“In their great council at Amaurot, to which there are three sent from every town once a year, they examine what towns abound14 in provisions and what are under any scarcity15, that so the one may be furnished from the other; and this is done freely, without any sort of exchange; for, according to their plenty or scarcity, they supply or are supplied from one another, so that indeed the whole island is, as it were, one family. When they have thus taken care of their whole country, and laid up stores for two years (which they do to prevent the ill consequences of an unfavourable season), they order an exportation of the overplus, both of corn, honey, wool, flax, wood, wax, tallow, leather, and cattle, which they send out, commonly in great quantities, to other nations. They order a seventh part of all these goods to be freely given to the poor of the countries to which they send them, and sell the rest at moderate rates; and by this exchange they not only bring back those few things that they need at home (for, indeed, they scarce need anything but iron), but likewise a great deal of gold and silver; and by their driving this trade so long, it is not to be imagined how vast a treasure they have got among them, so that now they do not much care whether they sell off their merchandise for money in hand or upon trust. A great part of their treasure is now in bonds; but in all their contracts no private man stands bound, but the writing runs in the name of the town; and the towns that owe them money raise it from those private hands that owe it to them, lay it up in their public chamber17, or enjoy the profit of it till the Utopians call for it; and they choose rather to let the greatest part of it lie in their hands, who make advantage by it, than to call for it themselves; but if they see that any of their other neighbours stand more in need of it, then they call it in and lend it to them. Whenever they are engaged in war, which is the only occasion in which their treasure can be usefully employed, they make use of it themselves; in great extremities18 or sudden accidents they employ it in hiring foreign troops, whom they more willingly expose to danger than their own people; they give them great pay, knowing well that this will work even on their enemies; that it will engage them either to betray their own side, or, at least, to desert it; and that it is the best means of raising mutual19 jealousies20 among them. For this end they have an incredible treasure; but they do not keep it as a treasure, but in such a manner as I am almost afraid to tell, lest you think it so extravagant22 as to be hardly credible21. This I have the more reason to apprehend23 because, if I had not seen it myself, I could not have been easily persuaded to have believed it upon any man’s report.
“It is certain that all things appear incredible to us in proportion as they differ from known customs; but one who can judge aright will not wonder to find that, since their constitution differs so much from ours, their value of gold and silver should be measured by a very different standard; for since they have no use for money among themselves, but keep it as a provision against events which seldom happen, and between which there are generally long intervening intervals24, they value it no farther than it deserves—that is, in proportion to its use. So that it is plain they must prefer iron either to gold or silver, for men can no more live without iron than without fire or water; but Nature has marked out no use for the other metals so essential as not easily to be dispensed26 with. The folly27 of men has enhanced the value of gold and silver because of their scarcity; whereas, on the contrary, it is their opinion that Nature, as an indulgent parent, has freely given us all the best things in great abundance, such as water and earth, but has laid up and hid from us the things that are vain and useless.
“If these metals were laid up in any tower in the kingdom it would raise a jealousy28 of the Prince and Senate, and give birth to that foolish mistrust into which the people are apt to fall—a jealousy of their intending to sacrifice the interest of the public to their own private advantage. If they should work it into vessels29, or any sort of plate, they fear that the people might grow too fond of it, and so be unwilling30 to let the plate be run down, if a war made it necessary, to employ it in paying their soldiers. To prevent all these inconveniences they have fallen upon an expedient31 which, as it agrees with their other policy, so is it very different from ours, and will scarce gain belief among us who value gold so much, and lay it up so carefully. They eat and drink out of vessels of earth or glass, which make an agreeable appearance, though formed of brittle32 materials; while they make their chamber-pots and close-stools of gold and silver, and that not only in their public halls but in their private houses. Of the same metals they likewise make chains and fetters33 for their slaves, to some of which, as a badge of infamy34, they hang an earring35 of gold, and make others wear a chain or a coronet of the same metal; and thus they take care by all possible means to render gold and silver of no esteem36; and from hence it is that while other nations part with their gold and silver as unwillingly37 as if one tore out their bowels38, those of Utopia would look on their giving in all they possess of those metals (when there were any use for them) but as the parting with a trifle, or as we would esteem the loss of a penny! They find pearls on their coasts, and diamonds and carbuncles on their rocks; they do not look after them, but, if they find them by chance, they polish them, and with them they adorn39 their children, who are delighted with them, and glory in them during their childhood; but when they grow to years, and see that none but children use such baubles40, they of their own accord, without being bid by their parents, lay them aside, and would be as much ashamed to use them afterwards as children among us, when they come to years, are of their puppets and other toys.
“I never saw a clearer instance of the opposite impressions that different customs make on people than I observed in the ambassadors of the Anemolians, who came to Amaurot when I was there. As they came to treat of affairs of great consequence, the deputies from several towns met together to wait for their coming. The ambassadors of the nations that lie near Utopia, knowing their customs, and that fine clothes are in no esteem among them, that silk is despised, and gold is a badge of infamy, used to come very modestly clothed; but the Anemolians, lying more remote, and having had little commerce with them, understanding that they were coarsely clothed, and all in the same manner, took it for granted that they had none of those fine things among them of which they made no use; and they, being a vainglorious42 rather than a wise people, resolved to set themselves out with so much pomp that they should look like gods, and strike the eyes of the poor Utopians with their splendour. Thus three ambassadors made their entry with a hundred attendants, all clad in garments of different colours, and the greater part in silk; the ambassadors themselves, who were of the nobility of their country, were in cloth-of-gold, and adorned43 with massy chains, earrings44 and rings of gold; their caps were covered with bracelets45 set full of pearls and other gems46—in a word, they were set out with all those things that among the Utopians were either the badges of slavery, the marks of infamy, or the playthings of children. It was not unpleasant to see, on the one side, how they looked big, when they compared their rich habits with the plain clothes of the Utopians, who were come out in great numbers to see them make their entry; and, on the other, to observe how much they were mistaken in the impression which they hoped this pomp would have made on them. It appeared so ridiculous a show to all that had never stirred out of their country, and had not seen the customs of other nations, that though they paid some reverence47 to those that were the most meanly clad, as if they had been the ambassadors, yet when they saw the ambassadors themselves so full of gold and chains, they looked upon them as slaves, and forbore to treat them with reverence. You might have seen the children who were grown big enough to despise their playthings, and who had thrown away their jewels, call to their mothers, push them gently, and cry out, ‘See that great fool, that wears pearls and gems as if he were yet a child!’ while their mothers very innocently replied, ‘Hold your peace! this, I believe, is one of the ambassadors’ fools.’ Others censured48 the fashion of their chains, and observed, ‘That they were of no use, for they were too slight to bind49 their slaves, who could easily break them; and, besides, hung so loose about them that they thought it easy to throw their away, and so get from them.” But after the ambassadors had stayed a day among them, and saw so vast a quantity of gold in their houses (which was as much despised by them as it was esteemed50 in other nations), and beheld51 more gold and silver in the chains and fetters of one slave than all their ornaments52 amounted to, their plumes53 fell, and they were ashamed of all that glory for which they had formed valued themselves, and accordingly laid it aside—a resolution that they immediately took when, on their engaging in some free discourse55 with the Utopians, they discovered their sense of such things and their other customs. The Utopians wonder how any man should be so much taken with the glaring doubtful lustre56 of a jewel or a stone, that can look up to a star or to the sun himself; or how any should value himself because his cloth is made of a finer thread; for, how fine soever that thread may be, it was once no better than the fleece of a sheep, and that sheep, was a sheep still, for all its wearing it. They wonder much to hear that gold, which in itself is so useless a thing, should be everywhere so much esteemed that even man, for whom it was made, and by whom it has its value, should yet be thought of less value than this metal; that a man of lead, who has no more sense than a log of wood, and is as bad as he is foolish, should have many wise and good men to serve him, only because he has a great heap of that metal; and that if it should happen that by some accident or trick of law (which, sometimes produces as great changes as chance itself) all this wealth should pass from the master to the meanest varlet of his whole family, he himself would very soon become one of his servants, as if he were a thing that belonged to his wealth, and so were bound to follow its fortune! But they much more admire and detest57 the folly of those who, when they see a rich man, though they neither owe him anything, nor are in any sort dependent on his bounty58, yet, merely because he is rich, give him little less than divine honours, even though they know him to be so covetous59 and base-minded that, notwithstanding all his wealth, he will not part with one farthing of it to them as long as he lives!
“These and such like notions have that people imbibed60, partly from their education, being bred in a country whose customs and laws are opposite to all such foolish maxims61, and partly from their learning and studies—for though there are but few in any town that are so wholly excused from labour as to give themselves entirely62 up to their studies (these being only such persons as discover from their childhood an extraordinary capacity and disposition63 for letters), yet their children and a great part of the nation, both men and women, are taught to spend those hours in which they are not obliged to work in reading; and this they do through the whole progress of life. They have all their learning in their own tongue, which is both a copious64 and pleasant language, and in which a man can fully7 express his mind; it runs over a great tract16 of many countries, but it is not equally pure in all places. They had never so much as heard of the names of any of those philosophers that are so famous in these parts of the world, before we went among them; and yet they had made the same discoveries as the Greeks, both in music, logic65, arithmetic, and geometry. But as they are almost in everything equal to the ancient philosophers, so they far exceed our modern logicians for they have never yet fallen upon the barbarous niceties that our youth are forced to learn in those trifling66 logical schools that are among us. They are so far from minding chimeras67 and fantastical images made in the mind that none of them could comprehend what we meant when we talked to them of a man in the abstract as common to all men in particular (so that though we spoke68 of him as a thing that we could point at with our fingers, yet none of them could perceive him) and yet distinct from every one, as if he were some monstrous69 Colossus or giant; yet, for all this ignorance of these empty notions, they knew astronomy, and were perfectly70 acquainted with the motions of the heavenly bodies; and have many instruments, well contrived71 and divided, by which they very accurately72 compute73 the course and positions of the sun, moon, and stars. But for the cheat of divining by the stars, by their oppositions74 or conjunctions, it has not so much as entered into their thoughts. They have a particular sagacity, founded upon much observation, in judging of the weather, by which they know when they may look for rain, wind, or other alterations75 in the air; but as to the philosophy of these things, the cause of the saltness of the sea, of its ebbing76 and flowing, and of the original and nature both of the heavens and the earth, they dispute of them partly as our ancient philosophers have done, and partly upon some new hypothesis, in which, as they differ from them, so they do not in all things agree among themselves.
“As to moral philosophy, they have the same disputes among them as we have here. They examine what are properly good, both for the body and the mind; and whether any outward thing can be called truly good, or if that term belong only to the endowments of the soul. They inquire, likewise, into the nature of virtue77 and pleasure. But their chief dispute is concerning the happiness of a man, and wherein it consists—whether in some one thing or in a great many. They seem, indeed, more inclinable to that opinion that places, if not the whole, yet the chief part, of a man’s happiness in pleasure; and, what may seem more strange, they make use of arguments even from religion, notwithstanding its severity and roughness, for the support of that opinion so indulgent to pleasure; for they never dispute concerning happiness without fetching some arguments from the principles of religion as well as from natural reason, since without the former they reckon that all our inquiries78 after happiness must be but conjectural79 and defective80.
“These are their religious principles:—That the soul of man is immortal81, and that God of His goodness has designed that it should be happy; and that He has, therefore, appointed rewards for good and virtuous82 actions, and punishments for vice83, to be distributed after this life. Though these principles of religion are conveyed down among them by tradition, they think that even reason itself determines a man to believe and acknowledge them; and freely confess that if these were taken away, no man would be so insensible as not to seek after pleasure by all possible means, lawful84 or unlawful, using only this caution—that a lesser85 pleasure might not stand in the way of a greater, and that no pleasure ought to be pursued that should draw a great deal of pain after it; for they think it the maddest thing in the world to pursue virtue, that is a sour and difficult thing, and not only to renounce86 the pleasures of life, but willingly to undergo much pain and trouble, if a man has no prospect87 of a reward. And what reward can there be for one that has passed his whole life, not only without pleasure, but in pain, if there is nothing to be expected after death? Yet they do not place happiness in all sorts of pleasures, but only in those that in themselves are good and honest. There is a party among them who place happiness in bare virtue; others think that our natures are conducted by virtue to happiness, as that which is the chief good of man. They define virtue thus—that it is a living according to Nature, and think that we are made by God for that end; they believe that a man then follows the dictates89 of Nature when he pursues or avoids things according to the direction of reason. They say that the first dictate88 of reason is the kindling90 in us a love and reverence for the Divine Majesty91, to whom we owe both all that we have and, all that we can ever hope for. In the next place, reason directs us to keep our minds as free from passion and as cheerful as we can, and that we should consider ourselves as bound by the ties of good-nature and humanity to use our utmost endeavours to help forward the happiness of all other persons; for there never was any man such a morose92 and severe pursuer of virtue, such an enemy to pleasure, that though he set hard rules for men to undergo, much pain, many watchings, and other rigors93, yet did not at the same time advise them to do all they could in order to relieve and ease the miserable94, and who did not represent gentleness and good-nature as amiable95 dispositions96. And from thence they infer that if a man ought to advance the welfare and comfort of the rest of mankind (there being no virtue more proper and peculiar97 to our nature than to ease the miseries98 of others, to free from trouble and anxiety, in furnishing them with the comforts of life, in which pleasure consists) Nature much more vigorously leads them to do all this for himself. A life of pleasure is either a real evil, and in that case we ought not to assist others in their pursuit of it, but, on the contrary, to keep them from it all we can, as from that which is most hurtful and deadly; or if it is a good thing, so that we not only may but ought to help others to it, why, then, ought not a man to begin with himself? since no man can be more bound to look after the good of another than after his own; for Nature cannot direct us to be good and kind to others, and yet at the same time to be unmerciful and cruel to ourselves. Thus as they define virtue to be living according to Nature, so they imagine that Nature prompts all people on to seek after pleasure as the end of all they do. They also observe that in order to our supporting the pleasures of life, Nature inclines us to enter into society; for there is no man so much raised above the rest of mankind as to be the only favourite of Nature, who, on the contrary, seems to have placed on a level all those that belong to the same species. Upon this they infer that no man ought to seek his own conveniences so eagerly as to prejudice others; and therefore they think that not only all agreements between private persons ought to be observed, but likewise that all those laws ought to be kept which either a good prince has published in due form, or to which a people that is neither oppressed with tyranny nor circumvented100 by fraud has consented, for distributing those conveniences of life which afford us all our pleasures.
“They think it is an evidence of true wisdom for a man to pursue his own advantage as far as the laws allow it, they account it piety101 to prefer the public good to one’s private concerns, but they think it unjust for a man to seek for pleasure by snatching another man’s pleasures from him; and, on the contrary, they think it a sign of a gentle and good soul for a man to dispense25 with his own advantage for the good of others, and that by this means a good man finds as much pleasure one way as he parts with another; for as he may expect the like from others when he may come to need it, so, if that should fail him, yet the sense of a good action, and the reflections that he makes on the love and gratitude102 of those whom he has so obliged, gives the mind more pleasure than the body could have found in that from which it had restrained itself. They are also persuaded that God will make up the loss of those small pleasures with a vast and endless joy, of which religion easily convinces a good soul.
“Thus, upon an inquiry103 into the whole matter, they reckon that all our actions, and even all our virtues104, terminate in pleasure, as in our chief end and greatest happiness; and they call every motion or state, either of body or mind, in which Nature teaches us to delight, a pleasure. Thus they cautiously limit pleasure only to those appetites to which Nature leads us; for they say that Nature leads us only to those delights to which reason, as well as sense, carries us, and by which we neither injure any other person nor lose the possession of greater pleasures, and of such as draw no troubles after them. But they look upon those delights which men by a foolish, though common, mistake call pleasure, as if they could change as easily the nature of things as the use of words, as things that greatly obstruct105 their real happiness, instead of advancing it, because they so entirely possess the minds of those that are once captivated by them with a false notion of pleasure that there is no room left for pleasures of a truer or purer kind.
“There are many things that in themselves have nothing that is truly delightful106; on the contrary, they have a good deal of bitterness in them; and yet, from our perverse107 appetites after forbidden objects, are not only ranked among the pleasures, but are made even the greatest designs, of life. Among those who pursue these sophisticated pleasures they reckon such as I mentioned before, who think themselves really the better for having fine clothes; in which they think they are doubly mistaken, both in the opinion they have of their clothes, and in that they have of themselves. For if you consider the use of clothes, why should a fine thread be thought better than a coarse one? And yet these men, as if they had some real advantages beyond others, and did not owe them wholly to their mistakes, look big, seem to fancy themselves to be more valuable, and imagine that a respect is due to them for the sake of a rich garment, to which they would not have pretended if they had been more meanly clothed, and even resent it as an affront108 if that respect is not paid them. It is also a great folly to be taken with outward marks of respect, which signify nothing; for what true or real pleasure can one man find in another’s standing41 bare or making legs to him? Will the bending another man’s knees give ease to yours? and will the head’s being bare cure the madness of yours? And yet it is wonderful to see how this false notion of pleasure bewitches many who delight themselves with the fancy of their nobility, and are pleased with this conceit—that they are descended109 from ancestors who have been held for some successions rich, and who have had great possessions; for this is all that makes nobility at present. Yet they do not think themselves a whit110 the less noble, though their immediate54 parents have left none of this wealth to them, or though they themselves have squandered111 it away. The Utopians have no better opinion of those who are much taken with gems and precious stones, and who account it a degree of happiness next to a divine one if they can purchase one that is very extraordinary, especially if it be of that sort of stones that is then in greatest request, for the same sort is not at all times universally of the same value, nor will men buy it unless it be dismounted and taken out of the gold. The jeweller is then made to give good security, and required solemnly to swear that the stone is true, that, by such an exact caution, a false one might not be bought instead of a true; though, if you were to examine it, your eye could find no difference between the counterfeit112 and that which is true; so that they are all one to you, as much as if you were blind. Or can it be thought that they who heap up a useless mass of wealth, not for any use that it is to bring them, but merely to please themselves with the contemplation of it, enjoy any true pleasure in it? The delight they find is only a false shadow of joy. Those are no better whose error is somewhat different from the former, and who hide it out of their fear of losing it; for what other name can fit the hiding it in the earth, or, rather, the restoring it to it again, it being thus cut off from being useful either to its owner or to the rest of mankind? And yet the owner, having hid it carefully, is glad, because he thinks he is now sure of it. If it should be stole, the owner, though he might live perhaps ten years after the theft, of which he knew nothing, would find no difference between his having or losing it, for both ways it was equally useless to him.
“Among those foolish pursuers of pleasure they reckon all that delight in hunting, in fowling113, or gaming, of whose madness they have only heard, for they have no such things among them. But they have asked us, ‘What sort of pleasure is it that men can find in throwing the dice99?’ (for if there were any pleasure in it, they think the doing it so often should give one a surfeit114 of it); ‘and what pleasure can one find in hearing the barking and howling of dogs, which seem rather odious115 than pleasant sounds?’ Nor can they comprehend the pleasure of seeing dogs run after a hare, more than of seeing one dog run after another; for if the seeing them run is that which gives the pleasure, you have the same entertainment to the eye on both these occasions, since that is the same in both cases. But if the pleasure lies in seeing the hare killed and torn by the dogs, this ought rather to stir pity, that a weak, harmless, and fearful hare should be devoured116 by strong, fierce, and cruel dogs. Therefore all this business of hunting is, among the Utopians, turned over to their butchers, and those, as has been already said, are all slaves, and they look on hunting as one of the basest parts of a butcher’s work, for they account it both more profitable and more decent to kill those beasts that are more necessary and useful to mankind, whereas the killing117 and tearing of so small and miserable an animal can only attract the huntsman with a false show of pleasure, from which he can reap but small advantage. They look on the desire of the bloodshed, even of beasts, as a mark of a mind that is already corrupted118 with cruelty, or that at least, by too frequent returns of so brutal119 a pleasure, must degenerate120 into it.
“Thus though the rabble121 of mankind look upon these, and on innumerable other things of the same nature, as pleasures, the Utopians, on the contrary, observing that there is nothing in them truly pleasant, conclude that they are not to be reckoned among pleasures; for though these things may create some tickling122 in the senses (which seems to be a true notion of pleasure), yet they imagine that this does not arise from the thing itself, but from a depraved custom, which may so vitiate a man’s taste that bitter things may pass for sweet, as women with child think pitch or tallow taste sweeter than honey; but as a man’s sense, when corrupted either by a disease or some ill habit, does not change the nature of other things, so neither can it change the nature of pleasure.
“They reckon up several sorts of pleasures, which they call true ones; some belong to the body, and others to the mind. The pleasures of the mind lie in knowledge, and in that delight which the contemplation of truth carries with it; to which they add the joyful123 reflections on a well-spent life, and the assured hopes of a future happiness. They divide the pleasures of the body into two sorts—the one is that which gives our senses some real delight, and is performed either by recruiting Nature and supplying those parts which feed the internal heat of life by eating and drinking, or when Nature is eased of any surcharge that oppresses it, when we are relieved from sudden pain, or that which arises from satisfying the appetite which Nature has wisely given to lead us to the propagation of the species. There is another kind of pleasure that arises neither from our receiving what the body requires, nor its being relieved when overcharged, and yet, by a secret unseen virtue, affects the senses, raises the passions, and strikes the mind with generous impressions—this is, the pleasure that arises from music. Another kind of bodily pleasure is that which results from an undisturbed and vigorous constitution of body, when life and active spirits seem to actuate every part. This lively health, when entirely free from all mixture of pain, of itself gives an inward pleasure, independent of all external objects of delight; and though this pleasure does not so powerfully affect us, nor act so strongly on the senses as some of the others, yet it may be esteemed as the greatest of all pleasures; and almost all the Utopians reckon it the foundation and basis of all the other joys of life, since this alone makes the state of life easy and desirable, and when this is wanting, a man is really capable of no other pleasure. They look upon freedom from pain, if it does not rise from perfect health, to be a state of stupidity rather than of pleasure. This subject has been very narrowly canvassed124 among them, and it has been debated whether a firm and entire health could be called a pleasure or not. Some have thought that there was no pleasure but what was ‘excited’ by some sensible motion in the body. But this opinion has been long ago excluded from among them; so that now they almost universally agree that health is the greatest of all bodily pleasures; and that as there is a pain in sickness which is as opposite in its nature to pleasure as sickness itself is to health, so they hold that health is accompanied with pleasure. And if any should say that sickness is not really pain, but that it only carries pain along with it, they look upon that as a fetch of subtlety125 that does not much alter the matter. It is all one, in their opinion, whether it be said that health is in itself a pleasure, or that it begets126 a pleasure, as fire gives heat, so it be granted that all those whose health is entire have a true pleasure in the enjoyment127 of it. And they reason thus:—‘What is the pleasure of eating, but that a man’s health, which had been weakened, does, with the assistance of food, drive away hunger, and so recruiting itself, recovers its former vigour128? And being thus refreshed it finds a pleasure in that conflict; and if the conflict is pleasure, the victory must yet breed a greater pleasure, except we fancy that it becomes stupid as soon as it has obtained that which it pursued, and so neither knows nor rejoices in its own welfare.’ If it is said that health cannot be felt, they absolutely deny it; for what man is in health, that does not perceive it when he is awake? Is there any man that is so dull and stupid as not to acknowledge that he feels a delight in health? And what is delight but another name for pleasure?
“But, of all pleasures, they esteem those to be most valuable that lie in the mind, the chief of which arise out of true virtue and the witness of a good conscience. They account health the chief pleasure that belongs to the body; for they think that the pleasure of eating and drinking, and all the other delights of sense, are only so far desirable as they give or maintain health; but they are not pleasant in themselves otherwise than as they resist those impressions that our natural infirmities are still making upon us. For as a wise man desires rather to avoid diseases than to take physic, and to be freed from pain rather than to find ease by remedies, so it is more desirable not to need this sort of pleasure than to be obliged to indulge it. If any man imagines that there is a real happiness in these enjoyments129, he must then confess that he would be the happiest of all men if he were to lead his life in perpetual hunger, thirst, and itching130, and, by consequence, in perpetual eating, drinking, and scratching himself; which any one may easily see would be not only a base, but a miserable, state of a life. These are, indeed, the lowest of pleasures, and the least pure, for we can never relish131 them but when they are mixed with the contrary pains. The pain of hunger must give us the pleasure of eating, and here the pain out-balances the pleasure. And as the pain is more vehement132, so it lasts much longer; for as it begins before the pleasure, so it does not cease but with the pleasure that extinguishes it, and both expire together. They think, therefore, none of those pleasures are to be valued any further than as they are necessary; yet they rejoice in them, and with due gratitude acknowledge the tenderness of the great Author of Nature, who has planted in us appetites, by which those things that are necessary for our preservation133 are likewise made pleasant to us. For how miserable a thing would life be if those daily diseases of hunger and thirst were to be carried off by such bitter drugs as we must use for those diseases that return seldomer upon us! And thus these pleasant, as well as proper, gifts of Nature maintain the strength and the sprightliness134 of our bodies.
“They also entertain themselves with the other delights let in at their eyes, their ears, and their nostrils135 as the pleasant relishes136 and seasoning137 of life, which Nature seems to have marked out peculiarly for man, since no other sort of animals contemplates138 the figure and beauty of the universe, nor is delighted with smells any further than as they distinguish meats by them; nor do they apprehend the concords139 or discords140 of sound. Yet, in all pleasures whatsoever141, they take care that a lesser joy does not hinder a greater, and that pleasure may never breed pain, which they think always follows dishonest pleasures. But they think it madness for a man to wear out the beauty of his face or the force of his natural strength, to corrupt12 the sprightliness of his body by sloth142 and laziness, or to waste it by fasting; that it is madness to weaken the strength of his constitution and reject the other delights of life, unless by renouncing143 his own satisfaction he can either serve the public or promote the happiness of others, for which he expects a greater recompense from God. So that they look on such a course of life as the mark of a mind that is both cruel to itself and ungrateful to the Author of Nature, as if we would not be beholden to Him for His favours, and therefore rejects all His blessings144; as one who should afflict145 himself for the empty shadow of virtue, or for no better end than to render himself capable of bearing those misfortunes which possibly will never happen.
“This is their notion of virtue and of pleasure: they think that no man’s reason can carry him to a truer idea of them unless some discovery from heaven should inspire him with sublimer146 notions. I have not now the leisure to examine whether they think right or wrong in this matter; nor do I judge it necessary, for I have only undertaken to give you an account of their constitution, but not to defend all their principles. I am sure that whatever may be said of their notions, there is not in the whole world either a better people or a happier government. Their bodies are vigorous and lively; and though they are but of a middle stature147, and have neither the fruitfullest soil nor the purest air in the world; yet they fortify148 themselves so well, by their temperate149 course of life, against the unhealthiness of their air, and by their industry they so cultivate their soil, that there is nowhere to be seen a greater increase, both of corn and cattle, nor are there anywhere healthier men and freer from diseases; for one may there see reduced to practice not only all the art that the husbandman employs in manuring and improving an ill soil, but whole woods plucked up by the roots, and in other places new ones planted, where there were none before. Their principal motive150 for this is the convenience of carriage, that their timber may be either near their towns or growing on the banks of the sea, or of some rivers, so as to be floated to them; for it is a harder work to carry wood at any distance over land than corn. The people are industrious151, apt to learn, as well as cheerful and pleasant, and none can endure more labour when it is necessary; but, except in that case, they love their ease. They are unwearied pursuers of knowledge; for when we had given them some hints of the learning and discipline of the Greeks, concerning whom we only instructed them (for we know that there was nothing among the Romans, except their historians and their poets, that they would value much), it was strange to see how eagerly they were set on learning that language: we began to read a little of it to them, rather in compliance152 with their importunity153 than out of any hopes of their reaping from it any great advantage: but, after a very short trial, we found they made such progress, that we saw our labour was like to be more successful than we could have expected: they learned to write their characters and to pronounce their language so exactly, had so quick an apprehension154, they remembered it so faithfully, and became so ready and correct in the use of it, that it would have looked like a miracle if the greater part of those whom we taught had not been men both of extraordinary capacity and of a fit age for instruction: they were, for the greatest part, chosen from among their learned men by their chief council, though some studied it of their own accord. In three years’ time they became masters of the whole language, so that they read the best of the Greek authors very exactly. I am, indeed, apt to think that they learned that language the more easily from its having some relation to their own. I believe that they were a colony of the Greeks; for though their language comes nearer the Persian, yet they retain many names, both for their towns and magistrates155, that are of Greek derivation. I happened to carry a great many books with me, instead of merchandise, when I sailed my fourth voyage; for I was so far from thinking of soon coming back, that I rather thought never to have returned at all, and I gave them all my books, among which were many of Plato’s and some of Aristotle’s works: I had also Theophrastus on Plants, which, to my great regret, was imperfect; for having laid it carelessly by, while we were at sea, a monkey had seized upon it, and in many places torn out the leaves. They have no books of grammar but Lascares, for I did not carry Theodorus with me; nor have they any dictionaries but Hesichius and Dioscerides. They esteem Plutarch highly, and were much taken with Lucian’s wit and with his pleasant way of writing. As for the poets, they have Aristophanes, Homer, Euripides, and Sophocles of Aldus’s edition; and for historians, Thucydides, Herodotus, and Herodian. One of my companions, Thricius Apinatus, happened to carry with him some of Hippocrates’s works and Galen’s Microtechne, which they hold in great estimation; for though there is no nation in the world that needs physic so little as they do, yet there is not any that honours it so much; they reckon the knowledge of it one of the pleasantest and most profitable parts of philosophy, by which, as they search into the secrets of nature, so they not only find this study highly agreeable, but think that such inquiries are very acceptable to the Author of nature; and imagine, that as He, like the inventors of curious engines amongst mankind, has exposed this great machine of the universe to the view of the only creatures capable of contemplating156 it, so an exact and curious observer, who admires His workmanship, is much more acceptable to Him than one of the herd157, who, like a beast incapable158 of reason, looks on this glorious scene with the eyes of a dull and unconcerned spectator.
“The minds of the Utopians, when fenced with a love for learning, are very ingenious in discovering all such arts as are necessary to carry it to perfection. Two things they owe to us, the manufacture of paper and the art of printing; yet they are not so entirely indebted to us for these discoveries but that a great part of the invention was their own. We showed them some books printed by Aldus, we explained to them the way of making paper and the mystery of printing; but, as we had never practised these arts, we described them in a crude and superficial manner. They seized the hints we gave them; and though at first they could not arrive at perfection, yet by making many essays they at last found out and corrected all their errors and conquered every difficulty. Before this they only wrote on parchment, on reeds, or on the barks of trees; but now they have established the manufactures of paper and set up printing presses, so that, if they had but a good number of Greek authors, they would be quickly supplied with many copies of them: at present, though they have no more than those I have mentioned, yet, by several impressions, they have multiplied them into many thousands. If any man was to go among them that had some extraordinary talent, or that by much travelling had observed the customs of many nations (which made us to be so well received), he would receive a hearty159 welcome, for they are very desirous to know the state of the whole world. Very few go among them on the account of traffic; for what can a man carry to them but iron, or gold, or silver? which merchants desire rather to export than import to a strange country: and as for their exportation, they think it better to manage that themselves than to leave it to foreigners, for by this means, as they understand the state of the neighbouring countries better, so they keep up the art of navigation which cannot be maintained but by much practice.
点击收听单词发音
1 certifies | |
(尤指书面)证明( certify的第三人称单数 ); 发证书给…; 证明(某人)患有精神病; 颁发(或授予)专业合格证书 | |
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2 waggon | |
n.运货马车,运货车;敞篷车箱 | |
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3 encumbrance | |
n.妨碍物,累赘 | |
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4 rambling | |
adj.[建]凌乱的,杂乱的 | |
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5 severely | |
adv.严格地;严厉地;非常恶劣地 | |
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6 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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7 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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8 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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9 pretences | |
n.假装( pretence的名词复数 );作假;自命;自称 | |
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10 taverns | |
n.小旅馆,客栈,酒馆( tavern的名词复数 ) | |
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11 stews | |
n.炖煮的菜肴( stew的名词复数 );烦恼,焦虑v.炖( stew的第三人称单数 );煨;思考;担忧 | |
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12 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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13 corrupting | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的现在分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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14 abound | |
vi.大量存在;(in,with)充满,富于 | |
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15 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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16 tract | |
n.传单,小册子,大片(土地或森林) | |
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17 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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18 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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19 mutual | |
adj.相互的,彼此的;共同的,共有的 | |
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20 jealousies | |
n.妒忌( jealousy的名词复数 );妒羡 | |
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21 credible | |
adj.可信任的,可靠的 | |
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22 extravagant | |
adj.奢侈的;过分的;(言行等)放肆的 | |
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23 apprehend | |
vt.理解,领悟,逮捕,拘捕,忧虑 | |
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24 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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25 dispense | |
vt.分配,分发;配(药),发(药);实施 | |
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26 dispensed | |
v.分配( dispense的过去式和过去分词 );施与;配(药) | |
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27 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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28 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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29 vessels | |
n.血管( vessel的名词复数 );船;容器;(具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的)人 | |
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30 unwilling | |
adj.不情愿的 | |
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31 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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32 brittle | |
adj.易碎的;脆弱的;冷淡的;(声音)尖利的 | |
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33 fetters | |
n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 );束缚v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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34 infamy | |
n.声名狼藉,出丑,恶行 | |
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35 earring | |
n.耳环,耳饰 | |
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36 esteem | |
n.尊敬,尊重;vt.尊重,敬重;把…看作 | |
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37 unwillingly | |
adv.不情愿地 | |
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38 bowels | |
n.肠,内脏,内部;肠( bowel的名词复数 );内部,最深处 | |
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39 adorn | |
vt.使美化,装饰 | |
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40 baubles | |
n.小玩意( bauble的名词复数 );华而不实的小件装饰品;无价值的东西;丑角的手杖 | |
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41 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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42 vainglorious | |
adj.自负的;夸大的 | |
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43 adorned | |
[计]被修饰的 | |
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44 earrings | |
n.耳环( earring的名词复数 );耳坠子 | |
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45 bracelets | |
n.手镯,臂镯( bracelet的名词复数 ) | |
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46 gems | |
growth; economy; management; and customer satisfaction 增长 | |
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47 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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48 censured | |
v.指责,非难,谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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49 bind | |
vt.捆,包扎;装订;约束;使凝固;vi.变硬 | |
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50 esteemed | |
adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 );敬重;认为;以为 | |
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51 beheld | |
v.看,注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 );瞧;看呀;(叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现)哎哟 | |
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52 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53 plumes | |
羽毛( plume的名词复数 ); 羽毛饰; 羽毛状物; 升上空中的羽状物 | |
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54 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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55 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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56 lustre | |
n.光亮,光泽;荣誉 | |
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57 detest | |
vt.痛恨,憎恶 | |
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58 bounty | |
n.慷慨的赠予物,奖金;慷慨,大方;施与 | |
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59 covetous | |
adj.贪婪的,贪心的 | |
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60 imbibed | |
v.吸收( imbibe的过去式和过去分词 );喝;吸取;吸气 | |
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61 maxims | |
n.格言,座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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62 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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63 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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64 copious | |
adj.丰富的,大量的 | |
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65 logic | |
n.逻辑(学);逻辑性 | |
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66 trifling | |
adj.微不足道的;没什么价值的 | |
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67 chimeras | |
n.(由几种动物的各部分构成的)假想的怪兽( chimera的名词复数 );不可能实现的想法;幻想;妄想 | |
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68 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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69 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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70 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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71 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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72 accurately | |
adv.准确地,精确地 | |
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73 compute | |
v./n.计算,估计 | |
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74 oppositions | |
(强烈的)反对( opposition的名词复数 ); 反对党; (事业、竞赛、游戏等的)对手; 对比 | |
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75 alterations | |
n.改动( alteration的名词复数 );更改;变化;改变 | |
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76 ebbing | |
(指潮水)退( ebb的现在分词 ); 落; 减少; 衰落 | |
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77 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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78 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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79 conjectural | |
adj.推测的 | |
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80 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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81 immortal | |
adj.不朽的;永生的,不死的;神的 | |
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82 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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83 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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84 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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85 lesser | |
adj.次要的,较小的;adv.较小地,较少地 | |
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86 renounce | |
v.放弃;拒绝承认,宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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87 prospect | |
n.前景,前途;景色,视野 | |
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88 dictate | |
v.口授;(使)听写;指令,指示,命令 | |
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89 dictates | |
n.命令,规定,要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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90 kindling | |
n. 点火, 可燃物 动词kindle的现在分词形式 | |
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91 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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92 morose | |
adj.脾气坏的,不高兴的 | |
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93 rigors | |
严格( rigor的名词复数 ); 严酷; 严密; (由惊吓或中毒等导致的身体)僵直 | |
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94 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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95 amiable | |
adj.和蔼可亲的,友善的,亲切的 | |
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96 dispositions | |
安排( disposition的名词复数 ); 倾向; (财产、金钱的)处置; 气质 | |
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97 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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98 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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99 dice | |
n.骰子;vt.把(食物)切成小方块,冒险 | |
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100 circumvented | |
v.设法克服或避免(某事物),回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 );绕过,绕行,绕道旅行 | |
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101 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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102 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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103 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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104 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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105 obstruct | |
v.阻隔,阻塞(道路、通道等);n.阻碍物,障碍物 | |
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106 delightful | |
adj.令人高兴的,使人快乐的 | |
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107 perverse | |
adj.刚愎的;坚持错误的,行为反常的 | |
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108 affront | |
n./v.侮辱,触怒 | |
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109 descended | |
a.为...后裔的,出身于...的 | |
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110 whit | |
n.一点,丝毫 | |
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111 squandered | |
v.(指钱,财产等)浪费,乱花( squander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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112 counterfeit | |
vt.伪造,仿造;adj.伪造的,假冒的 | |
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113 fowling | |
捕鸟,打鸟 | |
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114 surfeit | |
v.使饮食过度;n.(食物)过量,过度 | |
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115 odious | |
adj.可憎的,讨厌的 | |
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116 devoured | |
吞没( devour的过去式和过去分词 ); 耗尽; 津津有味地看; 狼吞虎咽地吃光 | |
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117 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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118 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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119 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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120 degenerate | |
v.退步,堕落;adj.退步的,堕落的;n.堕落者 | |
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121 rabble | |
n.乌合之众,暴民;下等人 | |
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122 tickling | |
反馈,回授,自旋挠痒法 | |
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123 joyful | |
adj.欢乐的,令人欢欣的 | |
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124 canvassed | |
v.(在政治方面)游说( canvass的过去式和过去分词 );调查(如选举前选民的)意见;为讨论而提出(意见等);详细检查 | |
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125 subtlety | |
n.微妙,敏锐,精巧;微妙之处,细微的区别 | |
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126 begets | |
v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 );产生,引起 | |
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127 enjoyment | |
n.乐趣;享有;享用 | |
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128 vigour | |
(=vigor)n.智力,体力,精力 | |
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129 enjoyments | |
愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 ); 令人愉快的事物; 享有; 享受 | |
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130 itching | |
adj.贪得的,痒的,渴望的v.发痒( itch的现在分词 ) | |
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131 relish | |
n.滋味,享受,爱好,调味品;vt.加调味料,享受,品味;vi.有滋味 | |
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132 vehement | |
adj.感情强烈的;热烈的;(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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133 preservation | |
n.保护,维护,保存,保留,保持 | |
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134 sprightliness | |
n.愉快,快活 | |
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135 nostrils | |
鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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136 relishes | |
n.滋味( relish的名词复数 );乐趣;(大量的)享受;快乐v.欣赏( relish的第三人称单数 );从…获得乐趣;渴望 | |
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137 seasoning | |
n.调味;调味料;增添趣味之物 | |
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138 contemplates | |
深思,细想,仔细考虑( contemplate的第三人称单数 ); 注视,凝视; 考虑接受(发生某事的可能性); 深思熟虑,沉思,苦思冥想 | |
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139 concords | |
n.和谐,一致,和睦( concord的名词复数 ) | |
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140 discords | |
不和(discord的复数形式) | |
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141 whatsoever | |
adv.(用于否定句中以加强语气)任何;pron.无论什么 | |
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142 sloth | |
n.[动]树懒;懒惰,懒散 | |
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143 renouncing | |
v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 );宣布放弃;宣布与…决裂;宣布摒弃 | |
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144 blessings | |
n.(上帝的)祝福( blessing的名词复数 );好事;福分;因祸得福 | |
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145 afflict | |
vt.使身体或精神受痛苦,折磨 | |
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146 sublimer | |
使高尚者,纯化器 | |
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147 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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148 fortify | |
v.强化防御,为…设防;加强,强化 | |
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149 temperate | |
adj.温和的,温带的,自我克制的,不过分的 | |
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150 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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151 industrious | |
adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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152 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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153 importunity | |
n.硬要,强求 | |
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154 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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155 magistrates | |
地方法官,治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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156 contemplating | |
深思,细想,仔细考虑( contemplate的现在分词 ); 注视,凝视; 考虑接受(发生某事的可能性); 深思熟虑,沉思,苦思冥想 | |
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157 herd | |
n.兽群,牧群;vt.使集中,把…赶在一起 | |
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158 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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159 hearty | |
adj.热情友好的;衷心的;尽情的,纵情的 | |
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