As he told us of many things that were amiss in those new-discovered countries, so he reckoned up not a few things, from which patterns might be taken for correcting the errors of these nations among whom we live; of which an account may be given, as I have already promised, at some other time; for, at present, I intend only to relate those particulars that he told us, of the manners and laws of the Utopians: but I will begin with the occasion that led us to speak of that commonwealth39. After Raphael had discoursed53 with great judgment54 on the many errors that were both among us and these nations, had treated of the wise institutions both here and there, and had spoken as distinctly of the customs and government of every nation through which he had past, as if he had spent his whole life in it, Peter, being struck with admiration55, said, “I wonder, Raphael, how it comes that you enter into no king’s service, for I am sure there are none to whom you would not be very acceptable; for your learning and knowledge, both of men and things, is such, that you would not only entertain them very pleasantly, but be of great use to them, by the examples you could set before them, and the advices you could give them; and by this means you would both serve your own interest, and be of great use to all your friends.” “As for my friends,” answered he, “I need not be much concerned, having already done for them all that was incumbent58 on me; for when I was not only in good health, but fresh and young, I distributed that among my kindred and friends which other people do not part with till they are old and sick: when they then unwillingly59 give that which they can enjoy no longer themselves. I think my friends ought to rest contented60 with this, and not to expect that for their sakes I should enslave myself to any king whatsoever61.” “Soft and fair!” said Peter; “I do not mean that you should be a slave to any king, but only that you should assist them and be useful to them.” “The change of the word,” said he, “does not alter the matter.” “But term it as you will,” replied Peter, “I do not see any other way in which you can be so useful, both in private to your friends and to the public, and by which you can make your own condition happier.” “Happier?” answered Raphael, “is that to be compassed in a way so abhorrent63 to my genius? Now I live as I will, to which I believe, few courtiers can pretend; and there are so many that court the favour of great men, that there will be no great loss if they are not troubled either with me or with others of my temper.” Upon this, said I, “I perceive, Raphael, that you neither desire wealth nor greatness; and, indeed, I value and admire such a man much more than I do any of the great men in the world. Yet I think you would do what would well become so generous and philosophical64 a soul as yours is, if you would apply your time and thoughts to public affairs, even though you may happen to find it a little uneasy to yourself; and this you can never do with so much advantage as by being taken into the council of some great prince and putting him on noble and worthy actions, which I know you would do if you were in such a post; for the springs both of good and evil flow from the prince over a whole nation, as from a lasting65 fountain. So much learning as you have, even without practice in affairs, or so great a practice as you have had, without any other learning, would render you a very fit counsellor to any king whatsoever.” “You are doubly mistaken,” said he, “Mr. More, both in your opinion of me and in the judgment you make of things: for as I have not that capacity that you fancy I have, so if I had it, the public would not be one jot66 the better when I had sacrificed my quiet to it. For most princes apply themselves more to affairs of war than to the useful arts of peace; and in these I neither have any knowledge, nor do I much desire it; they are generally more set on acquiring new kingdoms, right or wrong, than on governing well those they possess: and, among the ministers of princes, there are none that are not so wise as to need no assistance, or at least, that do not think themselves so wise that they imagine they need none; and if they court any, it is only those for whom the prince has much personal favour, whom by their fawning67 and flatteries they endeavour to fix to their own interests; and, indeed, nature has so made us, that we all love to be flattered and to please ourselves with our own notions: the old crow loves his young, and the ape her cubs68. Now if in such a court, made up of persons who envy all others and only admire themselves, a person should but propose anything that he had either read in history or observed in his travels, the rest would think that the reputation of their wisdom would sink, and that their interests would be much depressed69 if they could not run it down: and, if all other things failed, then they would fly to this, that such or such things pleased our ancestors, and it were well for us if we could but match them. They would set up their rest on such an answer, as a sufficient confutation of all that could be said, as if it were a great misfortune that any should be found wiser than his ancestors. But though they willingly let go all the good things that were among those of former ages, yet, if better things are proposed, they cover themselves obstinately71 with this excuse of reverence72 to past times. I have met with these proud, morose73, and absurd judgments74 of things in many places, particularly once in England.” “Were you ever there?” said I. “Yes, I was,” answered he, “and stayed some months there, not long after the rebellion in the West was suppressed, with a great slaughter75 of the poor people that were engaged in it.
“I was then much obliged to that reverend prelate, John Morton, Archbishop of Canterbury, Cardinal76, and Chancellor77 of England; a man,” said he, “Peter (for Mr. More knows well what he was), that was not less venerable for his wisdom and virtues than for the high character he bore: he was of a middle stature78, not broken with age; his looks begot79 reverence rather than fear; his conversation was easy, but serious and grave; he sometimes took pleasure to try the force of those that came as suitors to him upon business by speaking sharply, though decently, to them, and by that he discovered their spirit and presence of mind; with which he was much delighted when it did not grow up to impudence80, as bearing a great resemblance to his own temper, and he looked on such persons as the fittest men for affairs. He spoke both gracefully81 and weightily; he was eminently skilled in the law, had a vast understanding, and a prodigious83 memory; and those excellent talents with which nature had furnished him were improved by study and experience. When I was in England the King depended much on his counsels, and the Government seemed to be chiefly supported by him; for from his youth he had been all along practised in affairs; and, having passed through many traverses of fortune, he had, with great cost, acquired a vast stock of wisdom, which is not soon lost when it is purchased so dear. One day, when I was dining with him, there happened to be at table one of the English lawyers, who took occasion to run out in a high commendation of the severe execution of justice upon thieves, ‘who,’ as he said, ‘were then hanged so fast that there were sometimes twenty on one gibbet!’ and, upon that, he said, ‘he could not wonder enough how it came to pass that, since so few escaped, there were yet so many thieves left, who were still robbing in all places.’ Upon this, I (who took the boldness to speak freely before the Cardinal) said, ‘There was no reason to wonder at the matter, since this way of punishing thieves was neither just in itself nor good for the public; for, as the severity was too great, so the remedy was not effectual; simple theft not being so great a crime that it ought to cost a man his life; no punishment, how severe soever, being able to restrain those from robbing who can find out no other way of livelihood84. In this,’ said I, ‘not only you in England, but a great part of the world, imitate some ill masters, that are readier to chastise85 their scholars than to teach them. There are dreadful punishments enacted86 against thieves, but it were much better to make such good provisions by which every man might be put in a method how to live, and so be preserved from the fatal necessity of stealing and of dying for it.’ ‘There has been care enough taken for that,’ said he; ‘there are many handicrafts, and there is husbandry, by which they may make a shift to live, unless they have a greater mind to follow ill courses.’ ‘That will not serve your turn,’ said I, ‘for many lose their limbs in civil or foreign wars, as lately in the Cornish rebellion, and some time ago in your wars with France, who, being thus mutilated in the service of their king and country, can no more follow their old trades, and are too old to learn new ones; but since wars are only accidental things, and have intervals88, let us consider those things that fall out every day. There is a great number of noblemen among you that are themselves as idle as drones, that subsist89 on other men’s labour, on the labour of their tenants90, whom, to raise their revenues, they pare to the quick. This, indeed, is the only instance of their frugality91, for in all other things they are prodigal92, even to the beggaring of themselves; but, besides this, they carry about with them a great number of idle fellows, who never learned any art by which they may gain their living; and these, as soon as either their lord dies, or they themselves fall sick, are turned out of doors; for your lords are readier to feed idle people than to take care of the sick; and often the heir is not able to keep together so great a family as his predecessor93 did. Now, when the stomachs of those that are thus turned out of doors grow keen, they rob no less keenly; and what else can they do? For when, by wandering about, they have worn out both their health and their clothes, and are tattered94, and look ghastly, men of quality will not entertain them, and poor men dare not do it, knowing that one who has been bred up in idleness and pleasure, and who was used to walk about with his sword and buckler, despising all the neighbourhood with an insolent95 scorn as far below him, is not fit for the spade and mattock; nor will he serve a poor man for so small a hire and in so low a diet as he can afford to give him.’ To this he answered, ‘This sort of men ought to be particularly cherished, for in them consists the force of the armies for which we have occasion; since their birth inspires them with a nobler sense of honour than is to be found among tradesmen or ploughmen.’ ‘You may as well say,’ replied I, ‘that you must cherish thieves on the account of wars, for you will never want the one as long as you have the other; and as robbers prove sometimes gallant96 soldiers, so soldiers often prove brave robbers, so near an alliance there is between those two sorts of life. But this bad custom, so common among you, of keeping many servants, is not peculiar97 to this nation. In France there is yet a more pestiferous sort of people, for the whole country is full of soldiers, still kept up in time of peace (if such a state of a nation can be called a peace); and these are kept in pay upon the same account that you plead for those idle retainers about noblemen: this being a maxim98 of those pretended statesmen, that it is necessary for the public safety to have a good body of veteran soldiers ever in readiness. They think raw men are not to be depended on, and they sometimes seek occasions for making war, that they may train up their soldiers in the art of cutting throats, or, as Sallust observed, “for keeping their hands in use, that they may not grow dull by too long an intermission.” But France has learned to its cost how dangerous it is to feed such beasts. The fate of the Romans, Carthaginians, and Syrians, and many other nations and cities, which were both overturned and quite ruined by those standing82 armies, should make others wiser; and the folly99 of this maxim of the French appears plainly even from this, that their trained soldiers often find your raw men prove too hard for them, of which I will not say much, lest you may think I flatter the English. Every day’s experience shows that the mechanics in the towns or the clowns in the country are not afraid of fighting with those idle gentlemen, if they are not disabled by some misfortune in their body or dispirited by extreme want; so that you need not fear that those well-shaped and strong men (for it is only such that noblemen love to keep about them till they spoil them), who now grow feeble with ease and are softened100 with their effeminate manner of life, would be less fit for action if they were well bred and well employed. And it seems very unreasonable101 that, for the prospect102 of a war, which you need never have but when you please, you should maintain so many idle men, as will always disturb you in time of peace, which is ever to be more considered than war. But I do not think that this necessity of stealing arises only from hence; there is another cause of it, more peculiar to England.’ ‘What is that?’ said the Cardinal: ‘The increase of pasture,’ said I, ‘by which your sheep, which are naturally mild, and easily kept in order, may be said now to devour103 men and unpeople, not only villages, but towns; for wherever it is found that the sheep of any soil yield a softer and richer wool than ordinary, there the nobility and gentry104, and even those holy men, the abbots! not contented with the old rents which their farms yielded, nor thinking it enough that they, living at their ease, do no good to the public, resolve to do it hurt instead of good. They stop the course of agriculture, destroying houses and towns, reserving only the churches, and enclose grounds that they may lodge105 their sheep in them. As if forests and parks had swallowed up too little of the land, those worthy countrymen turn the best inhabited places into solitudes106; for when an insatiable wretch107, who is a plague to his country, resolves to enclose many thousand acres of ground, the owners, as well as tenants, are turned out of their possessions by trick or by main force, or, being wearied out by ill usage, they are forced to sell them; by which means those miserable108 people, both men and women, married and unmarried, old and young, with their poor but numerous families (since country business requires many hands), are all forced to change their seats, not knowing whither to go; and they must sell, almost for nothing, their household stuff, which could not bring them much money, even though they might stay for a buyer. When that little money is at an end (for it will be soon spent), what is left for them to do but either to steal, and so to be hanged (God knows how justly!), or to go about and beg? and if they do this they are put in prison as idle vagabonds, while they would willingly work but can find none that will hire them; for there is no more occasion for country labour, to which they have been bred, when there is no arable6 ground left. One shepherd can look after a flock, which will stock an extent of ground that would require many hands if it were to be ploughed and reaped. This, likewise, in many places raises the price of corn. The price of wool is also so risen that the poor people, who were wont109 to make cloth, are no more able to buy it; and this, likewise, makes many of them idle: for since the increase of pasture God has punished the avarice110 of the owners by a rot among the sheep, which has destroyed vast numbers of them—to us it might have seemed more just had it fell on the owners themselves. But, suppose the sheep should increase ever so much, their price is not likely to fall; since, though they cannot be called a monopoly, because they are not engrossed111 by one person, yet they are in so few hands, and these are so rich, that, as they are not pressed to sell them sooner than they have a mind to it, so they never do it till they have raised the price as high as possible. And on the same account it is that the other kinds of cattle are so dear, because many villages being pulled down, and all country labour being much neglected, there are none who make it their business to breed them. The rich do not breed cattle as they do sheep, but buy them lean and at low prices; and, after they have fattened112 them on their grounds, sell them again at high rates. And I do not think that all the inconveniences this will produce are yet observed; for, as they sell the cattle dear, so, if they are consumed faster than the breeding countries from which they are brought can afford them, then the stock must decrease, and this must needs end in great scarcity113; and by these means, this your island, which seemed as to this particular the happiest in the world, will suffer much by the cursed avarice of a few persons: besides this, the rising of corn makes all people lessen20 their families as much as they can; and what can those who are dismissed by them do but either beg or rob? And to this last a man of a great mind is much sooner drawn114 than to the former. Luxury likewise breaks in apace upon you to set forward your poverty and misery115; there is an excessive vanity in apparel, and great cost in diet, and that not only in noblemen’s families, but even among tradesmen, among the farmers themselves, and among all ranks of persons. You have also many infamous116 houses, and, besides those that are known, the taverns117 and ale-houses are no better; add to these dice118, cards, tables, football, tennis, and quoits, in which money runs fast away; and those that are initiated119 into them must, in the conclusion, betake themselves to robbing for a supply. Banish120 these plagues, and give orders that those who have dispeopled so much soil may either rebuild the villages they have pulled down or let out their grounds to such as will do it; restrain those engrossings of the rich, that are as bad almost as monopolies; leave fewer occasions to idleness; let agriculture be set up again, and the manufacture of the wool be regulated, that so there may be work found for those companies of idle people whom want forces to be thieves, or who now, being idle vagabonds or useless servants, will certainly grow thieves at last. If you do not find a remedy to these evils it is a vain thing to boast of your severity in punishing theft, which, though it may have the appearance of justice, yet in itself is neither just nor convenient; for if you suffer your people to be ill-educated, and their manners to be corrupted122 from their infancy123, and then punish them for those crimes to which their first education disposed them, what else is to be concluded from this but that you first make thieves and then punish them?’
“While I was talking thus, the Counsellor, who was present, had prepared an answer, and had resolved to resume all I had said, according to the formality of a debate, in which things are generally repeated more faithfully than they are answered, as if the chief trial to be made were of men’s memories. ‘You have talked prettily124, for a stranger,’ said he, ‘having heard of many things among us which you have not been able to consider well; but I will make the whole matter plain to you, and will first repeat in order all that you have said; then I will show how much your ignorance of our affairs has misled you; and will, in the last place, answer all your arguments. And, that I may begin where I promised, there were four things—’ ‘Hold your peace!’ said the Cardinal; ‘this will take up too much time; therefore we will, at present, ease you of the trouble of answering, and reserve it to our next meeting, which shall be to-morrow, if Raphael’s affairs and yours can admit of it. But, Raphael,’ said he to me, ‘I would gladly know upon what reason it is that you think theft ought not to be punished by death: would you give way to it? or do you propose any other punishment that will be more useful to the public? for, since death does not restrain theft, if men thought their lives would be safe, what fear or force could restrain ill men? On the contrary, they would look on the mitigation of the punishment as an invitation to commit more crimes.’ I answered, ‘It seems to me a very unjust thing to take away a man’s life for a little money, for nothing in the world can be of equal value with a man’s life: and if it be said, “that it is not for the money that one suffers, but for his breaking the law,” I must say, extreme justice is an extreme injury: for we ought not to approve of those terrible laws that make the smallest offences capital, nor of that opinion of the Stoics125 that makes all crimes equal; as if there were no difference to be made between the killing126 a man and the taking his purse, between which, if we examine things impartially127, there is no likeness128 nor proportion. God has commanded us not to kill, and shall we kill so easily for a little money? But if one shall say, that by that law we are only forbid to kill any except when the laws of the land allow of it, upon the same grounds, laws may be made, in some cases, to allow of adultery and perjury129: for God having taken from us the right of disposing either of our own or of other people’s lives, if it is pretended that the mutual consent of men in making laws can authorise man-slaughter in cases in which God has given us no example, that it frees people from the obligation of the divine law, and so makes murder a lawful130 action, what is this, but to give a preference to human laws before the divine? and, if this is once admitted, by the same rule men may, in all other things, put what restrictions131 they please upon the laws of God. If, by the Mosaical law, though it was rough and severe, as being a yoke132 laid on an obstinate70 and servile nation, men were only fined, and not put to death for theft, we cannot imagine, that in this new law of mercy, in which God treats us with the tenderness of a father, He has given us a greater licence to cruelty than He did to the Jews. Upon these reasons it is, that I think putting thieves to death is not lawful; and it is plain and obvious that it is absurd and of ill consequence to the commonwealth that a thief and a murderer should be equally punished; for if a robber sees that his danger is the same if he is convicted of theft as if he were guilty of murder, this will naturally incite133 him to kill the person whom otherwise he would only have robbed; since, if the punishment is the same, there is more security, and less danger of discovery, when he that can best make it is put out of the way; so that terrifying thieves too much provokes them to cruelty.
“But as to the question, ‘What more convenient way of punishment can be found?’ I think it much easier to find out that than to invent anything that is worse; why should we doubt but the way that was so long in use among the old Romans, who understood so well the arts of government, was very proper for their punishment? They condemned134 such as they found guilty of great crimes to work their whole lives in quarries135, or to dig in mines with chains about them. But the method that I liked best was that which I observed in my travels in Persia, among the Polylerits, who are a considerable and well-governed people: they pay a yearly tribute to the King of Persia, but in all other respects they are a free nation, and governed by their own laws: they lie far from the sea, and are environed with hills; and, being contented with the productions of their own country, which is very fruitful, they have little commerce with any other nation; and as they, according to the genius of their country, have no inclination136 to enlarge their borders, so their mountains and the pension they pay to the Persian, secure them from all invasions. Thus they have no wars among them; they live rather conveniently than with splendour, and may be rather called a happy nation than either eminent26 or famous; for I do not think that they are known, so much as by name, to any but their next neighbours. Those that are found guilty of theft among them are bound to make restitution137 to the owner, and not, as it is in other places, to the prince, for they reckon that the prince has no more right to the stolen goods than the thief; but if that which was stolen is no more in being, then the goods of the thieves are estimated, and restitution being made out of them, the remainder is given to their wives and children; and they themselves are condemned to serve in the public works, but are neither imprisoned138 nor chained, unless there happens to be some extraordinary circumstance in their crimes. They go about loose and free, working for the public: if they are idle or backward to work they are whipped, but if they work hard they are well used and treated without any mark of reproach; only the lists of them are called always at night, and then they are shut up. They suffer no other uneasiness but this of constant labour; for, as they work for the public, so they are well entertained out of the public stock, which is done differently in different places: in some places whatever is bestowed139 on them is raised by a charitable contribution; and, though this way may seem uncertain, yet so merciful are the inclinations140 of that people, that they are plentifully supplied by it; but in other places public revenues are set aside for them, or there is a constant tax or poll-money raised for their maintenance. In some places they are set to no public work, but every private man that has occasion to hire workmen goes to the market-places and hires them of the public, a little lower than he would do a freeman. If they go lazily about their task he may quicken them with the whip. By this means there is always some piece of work or other to be done by them; and, besides their livelihood, they earn somewhat still to the public. They all wear a peculiar habit, of one certain colour, and their hair is cropped a little above their ears, and a piece of one of their ears is cut off. Their friends are allowed to give them either meat, drink, or clothes, so they are of their proper colour; but it is death, both to the giver and taker, if they give them money; nor is it less penal141 for any freeman to take money from them upon any account whatsoever: and it is also death for any of these slaves (so they are called) to handle arms. Those of every division of the country are distinguished142 by a peculiar mark, which it is capital for them to lay aside, to go out of their bounds, or to talk with a slave of another jurisdiction143, and the very attempt of an escape is no less penal than an escape itself. It is death for any other slave to be accessory to it; and if a freeman engages in it he is condemned to slavery. Those that discover it are rewarded—if freemen, in money; and if slaves, with liberty, together with a pardon for being accessory to it; that so they might find their account rather in repenting144 of their engaging in such a design than in persisting in it.
“These are their laws and rules in relation to robbery, and it is obvious that they are as advantageous145 as they are mild and gentle; since vice56 is not only destroyed and men preserved, but they are treated in such a manner as to make them see the necessity of being honest and of employing the rest of their lives in repairing the injuries they had formerly146 done to society. Nor is there any hazard of their falling back to their old customs; and so little do travellers apprehend147 mischief from them that they generally make use of them for guides from one jurisdiction to another; for there is nothing left them by which they can rob or be the better for it, since, as they are disarmed148, so the very having of money is a sufficient conviction: and as they are certainly punished if discovered, so they cannot hope to escape; for their habit being in all the parts of it different from what is commonly worn, they cannot fly away, unless they would go naked, and even then their cropped ear would betray them. The only danger to be feared from them is their conspiring149 against the government; but those of one division and neighbourhood can do nothing to any purpose unless a general conspiracy150 were laid amongst all the slaves of the several jurisdictions151, which cannot be done, since they cannot meet or talk together; nor will any venture on a design where the concealment153 would be so dangerous and the discovery so profitable. None are quite hopeless of recovering their freedom, since by their obedience154 and patience, and by giving good grounds to believe that they will change their manner of life for the future, they may expect at last to obtain their liberty, and some are every year restored to it upon the good character that is given of them. When I had related all this, I added that I did not see why such a method might not be followed with more advantage than could ever be expected from that severe justice which the Counsellor magnified so much. To this he answered, ‘That it could never take place in England without endangering the whole nation.’ As he said this he shook his head, made some grimaces155, and held his peace, while all the company seemed of his opinion, except the Cardinal, who said, ‘That it was not easy to form a judgment of its success, since it was a method that never yet had been tried; but if,’ said he, ‘when sentence of death were passed upon a thief, the prince would reprieve156 him for a while, and make the experiment upon him, denying him the privilege of a sanctuary157; and then, if it had a good effect upon him, it might take place; and, if it did not succeed, the worst would be to execute the sentence on the condemned persons at last; and I do not see,’ added he, ‘why it would be either unjust, inconvenient158, or at all dangerous to admit of such a delay; in my opinion the vagabonds ought to be treated in the same manner, against whom, though we have made many laws, yet we have not been able to gain our end.’ When the Cardinal had done, they all commended the motion, though they had despised it when it came from me, but more particularly commended what related to the vagabonds, because it was his own observation.
“I do not know whether it be worth while to tell what followed, for it was very ridiculous; but I shall venture at it, for as it is not foreign to this matter, so some good use may be made of it. There was a Jester standing by, that counterfeited159 the fool so naturally that he seemed to be really one; the jests which he offered were so cold and dull that we laughed more at him than at them, yet sometimes he said, as it were by chance, things that were not unpleasant, so as to justify160 the old proverb, ‘That he who throws the dice often, will sometimes have a lucky hit.’ When one of the company had said that I had taken care of the thieves, and the Cardinal had taken care of the vagabonds, so that there remained nothing but that some public provision might be made for the poor whom sickness or old age had disabled from labour, ‘Leave that to me,’ said the Fool, ‘and I shall take care of them, for there is no sort of people whose sight I abhor62 more, having been so often vexed161 with them and with their sad complaints; but as dolefully soever as they have told their tale, they could never prevail so far as to draw one penny from me; for either I had no mind to give them anything, or, when I had a mind to do it, I had nothing to give them; and they now know me so well that they will not lose their labour, but let me pass without giving me any trouble, because they hope for nothing—no more, in faith, than if I were a priest; but I would have a law made for sending all these beggars to monasteries162, the men to the Benedictines, to be made lay-brothers, and the women to be nuns163.’ The Cardinal smiled, and approved of it in jest, but the rest liked it in earnest. There was a divine present, who, though he was a grave morose man, yet he was so pleased with this reflection that was made on the priests and the monks164 that he began to play with the Fool, and said to him, ‘This will not deliver you from all beggars, except you take care of us Friars.’ ‘That is done already,’ answered the Fool, ‘for the Cardinal has provided for you by what he proposed for restraining vagabonds and setting them to work, for I know no vagabonds like you.’ This was well entertained by the whole company, who, looking at the Cardinal, perceived that he was not ill-pleased at it; only the Friar himself was vexed, as may be easily imagined, and fell into such a passion that he could not forbear railing at the Fool, and calling him knave165, slanderer166, backbiter, and son of perdition, and then cited some dreadful threatenings out of the Scriptures167 against him. Now the Jester thought he was in his element, and laid about him freely. ‘Good Friar,’ said he, ‘be not angry, for it is written, “In patience possess your soul.”’ The Friar answered (for I shall give you his own words), ‘I am not angry, you hangman; at least, I do not sin in it, for the Psalmist says, “Be ye angry and sin not.”’ Upon this the Cardinal admonished168 him gently, and wished him to govern his passions. ‘No, my lord,’ said he, ‘I speak not but from a good zeal169, which I ought to have, for holy men have had a good zeal, as it is said, “The zeal of thy house hath eaten me up;” and we sing in our church that those who mocked Elisha as he went up to the house of God felt the effects of his zeal, which that mocker, that rogue170, that scoundrel, will perhaps feel.’ ‘You do this, perhaps, with a good intention,’ said the Cardinal, ‘but, in my opinion, it were wiser in you, and perhaps better for you, not to engage in so ridiculous a contest with a Fool.’ ‘No, my lord,’ answered he, ‘that were not wisely done, for Solomon, the wisest of men, said, “Answer a Fool according to his folly,” which I now do, and show him the ditch into which he will fall, if he is not aware of it; for if the many mockers of Elisha, who was but one bald man, felt the effect of his zeal, what will become of the mocker of so many Friars, among whom there are so many bald men? We have, likewise, a bull, by which all that jeer171 us are excommunicated.’ When the Cardinal saw that there was no end of this matter he made a sign to the Fool to withdraw, turned the discourse another way, and soon after rose from the table, and, dismissing us, went to hear causes.
“Thus, Mr. More, I have run out into a tedious story, of the length of which I had been ashamed, if (as you earnestly begged it of me) I had not observed you to hearken to it as if you had no mind to lose any part of it. I might have contracted it, but I resolved to give it you at large, that you might observe how those that despised what I had proposed, no sooner perceived that the Cardinal did not dislike it but presently approved of it, fawned173 so on him and flattered him to such a degree, that they in good earnest applauded those things that he only liked in jest; and from hence you may gather how little courtiers would value either me or my counsels.”
To this I answered, “You have done me a great kindness in this relation; for as everything has been related by you both wisely and pleasantly, so you have made me imagine that I was in my own country and grown young again, by recalling that good Cardinal to my thoughts, in whose family I was bred from my childhood; and though you are, upon other accounts, very dear to me, yet you are the dearer because you honour his memory so much; but, after all this, I cannot change my opinion, for I still think that if you could overcome that aversion which you have to the courts of princes, you might, by the advice which it is in your power to give, do a great deal of good to mankind, and this is the chief design that every good man ought to propose to himself in living; for your friend Plato thinks that nations will be happy when either philosophers become kings or kings become philosophers. It is no wonder if we are so far from that happiness while philosophers will not think it their duty to assist kings with their counsels.” “They are not so base-minded,” said he, “but that they would willingly do it; many of them have already done it by their books, if those that are in power would but hearken to their good advice. But Plato judged right, that except kings themselves became philosophers, they who from their childhood are corrupted with false notions would never fall in entirely174 with the counsels of philosophers, and this he himself found to be true in the person of Dionysius.
“Do not you think that if I were about any king, proposing good laws to him, and endeavouring to root out all the cursed seeds of evil that I found in him, I should either be turned out of his court, or, at least, be laughed at for my pains? For instance, what could I signify if I were about the King of France, and were called into his cabinet council, where several wise men, in his hearing, were proposing many expedients175; as, by what arts and practices Milan may be kept, and Naples, that has so often slipped out of their hands, recovered; how the Venetians, and after them the rest of Italy, may be subdued176; and then how Flanders, Brabant, and all Burgundy, and some other kingdoms which he has swallowed already in his designs, may be added to his empire? One proposes a league with the Venetians, to be kept as long as he finds his account in it, and that he ought to communicate counsels with them, and give them some share of the spoil till his success makes him need or fear them less, and then it will be easily taken out of their hands; another proposes the hiring the Germans and the securing the Switzers by pensions; another proposes the gaining the Emperor by money, which is omnipotent177 with him; another proposes a peace with the King of Arragon, and, in order to cement it, the yielding up the King of Navarre’s pretensions178; another thinks that the Prince of Castile is to be wrought180 on by the hope of an alliance, and that some of his courtiers are to be gained to the French faction181 by pensions. The hardest point of all is, what to do with England; a treaty of peace is to be set on foot, and, if their alliance is not to be depended on, yet it is to be made as firm as possible, and they are to be called friends, but suspected as enemies: therefore the Scots are to be kept in readiness to be let loose upon England on every occasion; and some banished182 nobleman is to be supported underhand (for by the League it cannot be done avowedly) who has a pretension179 to the crown, by which means that suspected prince may be kept in awe183. Now when things are in so great a fermentation, and so many gallant men are joining counsels how to carry on the war, if so mean a man as I should stand up and wish them to change all their counsels—to let Italy alone and stay at home, since the kingdom of France was indeed greater than could be well governed by one man; that therefore he ought not to think of adding others to it; and if, after this, I should propose to them the resolutions of the Achorians, a people that lie on the south-east of Utopia, who long ago engaged in war in order to add to the dominions184 of their prince another kingdom, to which he had some pretensions by an ancient alliance: this they conquered, but found that the trouble of keeping it was equal to that by which it was gained; that the conquered people were always either in rebellion or exposed to foreign invasions, while they were obliged to be incessantly185 at war, either for or against them, and consequently could never disband their army; that in the meantime they were oppressed with taxes, their money went out of the kingdom, their blood was spilt for the glory of their king without procuring186 the least advantage to the people, who received not the smallest benefit from it even in time of peace; and that, their manners being corrupted by a long war, robbery and murders everywhere abounded, and their laws fell into contempt; while their king, distracted with the care of two kingdoms, was the less able to apply his mind to the interest of either. When they saw this, and that there would be no end to these evils, they by joint187 counsels made an humble188 address to their king, desiring him to choose which of the two kingdoms he had the greatest mind to keep, since he could not hold both; for they were too great a people to be governed by a divided king, since no man would willingly have a groom189 that should be in common between him and another. Upon which the good prince was forced to quit his new kingdom to one of his friends (who was not long after dethroned), and to be contented with his old one. To this I would add that after all those warlike attempts, the vast confusions, and the consumption both of treasure and of people that must follow them, perhaps upon some misfortune they might be forced to throw up all at last; therefore it seemed much more eligible190 that the king should improve his ancient kingdom all he could, and make it flourish as much as possible; that he should love his people, and be beloved of them; that he should live among them, govern them gently and let other kingdoms alone, since that which had fallen to his share was big enough, if not too big, for him:—pray, how do you think would such a speech as this be heard?”
“I confess,” said I, “I think not very well.”
“But what,” said he, “if I should sort with another kind of ministers, whose chief contrivances and consultations191 were by what art the prince’s treasures might be increased? where one proposes raising the value of specie when the king’s debts are large, and lowering it when his revenues were to come in, that so he might both pay much with a little, and in a little receive a great deal. Another proposes a pretence192 of a war, that money might be raised in order to carry it on, and that a peace be concluded as soon as that was done; and this with such appearances of religion as might work on the people, and make them impute193 it to the piety194 of their prince, and to his tenderness for the lives of his subjects. A third offers some old musty laws that have been antiquated195 by a long disuse (and which, as they had been forgotten by all the subjects, so they had also been broken by them), and proposes the levying196 the penalties of these laws, that, as it would bring in a vast treasure, so there might be a very good pretence for it, since it would look like the executing a law and the doing of justice. A fourth proposes the prohibiting of many things under severe penalties, especially such as were against the interest of the people, and then the dispensing197 with these prohibitions198, upon great compositions, to those who might find their advantage in breaking them. This would serve two ends, both of them acceptable to many; for as those whose avarice led them to transgress199 would be severely200 fined, so the selling licences dear would look as if a prince were tender of his people, and would not easily, or at low rates, dispense201 with anything that might be against the public good. Another proposes that the judges must be made sure, that they may declare always in favour of the prerogative202; that they must be often sent for to court, that the king may hear them argue those points in which he is concerned; since, how unjust soever any of his pretensions may be, yet still some one or other of them, either out of contradiction to others, or the pride of singularity, or to make their court, would find out some pretence or other to give the king a fair colour to carry the point. For if the judges but differ in opinion, the clearest thing in the world is made by that means disputable, and truth being once brought in question, the king may then take advantage to expound203 the law for his own profit; while the judges that stand out will be brought over, either through fear or modesty204; and they being thus gained, all of them may be sent to the Bench to give sentence boldly as the king would have it; for fair pretences205 will never be wanting when sentence is to be given in the prince’s favour. It will either be said that equity206 lies of his side, or some words in the law will be found sounding that way, or some forced sense will be put on them; and, when all other things fail, the king’s undoubted prerogative will be pretended, as that which is above all law, and to which a religious judge ought to have a special regard. Thus all consent to that maxim of Crassus, that a prince cannot have treasure enough, since he must maintain his armies out of it; that a king, even though he would, can do nothing unjustly; that all property is in him, not excepting the very persons of his subjects; and that no man has any other property but that which the king, out of his goodness, thinks fit to leave him. And they think it is the prince’s interest that there be as little of this left as may be, as if it were his advantage that his people should have neither riches nor liberty, since these things make them less easy and willing to submit to a cruel and unjust government. Whereas necessity and poverty blunts them, makes them patient, beats them down, and breaks that height of spirit that might otherwise dispose them to rebel. Now what if, after all these propositions were made, I should rise up and assert that such counsels were both unbecoming a king and mischievous207 to him; and that not only his honour, but his safety, consisted more in his people’s wealth than in his own; if I should show that they choose a king for their own sake, and not for his; that, by his care and endeavours, they may be both easy and safe; and that, therefore, a prince ought to take more care of his people’s happiness than of his own, as a shepherd is to take more care of his flock than of himself? It is also certain that they are much mistaken that think the poverty of a nation is a means of the public safety. Who quarrel more than beggars? who does more earnestly long for a change than he that is uneasy in his present circumstances? and who run to create confusions with so desperate a boldness as those who, having nothing to lose, hope to gain by them? If a king should fall under such contempt or envy that he could not keep his subjects in their duty but by oppression and ill usage, and by rendering208 them poor and miserable, it were certainly better for him to quit his kingdom than to retain it by such methods as make him, while he keeps the name of authority, lose the majesty209 due to it. Nor is it so becoming the dignity of a king to reign87 over beggars as over rich and happy subjects. And therefore Fabricius, a man of a noble and exalted210 temper, said ‘he would rather govern rich men than be rich himself; since for one man to abound43 in wealth and pleasure when all about him are mourning and groaning211, is to be a gaoler and not a king.’ He is an unskilful physician that cannot cure one disease without casting his patient into another. So he that can find no other way for correcting the errors of his people but by taking from them the conveniences of life, shows that he knows not what it is to govern a free nation. He himself ought rather to shake off his sloth212, or to lay down his pride, for the contempt or hatred213 that his people have for him takes its rise from the vices57 in himself. Let him live upon what belongs to him without wronging others, and accommodate his expense to his revenue. Let him punish crimes, and, by his wise conduct, let him endeavour to prevent them, rather than be severe when he has suffered them to be too common. Let him not rashly revive laws that are abrogated214 by disuse, especially if they have been long forgotten and never wanted. And let him never take any penalty for the breach215 of them to which a judge would not give way in a private man, but would look on him as a crafty216 and unjust person for pretending to it. To these things I would add that law among the Macarians—a people that live not far from Utopia—by which their king, on the day on which he began to reign, is tied by an oath, confirmed by solemn sacrifices, never to have at once above a thousand pounds of gold in his treasures, or so much silver as is equal to that in value. This law, they tell us, was made by an excellent king who had more regard to the riches of his country than to his own wealth, and therefore provided against the heaping up of so much treasure as might impoverish217 the people. He thought that moderate sum might be sufficient for any accident, if either the king had occasion for it against the rebels, or the kingdom against the invasion of an enemy; but that it was not enough to encourage a prince to invade other men’s rights—a circumstance that was the chief cause of his making that law. He also thought that it was a good provision for that free circulation of money so necessary for the course of commerce and exchange. And when a king must distribute all those extraordinary accessions that increase treasure beyond the due pitch, it makes him less disposed to oppress his subjects. Such a king as this will be the terror of ill men, and will be beloved by all the good.
“If, I say, I should talk of these or such-like things to men that had taken their bias218 another way, how deaf would they be to all I could say!” “No doubt, very deaf,” answered I; “and no wonder, for one is never to offer propositions or advice that we are certain will not be entertained. Discourses219 so much out of the road could not avail anything, nor have any effect on men whose minds were prepossessed with different sentiments. This philosophical way of speculation220 is not unpleasant among friends in a free conversation; but there is no room for it in the courts of princes, where great affairs are carried on by authority.” “That is what I was saying,” replied he, “that there is no room for philosophy in the courts of princes.” “Yes, there is,” said I, “but not for this speculative221 philosophy, that makes everything to be alike fitting at all times; but there is another philosophy that is more pliable222, that knows its proper scene, accommodates itself to it, and teaches a man with propriety223 and decency224 to act that part which has fallen to his share. If when one of Plautus’ comedies is upon the stage, and a company of servants are acting225 their parts, you should come out in the garb226 of a philosopher, and repeat, out of Octavia, a discourse of Seneca’s to Nero, would it not be better for you to say nothing than by mixing things of such different natures to make an impertinent tragi-comedy? for you spoil and corrupt121 the play that is in hand when you mix with it things of an opposite nature, even though they are much better. Therefore go through with the play that is acting the best you can, and do not confound it because another that is pleasanter comes into your thoughts. It is even so in a commonwealth and in the councils of princes; if ill opinions cannot be quite rooted out, and you cannot cure some received vice according to your wishes, you must not, therefore, abandon the commonwealth, for the same reasons as you should not forsake227 the ship in a storm because you cannot command the winds. You are not obliged to assault people with discourses that are out of their road, when you see that their received notions must prevent your making an impression upon them: you ought rather to cast about and to manage things with all the dexterity228 in your power, so that, if you are not able to make them go well, they may be as little ill as possible; for, except all men were good, everything cannot be right, and that is a blessing229 that I do not at present hope to see.” “According to your argument,” answered he, “all that I could be able to do would be to preserve myself from being mad while I endeavoured to cure the madness of others; for, if I speak truth, I must repeat what I have said to you; and as for lying, whether a philosopher can do it or not I cannot tell: I am sure I cannot do it. But though these discourses may be uneasy and ungrateful to them, I do not see why they should seem foolish or extravagant230; indeed, if I should either propose such things as Plato has contrived231 in his ‘Commonwealth,’ or as the Utopians practise in theirs, though they might seem better, as certainly they are, yet they are so different from our establishment, which is founded on property (there being no such thing among them), that I could not expect that it would have any effect on them. But such discourses as mine, which only call past evils to mind and give warning of what may follow, leave nothing in them that is so absurd that they may not be used at any time, for they can only be unpleasant to those who are resolved to run headlong the contrary way; and if we must let alone everything as absurd or extravagant—which, by reason of the wicked lives of many, may seem uncouth—we must, even among Christians232, give over pressing the greatest part of those things that Christ hath taught us, though He has commanded us not to conceal152 them, but to proclaim on the housetops that which He taught in secret. The greatest parts of His precepts233 are more opposite to the lives of the men of this age than any part of my discourse has been, but the preachers seem to have learned that craft to which you advise me: for they, observing that the world would not willingly suit their lives to the rules that Christ has given, have fitted His doctrine234, as if it had been a leaden rule, to their lives, that so, some way or other, they might agree with one another. But I see no other effect of this compliance235 except it be that men become more secure in their wickedness by it; and this is all the success that I can have in a court, for I must always differ from the rest, and then I shall signify nothing; or, if I agree with them, I shall then only help forward their madness. I do not comprehend what you mean by your ‘casting about,’ or by ‘the bending and handling things so dexterously236 that, if they go not well, they may go as little ill as may be;’ for in courts they will not bear with a man’s holding his peace or conniving237 at what others do: a man must barefacedly238 approve of the worst counsels and consent to the blackest designs: so that he would pass for a spy, or, possibly, for a traitor239, that did but coldly approve of such wicked practices; and therefore when a man is engaged in such a society, he will be so far from being able to mend matters by his ‘casting about,’ as you call it, that he will find no occasions of doing any good—the ill company will sooner corrupt him than be the better for him; or if, notwithstanding all their ill company, he still remains240 steady and innocent, yet their follies241 and knavery242 will be imputed243 to him; and, by mixing counsels with them, he must bear his share of all the blame that belongs wholly to others.
“It was no ill simile244 by which Plato set forth245 the unreasonableness246 of a philosopher’s meddling247 with government. ‘If a man,’ says he, ‘were to see a great company run out every day into the rain and take delight in being wet—if he knew that it would be to no purpose for him to go and persuade them to return to their houses in order to avoid the storm, and that all that could be expected by his going to speak to them would be that he himself should be as wet as they, it would be best for him to keep within doors, and, since he had not influence enough to correct other people’s folly, to take care to preserve himself.’
“Though, to speak plainly my real sentiments, I must freely own that as long as there is any property, and while money is the standard of all other things, I cannot think that a nation can be governed either justly or happily: not justly, because the best things will fall to the share of the worst men; nor happily, because all things will be divided among a few (and even these are not in all respects happy), the rest being left to be absolutely miserable. Therefore, when I reflect on the wise and good constitution of the Utopians, among whom all things are so well governed and with so few laws, where virtue3 hath its due reward, and yet there is such an equality that every man lives in plenty—when I compare with them so many other nations that are still making new laws, and yet can never bring their constitution to a right regulation; where, notwithstanding every one has his property, yet all the laws that they can invent have not the power either to obtain or preserve it, or even to enable men certainly to distinguish what is their own from what is another’s, of which the many lawsuits248 that every day break out, and are eternally depending, give too plain a demonstration—when, I say, I balance all these things in my thoughts, I grow more favourable249 to Plato, and do not wonder that he resolved not to make any laws for such as would not submit to a community of all things; for so wise a man could not but foresee that the setting all upon a level was the only way to make a nation happy; which cannot be obtained so long as there is property, for when every man draws to himself all that he can compass, by one title or another, it must needs follow that, how plentiful35 soever a nation may be, yet a few dividing the wealth of it among themselves, the rest must fall into indigence250. So that there will be two sorts of people among them, who deserve that their fortunes should be interchanged—the former useless, but wicked and ravenous; and the latter, who by their constant industry serve the public more than themselves, sincere and modest men—from whence I am persuaded that till property is taken away, there can be no equitable251 or just distribution of things, nor can the world be happily governed; for as long as that is maintained, the greatest and the far best part of mankind, will be still oppressed with a load of cares and anxieties. I confess, without taking it quite away, those pressures that lie on a great part of mankind may be made lighter252, but they can never be quite removed; for if laws were made to determine at how great an extent in soil, and at how much money, every man must stop—to limit the prince, that he might not grow too great; and to restrain the people, that they might not become too insolent—and that none might factiously253 aspire254 to public employments, which ought neither to be sold nor made burdensome by a great expense, since otherwise those that serve in them would be tempted255 to reimburse256 themselves by cheats and violence, and it would become necessary to find out rich men for undergoing those employments, which ought rather to be trusted to the wise. These laws, I say, might have such effect as good diet and care might have on a sick man whose recovery is desperate; they might allay257 and mitigate258 the disease, but it could never be quite healed, nor the body politic259 be brought again to a good habit as long as property remains; and it will fall out, as in a complication of diseases, that by applying a remedy to one sore you will provoke another, and that which removes the one ill symptom produces others, while the strengthening one part of the body weakens the rest.” “On the contrary,” answered I, “it seems to me that men cannot live conveniently where all things are common. How can there be any plenty where every man will excuse himself from labour? for as the hope of gain doth not excite him, so the confidence that he has in other men’s industry may make him slothful. If people come to be pinched with want, and yet cannot dispose of anything as their own, what can follow upon this but perpetual sedition260 and bloodshed, especially when the reverence and authority due to magistrates261 falls to the ground? for I cannot imagine how that can be kept up among those that are in all things equal to one another.” “I do not wonder,” said he, “that it appears so to you, since you have no notion, or at least no right one, of such a constitution; but if you had been in Utopia with me, and had seen their laws and rules, as I did, for the space of five years, in which I lived among them, and during which time I was so delighted with them that indeed I should never have left them if it had not been to make the discovery of that new world to the Europeans, you would then confess that you had never seen a people so well constituted as they.” “You will not easily persuade me,” said Peter, “that any nation in that new world is better governed than those among us; for as our understandings are not worse than theirs, so our government (if I mistake not) being more ancient, a long practice has helped us to find out many conveniences of life, and some happy chances have discovered other things to us which no man’s understanding could ever have invented.” “As for the antiquity263 either of their government or of ours,” said he, “you cannot pass a true judgment of it unless you had read their histories; for, if they are to be believed, they had towns among them before these parts were so much as inhabited; and as for those discoveries that have been either hit on by chance or made by ingenious men, these might have happened there as well as here. I do not deny but we are more ingenious than they are, but they exceed us much in industry and application. They knew little concerning us before our arrival among them. They call us all by a general name of ‘The nations that lie beyond the equinoctial line;’ for their chronicle mentions a shipwreck264 that was made on their coast twelve hundred years ago, and that some Romans and Egyptians that were in the ship, getting safe ashore265, spent the rest of their days amongst them; and such was their ingenuity266 that from this single opportunity they drew the advantage of learning from those unlooked-for guests, and acquired all the useful arts that were then among the Romans, and which were known to these shipwrecked men; and by the hints that they gave them they themselves found out even some of those arts which they could not fully36 explain, so happily did they improve that accident of having some of our people cast upon their shore. But if such an accident has at any time brought any from thence into Europe, we have been so far from improving it that we do not so much as remember it, as, in aftertimes perhaps, it will be forgot by our people that I was ever there; for though they, from one such accident, made themselves masters of all the good inventions that were among us, yet I believe it would be long before we should learn or put in practice any of the good institutions that are among them. And this is the true cause of their being better governed and living happier than we, though we come not short of them in point of understanding or outward advantages.” Upon this I said to him, “I earnestly beg you would describe that island very particularly to us; be not too short, but set out in order all things relating to their soil, their rivers, their towns, their people, their manners, constitution, laws, and, in a word, all that you imagine we desire to know; and you may well imagine that we desire to know everything concerning them of which we are hitherto ignorant.” “I will do it very willingly,” said he, “for I have digested the whole matter carefully, but it will take up some time.” “Let us go, then,” said I, “first and dine, and then we shall have leisure enough.” He consented; we went in and dined, and after dinner came back and sat down in the same place. I ordered my servants to take care that none might come and interrupt us, and both Peter and I desired Raphael to be as good as his word. When he saw that we were very intent upon it he paused a little to recollect267 himself, and began in this manner:—
“The island of Utopia is in the middle two hundred miles broad, and holds almost at the same breadth over a great part of it, but it grows narrower towards both ends. Its figure is not unlike a crescent. Between its horns the sea comes in eleven miles broad, and spreads itself into a great bay, which is environed with land to the compass of about five hundred miles, and is well secured from winds. In this bay there is no great current; the whole coast is, as it were, one continued harbour, which gives all that live in the island great convenience for mutual commerce. But the entry into the bay, occasioned by rocks on the one hand and shallows on the other, is very dangerous. In the middle of it there is one single rock which appears above water, and may, therefore, easily be avoided; and on the top of it there is a tower, in which a garrison268 is kept; the other rocks lie under water, and are very dangerous. The channel is known only to the natives; so that if any stranger should enter into the bay without one of their pilots he would run great danger of shipwreck. For even they themselves could not pass it safe if some marks that are on the coast did not direct their way; and if these should be but a little shifted, any fleet that might come against them, how great soever it were, would be certainly lost. On the other side of the island there are likewise many harbours; and the coast is so fortified269, both by nature and art, that a small number of men can hinder the descent of a great army. But they report (and there remains good marks of it to make it credible) that this was no island at first, but a part of the continent. Utopus, that conquered it (whose name it still carries, for Abraxa was its first name), brought the rude and uncivilised inhabitants into such a good government, and to that measure of politeness, that they now far excel all the rest of mankind. Having soon subdued them, he designed to separate them from the continent, and to bring the sea quite round them. To accomplish this he ordered a deep channel to be dug, fifteen miles long; and that the natives might not think he treated them like slaves, he not only forced the inhabitants, but also his own soldiers, to labour in carrying it on. As he set a vast number of men to work, he, beyond all men’s expectations, brought it to a speedy conclusion. And his neighbours, who at first laughed at the folly of the undertaking270, no sooner saw it brought to perfection than they were struck with admiration and terror.
“There are fifty-four cities in the island, all large and well built, the manners, customs, and laws of which are the same, and they are all contrived as near in the same manner as the ground on which they stand will allow. The nearest lie at least twenty-four miles’ distance from one another, and the most remote are not so far distant but that a man can go on foot in one day from it to that which lies next it. Every city sends three of their wisest senators once a year to Amaurot, to consult about their common concerns; for that is the chief town of the island, being situated271 near the centre of it, so that it is the most convenient place for their assemblies. The jurisdiction of every city extends at least twenty miles, and, where the towns lie wider, they have much more ground. No town desires to enlarge its bounds, for the people consider themselves rather as tenants than landlords. They have built, over all the country, farmhouses272 for husbandmen, which are well contrived, and furnished with all things necessary for country labour. Inhabitants are sent, by turns, from the cities to dwell in them; no country family has fewer than forty men and women in it, besides two slaves. There is a master and a mistress set over every family, and over thirty families there is a magistrate262. Every year twenty of this family come back to the town after they have stayed two years in the country, and in their room there are other twenty sent from the town, that they may learn country work from those that have been already one year in the country, as they must teach those that come to them the next from the town. By this means such as dwell in those country farms are never ignorant of agriculture, and so commit no errors which might otherwise be fatal and bring them under a scarcity of corn. But though there is every year such a shifting of the husbandmen to prevent any man being forced against his will to follow that hard course of life too long, yet many among them take such pleasure in it that they desire leave to continue in it many years. These husbandmen till the ground, breed cattle, hew273 wood, and convey it to the towns either by land or water, as is most convenient. They breed an infinite multitude of chickens in a very curious manner; for the hens do not sit and hatch them, but a vast number of eggs are laid in a gentle and equal heat in order to be hatched, and they are no sooner out of the shell, and able to stir about, but they seem to consider those that feed them as their mothers, and follow them as other chickens do the hen that hatched them. They breed very few horses, but those they have are full of mettle274, and are kept only for exercising their youth in the art of sitting and riding them; for they do not put them to any work, either of ploughing or carriage, in which they employ oxen. For though their horses are stronger, yet they find oxen can hold out longer; and as they are not subject to so many diseases, so they are kept upon a less charge and with less trouble. And even when they are so worn out that they are no more fit for labour, they are good meat at last. They sow no corn but that which is to be their bread; for they drink either wine, cider or perry, and often water, sometimes boiled with honey or liquorice, with which they abound; and though they know exactly how much corn will serve every town and all that tract172 of country which belongs to it, yet they sow much more and breed more cattle than are necessary for their consumption, and they give that overplus of which they make no use to their neighbours. When they want anything in the country which it does not produce, they fetch that from the town, without carrying anything in exchange for it. And the magistrates of the town take care to see it given them; for they meet generally in the town once a month, upon a festival day. When the time of harvest comes, the magistrates in the country send to those in the towns and let them know how many hands they will need for reaping the harvest; and the number they call for being sent to them, they commonly despatch275 it all in one day.
点击收听单词发音
1 adorned | |
[计]被修饰的 | |
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2 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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3 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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4 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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5 serene | |
adj. 安详的,宁静的,平静的 | |
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6 arable | |
adj.可耕的,适合种植的 | |
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7 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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8 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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9 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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10 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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11 concurred | |
同意(concur的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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12 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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13 dexterous | |
adj.灵敏的;灵巧的 | |
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14 unravelling | |
解开,拆散,散开( unravel的现在分词 ); 阐明; 澄清; 弄清楚 | |
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15 extraordinarily | |
adv.格外地;极端地 | |
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16 artifice | |
n.妙计,高明的手段;狡诈,诡计 | |
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17 prudent | |
adj.谨慎的,有远见的,精打细算的 | |
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18 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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19 lessened | |
减少的,减弱的 | |
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20 lessen | |
vt.减少,减轻;缩小 | |
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21 longings | |
渴望,盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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22 seaman | |
n.海员,水手,水兵 | |
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23 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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24 discoursing | |
演说(discourse的现在分词形式) | |
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25 copious | |
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
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26 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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27 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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28 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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29 Portuguese | |
n.葡萄牙人;葡萄牙语 | |
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30 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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31 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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32 insinuated | |
v.暗示( insinuate的过去式和过去分词 );巧妙或迂回地潜入;(使)缓慢进入;慢慢伸入 | |
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33 conversed | |
v.交谈,谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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34 plentifully | |
adv. 许多地,丰饶地 | |
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35 plentiful | |
adj.富裕的,丰富的 | |
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36 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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37 waggons | |
四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 ); 铁路货车; 小手推车 | |
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38 commonwealths | |
n.共和国( commonwealth的名词复数 );联邦;团体;协会 | |
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39 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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40 parched | |
adj.焦干的;极渴的;v.(使)焦干 | |
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41 withered | |
adj. 枯萎的,干瘪的,(人身体的部分器官)因病萎缩的或未发育良好的 动词wither的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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42 dismally | |
adv.阴暗地,沉闷地 | |
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43 abound | |
vi.大量存在;(in,with)充满,富于 | |
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44 abounded | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45 verdant | |
adj.翠绿的,青翠的,生疏的,不老练的 | |
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46 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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47 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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48 seamen | |
n.海员 | |
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49 utterly | |
adv.完全地,绝对地 | |
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50 mischief | |
n.损害,伤害,危害;恶作剧,捣蛋,胡闹 | |
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51 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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52 ravenous | |
adj.极饿的,贪婪的 | |
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53 discoursed | |
演说(discourse的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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54 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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55 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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56 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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57 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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58 incumbent | |
adj.成为责任的,有义务的;现任的,在职的 | |
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59 unwillingly | |
adv.不情愿地 | |
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60 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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61 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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62 abhor | |
v.憎恶;痛恨 | |
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63 abhorrent | |
adj.可恶的,可恨的,讨厌的 | |
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64 philosophical | |
adj.哲学家的,哲学上的,达观的 | |
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65 lasting | |
adj.永久的,永恒的;vbl.持续,维持 | |
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66 jot | |
n.少量;vi.草草记下;vt.匆匆写下 | |
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67 fawning | |
adj.乞怜的,奉承的v.(尤指狗等)跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 );巴结;讨好 | |
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68 cubs | |
n.幼小的兽,不懂规矩的年轻人( cub的名词复数 ) | |
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69 depressed | |
adj.沮丧的,抑郁的,不景气的,萧条的 | |
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70 obstinate | |
adj.顽固的,倔强的,不易屈服的,较难治愈的 | |
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71 obstinately | |
ad.固执地,顽固地 | |
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72 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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73 morose | |
adj.脾气坏的,不高兴的 | |
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74 judgments | |
判断( judgment的名词复数 ); 鉴定; 评价; 审判 | |
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75 slaughter | |
n.屠杀,屠宰;vt.屠杀,宰杀 | |
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76 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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77 chancellor | |
n.(英)大臣;法官;(德、奥)总理;大学校长 | |
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78 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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79 begot | |
v.为…之生父( beget的过去式 );产生,引起 | |
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80 impudence | |
n.厚颜无耻;冒失;无礼 | |
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81 gracefully | |
ad.大大方方地;优美地 | |
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82 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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83 prodigious | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
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84 livelihood | |
n.生计,谋生之道 | |
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85 chastise | |
vt.责骂,严惩 | |
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86 enacted | |
制定(法律),通过(法案)( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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87 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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88 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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89 subsist | |
vi.生存,存在,供养 | |
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90 tenants | |
n.房客( tenant的名词复数 );佃户;占用者;占有者 | |
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91 frugality | |
n.节约,节俭 | |
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92 prodigal | |
adj.浪费的,挥霍的,放荡的 | |
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93 predecessor | |
n.前辈,前任 | |
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94 tattered | |
adj.破旧的,衣衫破的 | |
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95 insolent | |
adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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96 gallant | |
adj.英勇的,豪侠的;(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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97 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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98 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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99 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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100 softened | |
(使)变软( soften的过去式和过去分词 ); 缓解打击; 缓和; 安慰 | |
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101 unreasonable | |
adj.不讲道理的,不合情理的,过度的 | |
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102 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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103 devour | |
v.吞没;贪婪地注视或谛听,贪读;使着迷 | |
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104 gentry | |
n.绅士阶级,上层阶级 | |
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105 lodge | |
v.临时住宿,寄宿,寄存,容纳;n.传达室,小旅馆 | |
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106 solitudes | |
n.独居( solitude的名词复数 );孤独;荒僻的地方;人迹罕至的地方 | |
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107 wretch | |
n.可怜的人,不幸的人;卑鄙的人 | |
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108 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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109 wont | |
adj.习惯于;v.习惯;n.习惯 | |
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110 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
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111 engrossed | |
adj.全神贯注的 | |
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112 fattened | |
v.喂肥( fatten的过去式和过去分词 );养肥(牲畜);使(钱)增多;使(公司)升值 | |
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113 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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114 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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115 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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116 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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117 taverns | |
n.小旅馆,客栈,酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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118 dice | |
n.骰子;vt.把(食物)切成小方块,冒险 | |
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119 initiated | |
n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始,创始,启蒙,介绍加入 | |
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120 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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121 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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122 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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123 infancy | |
n.婴儿期;幼年期;初期 | |
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124 prettily | |
adv.优美地;可爱地 | |
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125 stoics | |
禁欲主义者,恬淡寡欲的人,不以苦乐为意的人( stoic的名词复数 ) | |
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126 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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127 impartially | |
adv.公平地,无私地 | |
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128 likeness | |
n.相像,相似(之处) | |
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129 perjury | |
n.伪证;伪证罪 | |
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130 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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131 restrictions | |
约束( restriction的名词复数 ); 管制; 制约因素; 带限制性的条件(或规则) | |
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132 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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133 incite | |
v.引起,激动,煽动 | |
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134 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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135 quarries | |
n.(采)石场( quarry的名词复数 );猎物(指鸟,兽等);方形石;(格窗等的)方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 );从(书本等中)努力发掘(资料等);在采石场采石 | |
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136 inclination | |
n.倾斜;点头;弯腰;斜坡;倾度;倾向;爱好 | |
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137 restitution | |
n.赔偿;恢复原状 | |
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138 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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139 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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140 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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141 penal | |
adj.刑罚的;刑法上的 | |
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142 distinguished | |
adj.卓越的,杰出的,著名的 | |
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143 jurisdiction | |
n.司法权,审判权,管辖权,控制权 | |
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144 repenting | |
对(自己的所为)感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的现在分词 ) | |
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145 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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146 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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147 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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148 disarmed | |
v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 );使息怒 | |
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149 conspiring | |
密谋( conspire的现在分词 ); 搞阴谋; (事件等)巧合; 共同导致 | |
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150 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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151 jurisdictions | |
司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 ); 裁判权; 管辖区域; 管辖范围 | |
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152 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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153 concealment | |
n.隐藏, 掩盖,隐瞒 | |
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154 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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155 grimaces | |
n.(表蔑视、厌恶等)面部扭曲,鬼脸( grimace的名词复数 )v.扮鬼相,做鬼脸( grimace的第三人称单数 ) | |
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156 reprieve | |
n.暂缓执行(死刑);v.缓期执行;给…带来缓解 | |
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157 sanctuary | |
n.圣所,圣堂,寺庙;禁猎区,保护区 | |
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158 inconvenient | |
adj.不方便的,令人感到麻烦的 | |
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159 counterfeited | |
v.仿制,造假( counterfeit的过去分词 ) | |
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160 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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161 vexed | |
adj.争论不休的;(指问题等)棘手的;争论不休的问题;烦恼的v.使烦恼( vex的过去式和过去分词 );使苦恼;使生气;详细讨论 | |
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162 monasteries | |
修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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163 nuns | |
n.(通常指基督教的)修女, (佛教的)尼姑( nun的名词复数 ) | |
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164 monks | |
n.修道士,僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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165 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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166 slanderer | |
造谣中伤者 | |
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167 scriptures | |
经文,圣典( scripture的名词复数 ); 经典 | |
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168 admonished | |
v.劝告( admonish的过去式和过去分词 );训诫;(温和地)责备;轻责 | |
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169 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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170 rogue | |
n.流氓;v.游手好闲 | |
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171 jeer | |
vi.嘲弄,揶揄;vt.奚落;n.嘲笑,讥评 | |
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172 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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173 fawned | |
v.(尤指狗等)跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的过去式和过去分词 );巴结;讨好 | |
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174 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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175 expedients | |
n.应急有效的,权宜之计的( expedient的名词复数 ) | |
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176 subdued | |
adj. 屈服的,柔和的,减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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177 omnipotent | |
adj.全能的,万能的 | |
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178 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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179 pretension | |
n.要求;自命,自称;自负 | |
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180 wrought | |
v.引起;以…原料制作;运转;adj.制造的 | |
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181 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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182 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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183 awe | |
n.敬畏,惊惧;vt.使敬畏,使惊惧 | |
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184 dominions | |
统治权( dominion的名词复数 ); 领土; 疆土; 版图 | |
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185 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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186 procuring | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的现在分词 );拉皮条 | |
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187 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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188 humble | |
adj.谦卑的,恭顺的;地位低下的;v.降低,贬低 | |
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189 groom | |
vt.给(马、狗等)梳毛,照料,使...整洁 | |
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190 eligible | |
adj.有条件被选中的;(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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191 consultations | |
n.磋商(会议)( consultation的名词复数 );商讨会;协商会;查找 | |
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192 pretence | |
n.假装,作假;借口,口实;虚伪;虚饰 | |
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193 impute | |
v.归咎于 | |
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194 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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195 antiquated | |
adj.陈旧的,过时的 | |
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196 levying | |
征(兵)( levy的现在分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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197 dispensing | |
v.分配( dispense的现在分词 );施与;配(药) | |
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198 prohibitions | |
禁令,禁律( prohibition的名词复数 ); 禁酒; 禁例 | |
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199 transgress | |
vt.违反,逾越 | |
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200 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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201 dispense | |
vt.分配,分发;配(药),发(药);实施 | |
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202 prerogative | |
n.特权 | |
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203 expound | |
v.详述;解释;阐述 | |
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204 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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205 pretences | |
n.假装( pretence的名词复数 );作假;自命;自称 | |
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206 equity | |
n.公正,公平,(无固定利息的)股票 | |
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207 mischievous | |
adj.调皮的,恶作剧的,有害的,伤人的 | |
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208 rendering | |
n.表现,描写 | |
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209 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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210 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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211 groaning | |
adj. 呜咽的, 呻吟的 动词groan的现在分词形式 | |
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212 sloth | |
n.[动]树懒;懒惰,懒散 | |
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213 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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214 abrogated | |
废除(法律等)( abrogate的过去式和过去分词 ); 取消; 去掉; 抛开 | |
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215 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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216 crafty | |
adj.狡猾的,诡诈的 | |
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217 impoverish | |
vt.使穷困,使贫困 | |
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218 bias | |
n.偏见,偏心,偏袒;vt.使有偏见 | |
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219 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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220 speculation | |
n.思索,沉思;猜测;投机 | |
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221 speculative | |
adj.思索性的,暝想性的,推理的 | |
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222 pliable | |
adj.易受影响的;易弯的;柔顺的,易驾驭的 | |
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223 propriety | |
n.正当行为;正当;适当 | |
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224 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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225 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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226 garb | |
n.服装,装束 | |
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227 forsake | |
vt.遗弃,抛弃;舍弃,放弃 | |
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228 dexterity | |
n.(手的)灵巧,灵活 | |
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229 blessing | |
n.祈神赐福;祷告;祝福,祝愿 | |
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230 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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231 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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232 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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233 precepts | |
n.规诫,戒律,箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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234 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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235 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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236 dexterously | |
adv.巧妙地,敏捷地 | |
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237 conniving | |
v.密谋 ( connive的现在分词 );搞阴谋;默许;纵容 | |
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238 barefacedly | |
adv.不戴面具; 不要脸; 无耻; 露骨 | |
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239 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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240 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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241 follies | |
罪恶,时事讽刺剧; 愚蠢,蠢笨,愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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242 knavery | |
n.恶行,欺诈的行为 | |
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243 imputed | |
v.把(错误等)归咎于( impute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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244 simile | |
n.直喻,明喻 | |
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245 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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246 unreasonableness | |
无理性; 横逆 | |
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247 meddling | |
v.干涉,干预(他人事务)( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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248 lawsuits | |
n.诉讼( lawsuit的名词复数 ) | |
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249 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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250 indigence | |
n.贫穷 | |
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251 equitable | |
adj.公平的;公正的 | |
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252 lighter | |
n.打火机,点火器;驳船;v.用驳船运送;light的比较级 | |
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253 factiously | |
adv.组织党派地 | |
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254 aspire | |
vi.(to,after)渴望,追求,有志于 | |
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255 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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256 reimburse | |
v.补偿,付还 | |
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257 allay | |
v.消除,减轻(恐惧、怀疑等) | |
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258 mitigate | |
vt.(使)减轻,(使)缓和 | |
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259 politic | |
adj.有智虑的;精明的;v.从政 | |
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260 sedition | |
n.煽动叛乱 | |
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261 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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262 magistrate | |
n.地方行政官,地方法官,治安官 | |
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263 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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264 shipwreck | |
n.船舶失事,海难 | |
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265 ashore | |
adv.在(向)岸上,上岸 | |
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266 ingenuity | |
n.别出心裁;善于发明创造 | |
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267 recollect | |
v.回忆,想起,记起,忆起,记得 | |
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268 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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269 fortified | |
adj. 加强的 | |
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270 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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271 situated | |
adj.坐落在...的,处于某种境地的 | |
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272 farmhouses | |
n.农舍,农场的主要住房( farmhouse的名词复数 ) | |
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273 hew | |
v.砍;伐;削 | |
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274 mettle | |
n.勇气,精神 | |
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275 despatch | |
n./v.(dispatch)派遣;发送;n.急件;新闻报道 | |
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