In my opinion, there has been too much complimenting of that sort; and whenever a speaker, whether he is one of ourselves or not, wastes our time in boasting or flattery, I say, let us hiss4 him. If we have the beginning of wisdom, which is, to know a little truth about ourselves, we know that as a body we are neither very wise nor very virtuous5. And to prove this, I will not point specially6 to our own habits and doings, but to the general state of the country. Any nation that had within it a majority of men—and we are the majority—possessed of much wisdom and virtue, would not tolerate the bad practices, the commercial lying and swindling, the poisonous adulteration of goods, the retail7 cheating, and the political bribery8 which are carried on boldly in the midst of us. A majority has the power of creating a public opinion. We could groan9 and hiss before we had the franchise10: if we had groaned11 and hissed12 in the right place, if we had discerned better between good and evil, if the multitude of us artisans, and factory hands, and miners, and laborers13 of all sorts, had been skilful14, faithful, well-judging, industrious15, sober—and I don’t see how there can be wisdom and virtue anywhere without these qualities—we should have made an audience that would have shamed the other classes out of their share in the national vices16. We should have had better members of Parliament, better religious p. 276teachers, honester tradesmen, fewer foolish demagogues, less impudence18 in infamous19 and brutal20 men; and we should not have had among us the abomination of men calling themselves religious while living in splendor21 on ill-gotten gains. I say, it is not possible for any society in which there is a very large body of wise and virtuous men to be as vicious as our society is—to have as low a standard of right and wrong, to have so much belief in falsehood, or to have so degrading, barbarous a notion of what pleasure is, or of what justly raises a man above his fellows. Therefore, let us have none with this nonsense about our being much better than the rest of our countrymen, or the pretence22 that that was a reason why we ought to have such an extension of the franchise as has been given to us. The reason for our having the franchise, as I want presently to show, lies somewhere else than in our personal good qualities, and does not in the least lie in any high betting chance that a delegate is a better man than a duke, or that a Sheffield grinder is a better man than any one of the firm he works for.
However, we have got our franchise now. We have been sarcastically23 called in the House of Commons the future masters of the country; and if that sarcasm24 contains any truth, it seems to me that the first thing we had better think of is, our heavy responsibility; that is to say, the terrible risk we run of working mischief25 and missing good, as others have done before us. Suppose certain men, discontented with the irrigation of a country which depended for all its prosperity on the right direction being given to the waters of a great river, had got the management of the irrigation before they were quite sure how exactly it could be altered for the better, or whether they could command the necessary agency for such on alteration26. Those men would have a difficult and dangerous business on their hands; and the more sense, feeling, and knowledge they had, the more they would be likely to tremble rather than to triumph. Our situation is not altogether unlike theirs. For general prosperity and well-being27 is a vast crop, that like the corn in Egypt can be come at, not at all by hurried snatching, but only by a well-judged patient process; and whether our political power will be any good to us now we have got it, must depend entirely28 on the means and materials—the knowledge, ability, and honesty we have at command. These three things are the only conditions on which we can get any lasting29 benefit, as every clever workman among us knows: he knows that for an article to be worth much there must be a good invention or plan to go upon, there must be a well-prepared p. 277material, and there must be skilful and honest work in carrying out the plan. And by this test we may try those who want to be our leaders. Have they anything to offer us besides indignant talk? When they tell us we ought to have this, that, or the other thing, can they explain to us any reasonable, fair, safe way of getting it? Can they argue in favor of a particular change by showing us pretty closely how the change is likely to work? I don’t want to decry30 a just indignation; on the contrary, I should like it to be more thorough and general. A wise man, more than two thousand years ago, when he was asked what would most tend to lessen31 injustice32 in the world, said, “If every bystander felt as indignant at a wrong as if he himself were the sufferer.” Let us cherish such indignation. But the long-growing evils of a great nation are a tangled33 business, asking for a good deal more than indignation in order to be got rid of. Indignation is a fine war-horse, but the war-horse must be ridden by a man: it must be ridden by rationality, skill, courage, armed with the right weapons, and taking definite aim.
We have reason to be discontented with many things, and, looking back either through the history of England to much earlier generations or to the legislation and administrations of later times, we are justified34 in saying that many of the evils under which our country now suffers are the consequences of folly35, ignorance, neglect, or self-seeking in those who, at different times have wielded36 the powers of rank, office, and money. But the more bitterly we feel this, the more loudly we utter it, the stronger is the obligation we lay on ourselves to beware, lest we also, by a too hasty wresting37 of measures which seem to promise an immediate38 partial relief, make a worse time of it for our own generation, and leave a bad inheritance to our children. The deepest curse of wrong-doing, whether of the foolish or wicked sort, is that its effects are difficult to be undone40. I suppose there is hardly anything more to be shuddered41 at than that part of the history of disease which shows how, when a man injures his constitution by a life of vicious excess, his children and grandchildren inherit diseased bodies and minds, and how the effects of that unhappy inheritance continue to spread beyond our calculation. This is only one example of the law by which human lives are linked together; another example of what we complain of when we point to our pauperism42, to the brutal ignorance of multitudes among our fellow countrymen, to the weight of taxation43 laid on us by blamable wars, to the wasteful44 channels made for the p. 278public money, to the expense and trouble of getting justice, and call these the effects of bad rule. This is the law that we all bear the yoke45 of, the law of no man’s making, and which no man can undo39. Everybody now sees an example of it in the case of Ireland. We who are living now are sufferers by the wrong-doing of those who lived before us; we are the sufferers by each other’s wrong-doing; and the children who come after us are and will be sufferers from the same causes. Will any man say he doesn’t care for that law—it is nothing to him—what he wants is to better himself? With what face then will he complain of any injury? If he says that in politics or in any sort of social action he will not care to know what are likely to be the consequences to others besides himself, he is defending the very worst doings that have brought about his discontent. He might as well say that there is no better rule needful for men than that each should tug46 and drive for what will please him, without caring how that tugging47 will act on the fine widespread network of society in which he is fast meshed48. If any man taught that as a doctrine49, we should know him for a fool. But there are men who act upon it; every scoundrel, for example, whether he is a rich religious scoundrel who lies and cheats on a large scale, and will perhaps come and ask you to send him to Parliament, or a poor pocket-picking scoundrel, who will steal your loose pence while you are listening round the platform. None of us are so ignorant as not to know that a society, a nation is held together by just the opposite doctrine and action—by the dependence50 of men on each other and the sense they have of a common interest in preventing injury. And we working men are, I think, of all classes the last that can afford to forget this; for if we did we should be much like sailors cutting away the timbers of our own ship to warm our grog with. For what else is the meaning of our trades-unions? What else is the meaning of every flag we carry, every procession we make, every crowd we collect for the sake of making some protest on behalf of our body as receivers of wages, if not this: that it is our interest to stand by each other, and that this being the common interest, no one of us will try to make a good bargain for himself without considering what will be good for his fellows? And every member of a union believes that the wider he can spread his union, the stronger and surer will be the effect of it. So I think I shall be borne out in saying that a working man who can put two and two together, or take three from four and see what will be the remainder, can understand that a society, to be well off, must be p. 279made up chiefly of men who consider the general good as well as their own.
Well, but taking the world as it is—and this is one way we must take it when we want to find out how it can be improved—no society is made up of a single class: society stands before us like that wonderful piece of life, the human body, with all its various parts depending on one another, and with a terrible liability to get wrong because of that delicate dependence. We all know how many diseases the human body is apt to suffer from, and how difficult it is even for the doctors to find out exactly where the seat or beginning of the disorder51 is. That is because the body is made up of so many various parts, all related to each other, or likely all to feel the effect if any one of them goes wrong. It is somewhat the same with our old nations or societies. No society ever stood long in the world without getting to be composed of different classes. Now, it is all pretence to say that there is no such thing as class interest. It is clear that if any particular number of men get a particular benefit from any existing institution, they are likely to band together, in order to keep up that benefit and increase it, until it is perceived to be unfair and injurious to another large number, who get knowledge and strength enough to set up a resistance. And this, again, has been part of the history of every great society since history began. But the simple reason for this being, that any large body of men is likely to have more of stupidity, narrowness, and greed than of farsightedness and generosity52, it is plain that the number who resist unfairness and injury are in danger of becoming injurious in their turn. And in this way a justifiable53 resistance has become a damaging convulsion, making everything worse instead of better. This has been seen so often that we ought to profit a little by the experience. So long as there is selfishness in men; so long as they have not found out for themselves institutions which express and carry into practice the truth, that the highest interest of mankind must at last be a common and not a divided interest; so long as the gradual operation of steady causes has not made that truth a part of every man’s knowledge and feeling, just as we now not only know that it is good for our health to be cleanly, but feel that cleanliness is only another word for comfort, which is the under-side or lining54 of all pleasure; so long, I say as men wink55 at their own knowingness, or hold their heads high because they have got an advantage over their fellows; so long class interest will be in danger of making itself felt injuriously. p. 280No set of men will get any sort of power without being in danger of wanting more than their right share. But, on the other hand, it is just as certain that no set of men will get angry at having less than their right share, and set up a claim on that ground, without falling into just the same danger of exacting56 too much, and exacting it in wrong ways. It’s human nature we have got to work with all round, and nothing else. That seems like saying something very commonplace—nay, obvious; as if one should say that where there are hands there are mouths. Yet, to hear a good deal of the speechifying and to see a good deal of the action that go forward, one might suppose it was forgotten.
But I come back to this: that, in our old society, there are old institutions, and among them the various distinctions and inherited advantages of classes, which have shaped themselves along with all the wonderful slow-growing system of things made up of our laws, our commerce, and our stores of all sorts, whether in material objects, such as buildings and machinery57, or in knowledge, such as scientific thought and professional skill. Just as in that case I spoke58 of before, the irrigation of a country, which must absolutely have its water distributed or it will bear no crop; there are the old channels, the old banks, and the old pumps, which must be used as they are until new and better have been prepared, or the structure of the old has been gradually altered. But it would be fool’s work to batter59 down a pump only because a better might be made, when you had no machinery ready for a new one: it would be wicked work, if villages lost their crops by it. Now the only safe way by which society can be steadily60 improved and our worst evils reduced, is not by any attempt to do away directly with the actually existing class distinctions and advantages, as if everybody could have the same sort of work, or lead the same sort of life (which none of my hearers are stupid enough to suppose), but by the turning of class interests into class functions or duties. What I mean is, that each class should be urged by the surrounding conditions to perform its particular work under the strong pressure of responsibility to the nation at large; that our public affairs should be got into a state in which there should be no impunity61 for foolish or faithless conduct. In this way the public judgment62 would sift63 out incapability64 and dishonesty from posts of high charge, and even personal ambition would necessarily become of a worthier65 sort, since the desires of the most selfish men must be a good deal shaped by the opinions of those around them; and for p. 281one person to put on a cap and bells, or to go about dishonest or paltry66 ways of getting rich that he may spend a vast sum of money in having more finery than his neighbors, he must be pretty sure of a crowd who will applaud him. Now, changes can only be good in proportion as they help to bring about this sort of result: in proportion as they put knowledge in the place of ignorance, and fellow-feeling in the place of selfishness. In the course of that substitution class distinctions must inevitably67 change their character, and represent the varying duties of men, not their varying interests. But this end will not come by impatience68. “Day will not break the sooner because we get up before the twilight69.” Still less will it come by mere70 undoing71, or change merely as change. And moreover, if we believed that it would be unconditionally72 hastened by our getting the franchise, we should be what I call superstitious73 men, believing in magic, or the production of a result by hocus-pocus. Our getting the franchise will greatly hasten that good end in proportion only as every one of us has the knowledge, the foresight74, the conscience, that will make him well-judging and scrupulous75 in the use of it. The nature of things in this world has been determined76 for us beforehand, and in such a way that no ship can be expected to sail well on a difficult voyage, and reach the right port, unless it is well manned: the nature of the winds and the waves, of the timbers, the sails, and the cordage, will not accommodate itself to drunken, mutinous77 sailors.
You will not suspect me of wanting to preach any cant3 to you, or of joining in the pretence that everything is in a fine way, and need not be made better. What I am striving to keep in our minds is the care, the precaution, with which we should go about making things better, so that the public order may not be destroyed, so that no fatal shock may be given to this society of ours, this living body in which our lives are bound up. After the Reform Bill of 1832 I was in an election riot, which showed me clearly, on a small scale, what public disorder must always be; and I have never forgotten that the riot was brought about chiefly by the agency of dishonest men who professed78 to be on the people’s side. Now, the danger hanging over change is great, just in proportion as it tends to produce such disorder by giving any large number of ignorant men, whose notions of what is good are of a low and brutal sort, the belief that they have got power into their hands, and may do pretty much as they like. If any one can look round us and say that he sees no signs of any such danger p. 282now, and that our national condition is running along like a clear broadening stream, safe not to get choked with mud, I call him a cheerful man: perhaps he does his own gardening, and seldom taken exercise far away from home. To us who have no gardens, and often walk abroad, it is plain that we can never get into a bit of a crowd but we must rub clothes with a set of roughs, who have the worst vices of the worst rich—who are gamblers, sots, libertines79, knaves80, or else mere sensual simpletons and victims. They are the ugly crop that has sprung up while the stewards81 have been sleeping; they are the multiplying brood begotten82 by parents who have been left without all teaching save that of a too craving83 body, without all well-being save the fading delusions84 of drugged beer and gin. They are the hideous85 margin86 of society, at one edge drawing toward it the undesigning ignorant poor, at the other darkening imperceptibly into the lowest criminal class. Here is one of the evils which cannot be got rid of quickly, and against which any of us who have got sense, decency87, and instruction have need to watch. That these degraded fellow-men could really get the mastery in a persistent88 disobedience to the laws and in a struggle to subvert90 order, I do not believe; but wretched calamities91 must come from the very beginning of such a struggle, and the continuance of it would be a civil war, in which the inspiration on both sides might soon cease to be even a false notion of good, and might become the direct savage92 impulse of ferocity. We have all to see to it that we do not help to rouse what I may call the savage beast in the breasts of our generation—that we do not help to poison the nation’s blood, and make richer provision for bestiality to come. We know well enough that oppressors have sinned in this way—that oppression has notoriously made men mad; and we are determined to resist oppression. But let us, if possible, show that we can keep sane93 in our resistance, and shape our means more and more reasonably toward the least harmful, and therefore the speediest, attainment94 of our end. Let us, I say, show that our spirits are too strong to be driven mad, but can keep that sober determination which alone gives mastery over the adaptation of means. And a first guarantee of this sanity95 will be to act as if we understood that the fundamental duty of a government is to preserve order, to enforce obedience89 of the laws. It has been held hitherto that a man can be depended on as a guardian96 of order only when he has much money and comfort to lose. But a better state of things would be, that men who had little money and not much comfort p. 283should still be guardians97 of order, because they had sense to see that disorder would do no good, and had a heart of justice, pity, and fortitude98, to keep them from making more misery99 only because they felt some misery themselves. There are thousands of artisans who have already shown this fine spirit, and have endured much with patient heroism100. If such a spirit spread, and penetrated101 us all, we should soon become the masters of the country in the best sense and to the best ends. For, the public order being preserved, there can be no government in future that will not be determined by our insistance on our fair and practicable demands. It is only by disorder that our demands will be choked, that we shall find ourselves lost among a brutal rabble102, with all the intelligence of the country opposed to us, and see government in the shape of guns that will sweep us down in the ignoble103 martyrdom of fools.
It has been a too common notion that to insist much on the preservation104 of order is the part of a selfish aristocracy and a selfish commercial class, because among these, in the nature of things, have been found the opponents of change. I am a Radical105; and, what is more, I am not a Radical with a title, or a French cook, or even an entrance into fine society. I expect great changes, and I desire them. But I don’t expect them to come in a hurry, by mere inconsiderate sweeping106. A Hercules with a big besom is a fine thing for a filthy107 stable, but not for weeding a seed-bed, where his besom would soon make a barren floor.
That is old-fashioned talk, some one may say. We know all that.
Yes, when things are put in an extreme way, most people think they know them; but, after all, they are comparatively few who see the small degrees by which those extremes are arrived at, or have the resolution and self-control to resist the little impulses by which they creep on surely toward a fatal end. Does anybody set out meaning to ruin himself, or to drink himself to death, or to waste his life so that he becomes a despicable old man, a superannuated108 nuisance, like a fly in winter. Yet there are plenty, of whose lot this is the pitiable story. Well now, supposing us all to have the best intentions, we working men, as a body, run some risk of bringing evil on the nation in that unconscious manner—half hurrying, half pushed in a jostling march toward an end we are not thinking of. For just as there are many things which we know better and feel much more strongly than the richer, softer-handed classes can know or feel them; so there are many things—many p. 284precious benefits—which we, by the very fact of our privations, our lack of leisure and instruction, are not so likely to be aware of and take into our account. Those precious benefits form a chief part of what I may call the common estate of society: a wealth over and above buildings, machinery, produce, shipping109, and so on, though closely connected with these; a wealth of a more delicate kind, that we may more unconsciously bring into danger, doing harm and not knowing that we do it. I mean that treasure of knowledge, science, poetry, refinement110 of thought, feeling, and manners, great memories and the interpretation111 of great records, which is carried on from the minds of one generation to the minds of another. This is something distinct from the indulgences of luxury and the pursuit of vain finery; and one of the hardships in the lot of working men is that they have been for the most part shut out from sharing in this treasure. It can make a man’s life very great, very full of delight, though he has no smart furniture and no horses: it also yields a great deal of discovery that corrects error, and of invention that lessens112 bodily pain, and must at least make life easier for all.
Now the security of this treasure demands, not only the preservation of order, but a certain patience on our part with many institutions and facts of various kinds, especially touching113 the accumulation of wealth, which from the light we stand in, we are more likely to discern the evil than the good of. It is constantly the task of practical wisdom not to say, “This is good, and I will have it,” but to say, “This is the less of two unavoidable evils, and I will bear it.” And this treasure of knowledge, which consists in the fine activity, the exalted114 vision of many minds, is bound up at present with conditions which have much evil in them. Just as in the case of material wealth and its distribution we are obliged to take the selfishness and weaknesses of human nature into account, and however we insist that men might act better, are forced, unless we are fanatical simpletons, to consider how they are likely to act; so in this matter of the wealth that is carried in men’s minds, we have to reflect that the too absolute predominance of a class whose wants have been of a common sort, who are chiefly struggling to get better and more food, clothing, shelter, and bodily recreation, may lead to hasty measures for the sake of having things more fairly shared, which, even if they did not fail of their object, would at last debase the life of the nation. Do anything which will throw the classes who hold the treasures of knowledge—nay, I may say, the treasure of refined p. 285needs—into the background, cause them to withdraw from public affairs, stop too suddenly any of the sources by which their leisure and ease are furnished, rob them of the chances by which they may be influential115 and pre-eminent, and you do something as short-sighted as the acts of France and Spain when in jealousy116 and wrath117, not altogether unprovoked, they drove from among them races and classes that held the traditions of handicraft and agriculture. You injure your own inheritance and the inheritance of your children. You may truly say that this which I call the common estate of society has been anything but common to you; but the same may be said, by many of us, of the sunlight and the air, of the sky and the fields, of parks and holiday games. Nevertheless that these blessings118 exist makes life worthier to us, and urges us the more to energetic, likely means of getting our share in them; and I say, let us watch carefully, lest we do anything to lessen this treasure which is held in the minds of men, while we exert ourselves, first of all, and to the very utmost, that we and our children may share in all its benefits. Yes; exert ourselves to the utmost, to break the yoke of ignorance. If we demand more leisure, more ease in our lives, let us show that we don’t deserve the reproach of wanting to shirk that industry which, in some form or other, every man, whether rich or poor, should feel himself as much bound to as he is bound to decency. Let us show that we want to have some time and strength left to us, that we may use it, not for brutal indulgence, but for the rational exercise of the faculties119 which make us men. Without this no political measures can benefit us. No political institution will alter the nature of Ignorance, or hinder it from producing vice17 and misery. Let Ignorance start how it will, it must run the same round of low appetites, poverty, slavery, and superstition120. Some of us know this well—nay, I will say, feel it; for knowledge of this kind cuts deep; and to us it is one of the most painful facts belonging to our condition that there are numbers of our fellow-workmen who are so far from feeling in the same way, that they never use the imperfect opportunities already offered them for giving their children some schooling121, but turn their little ones of tender age into bread-winners, often at cruel tasks, exposed to the horrible infection of childish vice. Of course, the causes of these hideous things go a long way back. Parents’ misery has made parents’ wickedness. But we, who are still blessed with the hearts of fathers and the consciences of men—we who have some knowledge of the curse entailed122 on broods of creatures in p. 286human shape, whose enfeebled bodies and dull perverted123 minds are mere centres of uneasiness in whom even appetite is feeble and joy impossible—I say we are bound to use all the means at our command to help in putting a stop to this horror. Here, it seems to me, is a way in which we may use extended co-operation among us to the most momentous124 of all purposes, and make conditions of enrolment that would strengthen all educational measures. It is true enough that there is a low sense of parental125 duties in the nation at large, and that numbers who have no excuse in bodily hardship seem to think it a light thing to beget126 children, to bring human beings with all their tremendous possibilities into this difficult world, and then take little heed127 how they are disciplined and furnished for the perilous128 journey they are sent on without any asking of their own. This is a sin shared in more or less by all classes; but there are sins which, like taxation, fall the heaviest on the poorest, and none have such galling129 reasons as we working men to try and rouse to the utmost the feeling of responsibility in fathers and mothers. We have been urged into co-operation by the pressure of common demands. In war men need each other more; and where a given point has to be defended, fighters inevitably find themselves shoulder to shoulder. So fellowship grows, so grow the rules of fellowship, which gradually shape themselves to thoroughness as the idea of a common good becomes more complete. We feel a right to say, If you will be one of us, you must make such and such a contribution—you must renounce130 such and such a separate advantage—you must set your face against such and such an infringement131. If we have any false ideas about our common good, our rules will be wrong, and we shall be co-operating to damage each other. But, now, here is a part of our good, without which everything else we strive for will be worthless—I mean the rescue of our children. Let us demand from the members of our unions that they fulfil their duty as parents in this definite matter, which rules can reach. Let us demand that they send their children to school, so as not to go on recklessly, breeding a moral pestilence132 among us, just as strictly133 as we demand that they pay their contributions to a common fund, understood to be for a common benefit. While we watch our public men, let us watch one another as to this duty, which is also public, and more momentous even than obedience to sanitary134 regulations. While we resolutely135 declare against the wickedness in high places, let us set ourselves also against the wickedness in low places, not quarrelling which came first, p. 287or which is the worse of the two—not trying to settle the miserable136 precedence of plague or famine, but insisting unflinchingly on remedies once ascertained137, and summoning those who hold the treasure of knowledge to remember that they hold it in trust, and that with them lies the task of searching for new remedies, and finding the right methods of applying them.
To find right remedies and right methods. Here is the great function of knowledge: here the life of one man may make a fresh era straight away, in which a sort of suffering that has existed shall exist no more. For the thousands of years down to the middle of the sixteenth century that human limbs had been hacked138 and amputated, nobody knew how to stop the bleeding except by searing the ends of the vessels139 with red-hot iron. But then came a man named Ambrose Paré, and said, “Tie up the arteries140!” That was a fine word to utter. It contained the statement of a method—a plan by which a particular evil was forever assuaged141. Let us try to discern the men whose words carry that sort of kernel142, and choose such men to be our guides and representatives—not choose platform swaggerers, who bring us nothing but the ocean to make our broth143 with.
To get the chief power into the hands of the wisest, which means to get our life regulated according to the truest principles mankind is in possession of, is a problem as old as the very notion of wisdom. The solution comes slowly, because men collectively can only be made to embrace principles, and to act on them, by the slow stupendous teaching of the world’s events. Men will go on planting potatoes, and nothing else but potatoes, till a potato disease comes and forces them to find out the advantage of a varied144 crop. Selfishness, stupidity, sloth145, persist in trying to adapt the world to their desires, till a time comes when the world manifests itself as too decidedly inconvenient146 to them. Wisdom stands outside of man and urges itself upon him, like the marks of the changing seasons, before it finds a home within him, directs his actions, and from the precious effects of obedience begets147 a corresponding love.
But while still outside of us, wisdom often looks terrible, and wears strange forms, wrapped in the changing conditions of a struggling world. It wears now the form of wants and just demands in a great multitude of British men: wants and demands urged into existence by the forces of a maturing world. And it is in virtue of this—in virtue of this presence p. 288of wisdom on our side as a mighty148 fact, physical and moral, which must enter into and shape the thoughts and actions of mankind—that we working men have obtained the suffrage149. Not because we are an excellent multitude, but because we are a needy150 multitude.
But now, for our own part, we have seriously to consider this outside wisdom which lies in the supreme151 unalterable nature of things, and watch to give it a home within us and obey it. If the claims of the unendowed multitude of working men hold within them principles which must shape the future, it is not less true that the endowed classes, in their inheritance from the past, hold the precious material without which no worthy152, noble future can be moulded. Many of the highest uses of life are in their keeping; and if privilege has often been abused, it has also been the nurse of excellence153. Here again we have to submit ourselves to the great law of inheritance. If we quarrel with the way in which the labors154 and earnings155 of the past have been preserved and handed down, we are just as bigoted156, just as narrow, just as wanting in that religion which keeps an open ear and an obedient mind to the teachings of fact, as we accuse those of being, who quarrel with the new truths and new needs which are disclosed in the present. The deeper insight we get into the causes of human trouble, and the ways by which men are made better and happier, the less we shall be inclined to the unprofitable spirit and practice of reproaching classes as such in a wholesale157 fashion. Not all the evils of our condition are such as we can justly blame others for; and, I repeat, many of them are such as no changes of institutions can quickly remedy. To discern between the evils that energy can remove and the evils that patience must bear, makes the difference between manliness158 and childishness, between good sense and folly. And more than that, without such discernment, seeing that we have grave duties toward our own body and the country at large, we can hardly escape acts of fatal rashness and injustice.
I am addressing a mixed assembly of workmen, and some of you may be as well or better fitted than I am to take up this office. But they will not think it amiss in me that I have tried to bring together the considerations most likely to be of service to us in preparing ourselves for the use of our new opportunities. I have avoided touching on special questions. The best help toward judging well on these is to approach them in the right temper without vain expectation, and with a resolution which is mixed with temperance.
The End
The End
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| n.斜穿，黑话，猛扔 | |
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4
hiss
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| v.发出嘶嘶声；发嘘声表示不满 | |
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5
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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6
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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7
retail
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| v./n.零售；adv.以零售价格 | |
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8
bribery
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| n.贿络行为，行贿，受贿 | |
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9
groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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10
franchise
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| n.特许，特权，专营权，特许权 | |
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groaned
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| v.呻吟( groan的过去式和过去分词 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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12
hissed
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| 发嘶嘶声( hiss的过去式和过去分词 )； 发嘘声表示反对 | |
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13
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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14
skilful
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| (=skillful)adj.灵巧的，熟练的 | |
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15
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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16
vices
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| 缺陷( vice的名词复数 )； 恶习； 不道德行为； 台钳 | |
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17
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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18
impudence
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| n.厚颜无耻；冒失；无礼 | |
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19
infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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20
brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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21
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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22
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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23
sarcastically
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| adv.挖苦地，讽刺地 | |
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24
sarcasm
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| n.讥讽，讽刺，嘲弄，反话 （adj.sarcastic） | |
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25
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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26
alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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27
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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28
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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29
lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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30
decry
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| v.危难，谴责 | |
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31
lessen
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| vt.减少，减轻；缩小 | |
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32
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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33
tangled
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| adj. 纠缠的，紊乱的 动词tangle的过去式和过去分词 | |
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34
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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35
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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36
wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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37
wresting
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| 动词wrest的现在进行式 | |
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38
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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39
undo
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| vt.解开，松开；取消，撤销 | |
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40
undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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41
shuddered
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| v.战栗( shudder的过去式和过去分词 )；发抖；（机器、车辆等）突然震动；颤动 | |
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42
pauperism
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| n.有被救济的资格，贫困 | |
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43
taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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44
wasteful
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| adj.（造成）浪费的，挥霍的 | |
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45
yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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46
tug
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| v.用力拖(或拉)；苦干；n.拖；苦干；拖船 | |
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47
tugging
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| n.牵引感v.用力拉，使劲拉，猛扯( tug的现在分词 ) | |
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48
meshed
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| 有孔的，有孔眼的，啮合的 | |
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49
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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50
dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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51
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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52
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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53
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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54
lining
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| n.衬里，衬料 | |
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55
wink
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| n.眨眼，使眼色，瞬间；v.眨眼，使眼色，闪烁 | |
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56
exacting
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| adj.苛求的，要求严格的 | |
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57
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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58
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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59
batter
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| v.接连重击；磨损；n.牛奶面糊；击球员 | |
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60
steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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61
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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62
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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63
sift
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| v.筛撒，纷落，详察 | |
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64
incapability
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| n.无能 | |
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65
worthier
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| 应得某事物( worthy的比较级 )； 值得做某事； 可尊敬的； 有（某人或事物）的典型特征 | |
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66
paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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67
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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68
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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69
twilight
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| n.暮光，黄昏；暮年，晚期，衰落时期 | |
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70
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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71
undoing
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| n.毁灭的原因，祸根；破坏，毁灭 | |
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72
unconditionally
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| adv.无条件地 | |
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73
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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74
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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75
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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76
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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77
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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78
professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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79
libertines
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| n.放荡不羁的人，淫荡的人( libertine的名词复数 ) | |
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80
knaves
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| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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81
stewards
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| （轮船、飞机等的）乘务员( steward的名词复数 )； （俱乐部、旅馆、工会等的）管理员； （大型活动的）组织者； （私人家中的）管家 | |
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82
begotten
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| v.为…之生父( beget的过去分词 )；产生，引起 | |
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83
craving
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| n.渴望,热望 | |
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84
delusions
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| n.欺骗( delusion的名词复数 )；谬见；错觉；妄想 | |
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85
hideous
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| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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86
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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87
decency
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| n.体面，得体，合宜，正派，庄重 | |
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88
persistent
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| adj.坚持不懈的，执意的；持续的 | |
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89
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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90
subvert
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| v.推翻；暗中破坏；搅乱 | |
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91
calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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92
savage
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| adj.野蛮的；凶恶的，残暴的；n.未开化的人 | |
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93
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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94
attainment
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| n.达到，到达；［常pl.］成就，造诣 | |
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95
sanity
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| n.心智健全，神智正常，判断正确 | |
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96
guardian
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| n.监护人；守卫者，保护者 | |
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97
guardians
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| 监护人( guardian的名词复数 )； 保护者，维护者 | |
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98
fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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99
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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100
heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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101
penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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102
rabble
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| n.乌合之众，暴民；下等人 | |
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103
ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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104
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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105
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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106
sweeping
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| adj.范围广大的，一扫无遗的 | |
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107
filthy
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| adj.卑劣的；恶劣的，肮脏的 | |
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108
superannuated
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| adj.老朽的，退休的；v.因落后于时代而废除，勒令退学 | |
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109
shipping
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| n.船运（发货，运输，乘船） | |
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110
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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111
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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112
lessens
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| 变少( lessen的第三人称单数 )； 减少（某事物） | |
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113
touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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114
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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115
influential
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| adj.有影响的，有权势的 | |
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116
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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117
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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118
blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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119
faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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120
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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121
schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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122
entailed
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| 使…成为必要( entail的过去式和过去分词 )； 需要； 限定继承； 使必需 | |
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123
perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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124
momentous
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| adj.重要的，重大的 | |
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125
parental
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| adj.父母的；父的；母的 | |
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126
beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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127
heed
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| v.注意，留意；n.注意，留心 | |
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128
perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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129
galling
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| adj.难堪的,使烦恼的,使焦躁的 | |
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130
renounce
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| v.放弃；拒绝承认，宣布与…断绝关系 | |
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131
infringement
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| n.违反；侵权 | |
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132
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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133
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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sanitary
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| adj.卫生方面的，卫生的，清洁的，卫生的 | |
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resolutely
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| adj.坚决地，果断地 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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137
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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hacked
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| 生气 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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140
arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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141
assuaged
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| v.减轻( assuage的过去式和过去分词 )；缓和；平息；使安静 | |
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142
kernel
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| n.(果实的)核，仁；(问题)的中心，核心 | |
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143
broth
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| n.原(汁)汤(鱼汤、肉汤、菜汤等) | |
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144
varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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145
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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146
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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147
begets
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| v.为…之生父( beget的第三人称单数 )；产生，引起 | |
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148
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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suffrage
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| n.投票，选举权，参政权 | |
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150
needy
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| adj.贫穷的，贫困的，生活艰苦的 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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152
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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153
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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154
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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155
earnings
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| n.工资收人；利润，利益，所得 | |
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156
bigoted
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| adj.固执己见的，心胸狭窄的 | |
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157
wholesale
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| n.批发；adv.以批发方式；vt.批发，成批出售 | |
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158
manliness
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| 刚毅 | |
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