可怕的，装腔作势的 | |
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94
peculiar
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|
| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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95
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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96
mead
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| n.蜂蜜酒 | |
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97
primitive
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|
| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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98
unities
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| n.统一体( unity的名词复数 )；（艺术等） 完整；（文学、戏剧） （情节、时间和地点的）统一性；团结一致 | |
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99
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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100
nautical
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|
| adj.海上的，航海的，船员的 | |
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101
pints
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| n.品脱( pint的名词复数 )；一品脱啤酒 | |
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102
smacked
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| 拍，打，掴( smack的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
atheism
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| n.无神论，不信神 | |
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104
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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105
horrified
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| a.(表现出)恐惧的 | |
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106
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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107
entrust
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| v.信赖，信托，交托 | |
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108
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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109
patriotically
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| 爱国地；忧国地 | |
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110
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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111
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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112
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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113
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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114
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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115
contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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116
abstruse
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| adj.深奥的，难解的 | |
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117
deplore
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| vt.哀叹，对...深感遗憾 | |
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118
vagaries
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| n.奇想( vagary的名词复数 )；异想天开；异常行为；难以预测的情况 | |
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119
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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120
economists
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| n.经济学家，经济专家( economist的名词复数 ) | |
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121
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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122
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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123
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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124
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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125
civilisation
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| n.文明，文化，开化，教化 | |
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126
irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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127
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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128
patriots
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| 爱国者，爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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129
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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130
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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131
profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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132
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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133
tampering
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|
| v.窜改( tamper的现在分词 )；篡改；（用不正当手段）影响；瞎摆弄 | |
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134
ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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135
parasitic
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| adj.寄生的 | |
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136
fungus
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| n.真菌，真菌类植物 | |
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137
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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138
affront
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| n./v.侮辱，触怒 | |
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139
paragons
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| n.模范( paragon的名词复数 )；典型；十全十美的人；完美无缺的人 | |
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140
loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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141
worthier
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| 应得某事物( worthy的比较级 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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142
discriminating
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| a.有辨别能力的 | |
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143
glorification
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| n.赞颂 | |
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144
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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145
obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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146
variance
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| n.矛盾，不同 | |
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147
gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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148
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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149
dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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150
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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151
bartered
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| v.作物物交换，以货换货( barter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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152
transformation
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| n.变化；改造；转变 | |
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153
unwillingness
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| n. 不愿意，不情愿 | |
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154
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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155
aspire
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| vi.(to，after)渴望，追求，有志于 | |
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156
permeation
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| 渗入，透过 | |
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157
postponement
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| n.推迟 | |
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158
jumble
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| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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159
humanitarian
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| n.人道主义者，博爱者，基督凡人论者 | |
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160
hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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161
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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162
geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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163
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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164
stimulating
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| adj.有启发性的，能激发人思考的 | |
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165
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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166
stimulation
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| n.刺激，激励，鼓舞 | |
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167
fermenting
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的现在分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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Mediterranean
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| adj.地中海的；地中海沿岸的 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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170
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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171
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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aboriginal
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| adj.（指动植物）土生的，原产地的，土著的 | |
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outfit
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| n.（为特殊用途的）全套装备，全套服装 | |
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174
migration
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| n.迁移，移居，（鸟类等的）迁徙 | |
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175
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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176
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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177
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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178
physiological
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| adj.生理学的，生理学上的 | |
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179
skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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180
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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181
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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182
discredited
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| 不足信的，不名誉的 | |
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183
legendary
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| adj.传奇（中）的，闻名遐迩的；n.传奇（文学） | |
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184
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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185
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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186
allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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187
incurably
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| ad.治不好地 | |
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188
extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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189
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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190
enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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191
domesticated
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| adj.喜欢家庭生活的；（指动物）被驯养了的v.驯化( domesticate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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192
savages
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| 未开化的人，野蛮人( savage的名词复数 ) | |
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193
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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194
humanitarians
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| n.慈善家( humanitarian的名词复数 ) | |
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195
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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196
aboriginals
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| （某国的）公民( aboriginal的名词复数 )； 土著人特征； 土生动物（或植物） | |
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197
susceptible
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| adj.过敏的，敏感的；易动感情的，易受感动的 | |
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198
insolence
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| n.傲慢；无礼；厚颜；傲慢的态度 | |
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199
ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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200
seizure
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| n.没收；占有；抵押 | |
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201
cynical
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| adj.(对人性或动机)怀疑的，不信世道向善的 | |
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202
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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203
missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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204
appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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205
pneumonia
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| n.肺炎 | |
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206
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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207
paternal
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| adj.父亲的，像父亲的，父系的，父方的 | |
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208
elimination
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| n.排除，消除，消灭 | |
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209
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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210
retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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211
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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212
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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213
pickpocket
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| n.扒手；v.扒窃 | |
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214
pickpockets
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| n.扒手( pickpocket的名词复数 ) | |
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215
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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216
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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217
quays
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| 码头( quay的名词复数 ) | |
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218
contingencies
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| n.偶然发生的事故，意外事故( contingency的名词复数 )；以备万一 | |
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219
organisation
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| n.组织，安排，团体，有机休 | |
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220
maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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221
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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222
stringent
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| adj.严厉的；令人信服的；银根紧的 | |
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