He said to himself over and over, “Well, I can live without her if I must,” but at this stage the mere6 thought was an actual stab in his vitals. What, after all, was life, wealth, fame, if you couldn’t have the woman you wanted—love, that indefinable, unnamable coddling of the spirit which the strongest almost more than the weakest crave7? At last he saw clearly, as within a chalice-like nimbus, that the ultimate end of fame, power, vigor8 was beauty, and that beauty was a compound of the taste, the emotion, the innate9 culture, passion, and dreams of a woman like Berenice Fleming. That was it: that was it. And beyond was nothing save crumbling10 age, darkness, silence.
In the mean time, owing to the preliminary activity and tact11 of his agents and advisers12, the Sunday newspapers were vying13 with one another in describing the wonders of his new house in New York—its cost, the value of its ground, the wealthy citizens with whom the Cowperwoods would now be neighbors. There were double-column pictures of Aileen and Cowperwood, with articles indicating them as prospective15 entertainers on a grand scale who would unquestionably be received because of their tremendous wealth. As a matter of fact, this was purely16 newspaper gossip and speculation17. While the general columns made news and capital of his wealth, special society columns, which dealt with the ultra-fashionable, ignored him entirely18. Already the machination of certain Chicago social figures in distributing information as to his past was discernible in the attitude of those clubs, organizations, and even churches, membership in which constitutes a form of social passport to better and higher earthly, if not spiritual, realms. His emissaries were active enough, but soon found that their end was not to be gained in a day. Many were waiting locally, anxious enough to get in, and with social equipments which the Cowperwoods could scarcely boast. After being blackballed by one or two exclusive clubs, seeing his application for a pew at St. Thomas’s quietly pigeon-holed for the present, and his invitations declined by several multimillionaires whom he met in the course of commercial transactions, he began to feel that his splendid home, aside from its final purpose as an art-museum, could be of little value.
At the same time Cowperwood’s financial genius was constantly being rewarded by many new phases of materiality chiefly by an offensive and defensive19 alliance he was now able to engineer between himself and the house of Haeckelheimer, Gotloeb & Co. Seeing the iron manner in which he had managed to wrest20 victory out of defeat after the first seriously contested election, these gentlemen had experienced a change of heart and announced that they would now gladly help finance any new enterprise which Cowperwood might undertake. Among many other financiers, they had heard of his triumph in connection with the failure of American Match.
“Dot must be a right cleffer man, dot Cowperwood,” Mr. Gotloeb told several of his partners, rubbing his hands and smiling. “I shouldt like to meet him.”
And so Cowperwood was manoeuvered into the giant banking21 office, where Mr. Gotloeb extended a genial22 hand.
“I hear much of Chicawkgo,” he explained, in his semi-German, semi-Hebraic dialect, “but almozd more uff you. Are you goink to swallow up all de street-railwaiss unt elefated roats out dere?”
“Why? Would you like me to leave a few for you?”
“Not dot exzagly, but I might not mint sharink in some uff dem wit you.”
“You can join with me at any time, Mr. Gotloeb, as you must know. The door is always very, very wide open for you.”
The great external element in Cowperwood’s financial success—and one which he himself had foreseen from the very beginning—was the fact that Chicago was developing constantly. What had been when he arrived a soggy, messy plain strewn with shanties25, ragged26 sidewalks, a higgledy-piggledy business heart, was now truly an astounding27 metropolis28 which had passed the million mark in population and which stretched proud and strong over the greater part of Cook County. Where once had been a meager29, makeshift financial section, with here and there only a splendid business building or hotel or a public office of some kind, there were now canon-like streets lined with fifteen and even eighteen story office buildings, from the upper stories of which, as from watch-towers, might be surveyed the vast expanding regions of simple home life below. Farther out were districts of mansions30, parks, pleasure resorts, great worlds of train-yards and manufacturing areas. In the commercial heart of this world Frank Algernon Cowperwood had truly become a figure of giant significance. How wonderful it is that men grow until, like colossi, they bestride the world, or, like banyan-trees, they drop roots from every branch and are themselves a forest—a forest of intricate commercial life, of which a thousand material aspects are the evidence. His street-railway properties were like a net—the parasite31 Gold Thread—linked together as they were, and draining two of the three important “sides” of the city.
In 1886, when he had first secured a foothold, they had been capitalized at between six and seven millions (every device for issuing a dollar on real property having been exhausted). To-day, under his management, they were capitalized at between sixty and seventy millions. The majority of the stock issued and sold was subject to a financial device whereby twenty per cent. controlled eighty per cent., Cowperwood holding that twenty per cent. and borrowing money on it as hypothecated collateral32. In the case of the West Side corporation, a corporate33 issue of over thirty millions had been made, and these stocks, owing to the tremendous carrying power of the roads and the swelling34 traffic night and morning of poor sheep who paid their hard-earned nickels, had a market value which gave the road an assured physical value of about three times the sum for which it could have been built. The North Chicago company, which in 1886 had a physical value of little more than a million, could not now be duplicated for less than seven millions, and was capitalized at nearly fifteen millions. The road was valued at over one hundred thousand dollars more per mile than the sum for which it could actually have been replaced. Pity the poor groveling hack35 at the bottom who has not the brain-power either to understand or to control that which his very presence and necessities create.
These tremendous holdings, paying from ten to twelve per cent. on every hundred-dollar share, were in the control, if not in the actual ownership, of Cowperwood. Millions in loans that did not appear on the books of the companies he had converted into actual cash, wherewith he had bought houses, lands, equipages, paintings, government bonds of the purest gold value, thereby36 assuring himself to that extent of a fortune vaulted37 and locked, absolutely secure. After much toiling38 and moiling on the part of his overworked legal department he had secured a consolidation39, under the title of the Consolidated40 Traction41 Company of Illinois, of all outlying lines, each having separate franchises42 and capitalized separately, yet operated by an amazing hocus-pocus of contracts and agreements in single, harmonious44 union with all his other properties. The North and West Chicago companies he now proposed to unite into a third company to be called the union Traction Company. By taking up the ten and twelve per cent. issues of the old North and West companies and giving two for one of the new six-per-cent one-hundred-dollar-share union Traction stocks in their stead, he could satisfy the current stockholders, who were apparently46 made somewhat better off thereby, and still create and leave for himself a handsome margin47 of nearly eighty million dollars. With a renewal48 of his franchises for twenty, fifty, or one hundred years he would have fastened on the city of Chicago the burden of yielding interest on this somewhat fictitious49 value and would leave himself personally worth in the neighborhood of one hundred millions.
This matter of extending his franchises was a most difficult and intricate business, however. It involved overcoming or outwitting a recent and very treacherous50 increase of local sentiment against him. This had been occasioned by various details which related to his elevated roads. To the two lines already built he now added a third property, the union Loop. This he prepared to connect not only with his own, but with other outside elevated properties, chief among which was Mr. Schryhart’s South Side “L.” He would then farm out to his enemies the privilege of running trains on this new line. However unwillingly52, they would be forced to avail themselves of the proffered53 opportunity, because within the region covered by the new loop was the true congestion—here every one desired to come either once or twice during the day or night. By this means Cowperwood would secure to his property a paying interest from the start.
This scheme aroused a really unprecedented54 antagonism55 in the breasts of Cowperwood’s enemies. By the Arneel-Hand-Schryhart contingent56 it was looked upon as nothing short of diabolical57. The newspapers, directed by such men as Haguenin, Hyssop, Ormonde Ricketts, and Truman Leslie MacDonald (whose father was now dead, and whose thoughts as editor of the Inquirer were almost solely58 directed toward driving Cowperwood out of Chicago), began to shout, as a last resort, in the interests of democracy. Seats for everybody (on Cowperwood’s lines), no more straps59 in the rush hours, three-cent fares for workingmen, morning and evening, free transfers from all of Cowperwood’s lines north to west and west to north, twenty per cent. of the gross income of his lines to be paid to the city. The masses should be made cognizant of their individual rights and privileges. Such a course, while decidedly inimical to Cowperwood’s interests at the present time, and as such strongly favored by the majority of his opponents, had nevertheless its disturbing elements to an ultra-conservative like Hosmer Hand.
“I don’t know about this, Norman,” he remarked to Schryhart, on one occasion. “I don’t know about this. It’s one thing to stir up the public, but it’s another to make them forget. This is a restless, socialistic country, and Chicago is the very hotbed and center of it. Still, if it will serve to trip him up I suppose it will do for the present. The newspapers can probably smooth it all over later. But I don’t know.”
Mr. Hand was of that order of mind that sees socialism as a horrible importation of monarchy-ridden Europe. Why couldn’t the people be satisfied to allow the strong, intelligent, God-fearing men of the community to arrange things for them? Wasn’t that what democracy meant? Certainly it was—he himself was one of the strong. He could not help distrusting all this radical60 palaver61. Still, anything to hurt Cowperwood—anything.
Cowperwood was not slow to realize that public sentiment was now in danger of being thoroughly62 crystallized against him by newspaper agitation63. Although his franchises would not expire—the large majority of them—before January 1, 1903, yet if things went on at this rate it would be doubtful soon whether ever again he would be able to win another election by methods legitimate64 or illegitimate. Hungry aldermen and councilmen might be venal65 and greedy enough to do anything he should ask, provided he was willing to pay enough, but even the thickest-hided, the most voracious66 and corrupt67 politician could scarcely withstand the searching glare of publicity68 and the infuriated rage of a possibly aroused public opinion. By degrees this last, owing to the untiring efforts of the newspapers, was being whipped into a wild foam69. To come into council at this time and ask for a twenty-year extension of franchises not destined70 to expire for seven years was too much. It could not be done. Even suborned councilmen would be unwilling51 to undertake it just now. There are some things which even politically are impossible.
To make matters worse, the twenty-year-franchise43 limit was really not at all sufficient for his present needs. In order to bring about the consolidation of his North and West surface lines, which he was now proposing and on the strength of which he wished to issue at least two hundred million dollars’ worth of one-hundred-dollar-six-per-cent. shares in place of the seventy million dollars current of ten and twelve per cents., it was necessary for him to secure a much more respectable term of years than the brief one now permitted by the state legislature, even providing that this latter could be obtained.
“Peeble are not ferry much indrested in tees short-time frangizes,” observed Mr. Gotloeb once, when Cowperwood was talking the matter over with him. He wanted Haeckelheimer & Co. to underwrite the whole issue. “Dey are so insigure. Now if you couldt get, say, a frangize for fifty or one hunnert years or something like dot your stocks wouldt go off like hot cakes. I know where I couldt dispose of fifty million dollars off dem in Cermany alone.”
Cowperwood understood this quite as well as Gotloeb, if not better. He was not at all satisfied with the thought of obtaining a beggarly twenty-year extension for his giant schemes when cities like Philadelphia, Boston, New York, and Pittsburg were apparently glad to grant their corporations franchises which would not expire for ninety-nine years at the earliest, and in most cases were given in perpetuity. This was the kind of franchise favored by the great moneyed houses of New York and Europe, and which Gotloeb, and even Addison, locally, were demanding.
“It is certainly important that we get these franchises renewed for fifty years,” Addison used to say to him, and it was seriously and disagreeably true.
The various lights of Cowperwood’s legal department, constantly on the search for new legislative72 devices, were not slow to grasp the import of the situation. It was not long before the resourceful Mr. Joel Avery appeared with a suggestion.
“Did you notice what the state legislature of New York is doing in connection with the various local transit73 problems down there?” asked this honorable gentleman of Cowperwood, one morning, ambling74 in when announced and seating himself in the great presence. A half-burned cigar was between his fingers, and a little round felt hat looked peculiarly rakish above his sinister75, intellectual, constructive76 face and eyes.
“No, I didn’t,” replied Cowperwood, who had actually noted77 and pondered upon the item in question, but who did not care to say so. “I saw something about it, but I didn’t pay much attention to it. What of it?”
“Well, it plans to authorize78 a body of four or five men—one branch in New York, one in Buffalo79, I presume—to grant all new franchises and extend old ones with the consent of the various local communities involved. They are to fix the rate of compensation to be paid to the state or the city, and the rates of fare. They can regulate transfers, stock issues, and all that sort of thing. I was thinking if at any time we find this business of renewing the franchises too uncertain here we might go into the state legislature and see what can be done about introducing a public-service commission of that kind into this state. We are not the only corporation that would welcome it. Of course, it would be better if there were a general or special demand for it outside of ourselves. It ought not to originate with us.”
He stared at Cowperwood heavily, the latter returning a reflective gaze.
“I’ll think it over,” he said. “There may be something in that.”
Henceforth the thought of instituting such a commission never left Cowperwood’s mind. It contained the germ of a solution—the possibility of extending his franchises for fifty or even a hundred years.
This plan, as Cowperwood was subsequently to discover, was a thing more or less expressly forbidden by the state constitution of Illinois. The latter provided that no special or exclusive privilege, immunity80, or franchise whatsoever81 should be granted to any corporation, association, or individual. Yet, “What is a little matter like the constitution between friends, anyhow?” some one had already asked. There are fads82 in legislation as well as dusty pigeonholes83 in which phases of older law are tucked away and forgotten. Many earlier ideals of the constitution-makers had long since been conveniently obscured or nullified by decisions, appeals to the federal government, appeals to the state government, communal84 contracts, and the like—fine cobwebby figments, all, but sufficient, just the same, to render inoperative the original intention. Besides, Cowperwood had but small respect for either the intelligence or the self-protective capacity of such men as constituted the rural voting element of the state. From his lawyers and from others he had heard innumerable droll85 stories of life in the state legislature, and the state counties and towns—on the bench, at the rural huskings where the state elections were won, in country hotels, on country roads and farms. “One day as I was getting on the train at Petunkey,” old General Van Sickle86, or Judge Dickensheets, or ex-Judge Avery would begin—and then would follow some amazing narration87 of rural immorality88 or dullness, or political or social misconception. Of the total population of the state at this time over half were in the city itself, and these he had managed to keep in control. For the remaining million, divided between twelve small cities and an agricultural population, he had small respect. What did this handful of yokels89 amount to, anyhow?—dull, frivoling, barn-dancing boors90.
The great state of Illinois—a territory as large as England proper and as fertile as Egypt, bordered by a great lake and a vast river, and with a population of over two million free-born Americans—would scarcely seem a fit subject for corporate manipulation and control. Yet a more trade-ridden commonwealth91 might not have been found anywhere at this time within the entire length and breadth of the universe. Cowperwood personally, though contemptuous of the bucolic92 mass when regarded as individuals, had always been impressed by this great community of his election. Here had come Marquette and Joliet, La Salle and Hennepin, dreaming a way to the Pacific. Here Lincoln and Douglas, antagonist93 and protagonist94 of slavery argument, had contested; here had arisen “Joe” Smith, propagator of that strange American dogma of the Latter-Day Saints. What a state, Cowperwood sometimes thought; what a figment of the brain, and yet how wonderful! He had crossed it often on his way to St. Louis, to Memphis, to Denver, and had been touched by its very simplicity—the small, new wooden towns, so redolent of American tradition, prejudice, force, and illusion. The white-steepled church, the lawn-faced, tree-shaded village streets, the long stretches of flat, open country where corn grew in serried95 rows or where in winter the snow bedded lightly—it all reminded him a little of his own father and mother, who had been in many respects suited to such a world as this. Yet none the less did he hesitate to press on the measure which was to adjust his own future, to make profitable his issue of two hundred million dollars’ worth of union Traction, to secure him a fixed96 place in the financial oligarchy97 of America and of the world.
The state legislature at this time was ruled over by a small group of wire-pulling, pettifogging, corporation-controlled individuals who came up from the respective towns, counties, and cities of the state, but who bore the same relation to the communities which they represented and to their superiors and equals in and out of the legislative halls at Springfield that men do to such allies anywhere in any given field. Why do we call them pettifogging and dismiss them? Perhaps they were pettifogging, but certainly no more so than any other shrewd rat or animal that burrows98 its way onward—and shall we say upward? The deepest controlling principle which animated99 these individuals was the oldest and first, that of self-preservation. Picture, for example, a common occurrence—that of Senator John H. Southack, conversing100 with, perhaps, Senator George Mason Wade101, of Gallatin County, behind a legislative door in one of the senate conference chambers102 toward the close of a session—Senator Southack, blinking, buttonholing his well-dressed colleague and drawing very near; Senator Wade, curious, confidential103, expectant (a genial, solid, experienced, slightly paunchy but well-built Senator Wade—and handsome, too).
“You know, George, I told you there would be something eventually in the Quincy water-front improvement if it ever worked out. Well, here it is. Ed Truesdale was in town yesterday.” (This with a knowing eye, as much as to say, “Mum’s the word.”) “Here’s five hundred; count it.”
A quick flashing out of some green and yellow bills from a vest pocket, a light thumbing and counting on the part of Senator Wade. A flare104 of comprehension, approval, gratitude105, admiration106, as though to signify, “This is something like.” “Thanks, John. I had pretty near forgot all about it. Nice people, eh? If you see Ed again give him my regards. When that Bellville contest comes up let me know.”
Mr. Wade, being a good speaker, was frequently in request to stir up the populace to a sense of pro14 or con2 in connection with some legislative crisis impending107, and it was to some such future opportunity that he now pleasantly referred. O life, O politics, O necessity, O hunger, O burning human appetite and desire on every hand!
Mr. Southack was an unobtrusive, pleasant, quiet man of the type that would usually be patronized as rural and pettifogging by men high in commercial affairs. He was none the less well fitted to his task, a capable and diligent108 beneficiary and agent. He was well dressed, middle-aged,—only forty-five—cool, courageous109, genial, with eyes that were material, but not cold or hard, and a light, springy, energetic step and manner. A holder45 of some C. W. & I. R.R. shares, a director of one of his local county banks, a silent partner in the Effingham Herald110, he was a personage in his district, one much revered111 by local swains. Yet a more game and rascally112 type was not to be found in all rural legislation.
It was old General Van Sickle who sought out Southack, having remembered him from his earlier legislative days. It was Avery who conducted the negotiations113. Primarily, in all state scheming at Springfield, Senator Southack was supposed to represent the C. W. I., one of the great trunk-lines traversing the state, and incidentally connecting Chicago with the South, West, and East. This road, having a large local mileage114 and being anxious to extend its franchises in Chicago and elsewhere, was deep in state politics. By a curious coincidence it was mainly financed by Haeckelheimer, Gotloeb & Co., of New York, though Cowperwood’s connection with that concern was not as yet known. Going to Southack, who was the Republican whip in the senate, Avery proposed that he, in conjunction with Judge Dickensheets and one Gilson Bickel, counsel for the C. W. I., should now undertake to secure sufficient support in the state senate and house for a scheme introducing the New York idea of a public-service commission into the governing machinery115 of the state of Illinois. This measure, be it noted, was to be supplemented by one very interesting and important little proviso to the effect that all franchise-holding corporations should hereby, for a period of fifty years from the date of the enactment116 of the bill into law, be assured of all their rights, privileges, and immunities—including franchises, of course. This was justified117 on the ground that any such radical change as that involved in the introduction of a public-service commission might disturb the peace and well-being118 of corporations with franchises which still had years to run.
Senator Southack saw nothing very wrong with this idea, though he naturally perceived what it was all about and whom it was truly designed to protect.
“Yes,” he said, succinctly119, “I see the lay of that land, but what do I get out of it?”
“Fifty thousand dollars for yourself if it’s successful, ten thousand if it isn’t—provided you make an honest effort; two thousand dollars apiece for any of the boys who see fit to help you if we win. Is that perfectly120 satisfactory?”
“Perfectly,” replied Senator Southack.
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momentary
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| adj.片刻的，瞬息的；短暂的 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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confession
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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crave
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| vt.渴望得到，迫切需要，恳求，请求 | |
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vigor
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innate
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crumbling
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tact
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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vying
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pro
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prospective
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purely
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speculation
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entirely
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defensive
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wrest
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banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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genial
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| adj.亲切的，和蔼的，愉快的，脾气好的 | |
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ingenuous
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promising
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shanties
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ragged
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astounding
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metropolis
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meager
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mansions
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parasite
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collateral
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corporate
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swelling
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hack
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vaulted
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toiling
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consolidation
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consolidated
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traction
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franchises
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| n.（尤指选举议员的）选举权( franchise的名词复数 )；参政权；获特许权的商业机构（或服务）；（公司授予的）特许经销权v.给…以特许权，出售特许权( franchise的第三人称单数 ) | |
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43
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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44
harmonious
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| adj.和睦的，调和的，和谐的，协调的 | |
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45
holder
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| n.持有者，占有者；(台，架等)支持物 | |
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46
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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47
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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48
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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49
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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50
treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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51
unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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52
unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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53
proffered
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| v.提供，贡献，提出( proffer的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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54
unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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55
antagonism
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| n.对抗，敌对，对立 | |
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56
contingent
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| adj.视条件而定的；n.一组，代表团，分遣队 | |
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diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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58
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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59
straps
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| n.带子( strap的名词复数 )；挎带；肩带；背带v.用皮带捆扎( strap的第三人称单数 )；用皮带抽打；包扎；给…打绷带 | |
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60
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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61
palaver
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| adj.壮丽堂皇的；n.废话，空话 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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venal
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| adj.唯利是图的，贪脏枉法的 | |
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voracious
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| adj.狼吞虎咽的，贪婪的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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69
foam
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| v./n.泡沫，起泡沫 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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unctuous
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| adj.油腔滑调的，大胆的 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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transit
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| n.经过，运输；vt.穿越，旋转；vi.越过 | |
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ambling
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| v.（马）缓行( amble的现在分词 )；从容地走，漫步 | |
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sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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constructive
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| adj.建设的，建设性的 | |
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noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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authorize
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| v.授权，委任；批准，认可 | |
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buffalo
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| n.(北美)野牛；(亚洲)水牛 | |
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immunity
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| n.优惠；免除；豁免，豁免权 | |
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whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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fads
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| n.一时的流行，一时的风尚( fad的名词复数 ) | |
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pigeonholes
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| n.鸽舍出入口( pigeonhole的名词复数 )；小房间；文件架上的小间隔v.把…搁在分类架上( pigeonhole的第三人称单数 )；把…留在记忆中；缓办；把…隔成小格 | |
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communal
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| adj.公有的，公共的，公社的，公社制的 | |
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droll
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| adj.古怪的，好笑的 | |
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sickle
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| n.镰刀 | |
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narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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immorality
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| n. 不道德, 无道义 | |
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89
yokels
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| n.乡下佬，土包子( yokel的名词复数 ) | |
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boors
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| n.农民( boor的名词复数 )；乡下佬；没礼貌的人；粗野的人 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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bucolic
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| adj.乡村的；牧羊的 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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protagonist
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| n.(思想观念的)倡导者；主角，主人公 | |
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serried
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| adj.拥挤的；密集的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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97
oligarchy
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| n.寡头政治 | |
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98
burrows
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| n.地洞( burrow的名词复数 )v.挖掘（洞穴），挖洞( burrow的第三人称单数 )；翻寻 | |
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99
animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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100
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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101
wade
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| v.跋涉，涉水；n.跋涉 | |
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102
chambers
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| n.房间( chamber的名词复数 )；（议会的）议院；卧室；会议厅 | |
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103
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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104
flare
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| v.闪耀，闪烁；n.潮红；突发 | |
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105
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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106
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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107
impending
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| a.imminent, about to come or happen | |
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108
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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109
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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110
herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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111
revered
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| v.崇敬，尊崇，敬畏( revere的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112
rascally
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| adj. 无赖的，恶棍的 adv. 无赖地，卑鄙地 | |
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113
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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114
mileage
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| n.里程，英里数；好处，利润 | |
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115
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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116
enactment
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| n.演出，担任…角色；制订，通过 | |
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117
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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118
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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119
succinctly
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| adv.简洁地；简洁地，简便地 | |
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120
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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