(1) And as for the disgraces which learning receiveth from politics, they be of this nature: that learning doth soften2 men’s minds, and makes them more unapt for the honour and exercise of arms; that it doth mar3 and pervert4 men’s dispositions5 for matter of government and policy, in making them too curious and irresolute6 by variety of reading, or too peremptory7 or positive by strictness of rules and axioms, or too immoderate and overweening by reason of the greatness of examples, or too incompatible8 and differing from the times by reason of the dissimilitude of examples; or at least, that it doth divert men’s travails9 from action and business, and bringeth them to a love of leisure and privateness; and that it doth bring into states a relaxation10 of discipline, whilst every man is more ready to argue than to obey and execute. Out of this conceit11 Cato, surnamed the Censor12, one of the wisest men indeed that ever lived, when Carneades the philosopher came in embassage to Rome, and that the young men of Rome began to flock about him, being allured13 with the sweetness and majesty14 of his eloquence15 and learning, gave counsel in open senate that they should give him his despatch16 with all speed, lest he should infect and enchant17 the minds and affections of the youth, and at unawares bring in an alteration18 of the manners and customs of the state. Out of the same conceit or humour did Virgil, turning his pen to the advantage of his country and the disadvantage of his own profession, make a kind of separation between policy and government, and between arts and sciences, in the verses so much renowned20, attributing and challenging the one to the Romans, and leaving and yielding the other to the Grecians:
Tu regere imperio popules, Romane, memento21,
Hae tibi erunt artes, &c.
So likewise we see that Anytus, the accuser of Socrates, laid it as an article of charge and accusation22 against him, that he did, with the variety and power of his discourses23 and disputatious, withdraw young men from due reverence24 to the laws and customs of their country, and that he did profess19 a dangerous and pernicious science, which was to make the worse matter seem the better, and to suppress truth by force of eloquence and speech.
(2) But these and the like imputations have rather a countenance25 of gravity than any ground of justice: for experience doth warrant that, both in persons and in times, there hath been a meeting and concurrence26 in learning and arms, flourishing and excelling in the same men and the same ages. For as ‘for men, there cannot be a better nor the hike instance as of that pair, Alexander the Great and Julius Caesar, the Dictator; whereof the one was Aristotle’s scholar in philosophy, and the other was Cicero’s rival in eloquence; or if any man had rather call for scholars that were great generals, than generals that were great scholars, let him take Epaminondas the Theban, or Xenophon the Athenian; whereof the one was the first that abated27 the power of Sparta, and the other was the first that made way to the overthrow28 of the monarchy29 of Persia. And this concurrence is yet more visible in times than in persons, by how much an age is greater object than a man. For both in Egypt, Assyria, Persia, Graecia, and Rome, the same times that are most renowned for arms are, likewise, most admired for learning, so that the greatest authors and philosophers, and the greatest captains and governors, have lived in the same ages. Neither can it otherwise he: for as in man the ripeness of strength of the body and mind cometh much about an age, save that the strength of the body cometh somewhat the more early, so in states, arms and learning, whereof the one correspondeth to the body, the other to the soul of man, have a concurrence or near sequence in times.
(3) And for matter of policy and government, that learning, should rather hurt, than enable thereunto, is a thing very improbable; we see it is accounted an error to commit a natural body to empiric physicians, which commonly have a few pleasing receipts whereupon they are confident and adventurous30, but know neither the causes of diseases, nor the complexions31 of patients, nor peril32 of accidents, nor the true method of cures; we see it is a like error to rely upon advocates or lawyers which are only men of practice, and not grounded in their books, who are many times easily surprised when matter falleth out besides their experience, to the prejudice of the causes they handle: so by like reason it cannot be but a matter of doubtful consequence if states be managed by empiric statesmen, not well mingled33 with men grounded in learning. But contrariwise, it is almost without instance contradictory34 that ever any government was disastrous35 that was in the hands of learned governors. For howsoever it hath been ordinary with politic1 men to extenuate36 and disable learned men by the names of pedantes; yet in the records of time it appeareth in many particulars that the governments of princes in minority (notwithstanding the infinite disadvantage of that kind of state)— have nevertheless excelled the government of princes of mature age, even for that reason which they seek to traduce37, which is that by that occasion the state hath been in the hands of pedantes: for so was the state of Rome for the first five years, which are so much magnified, during the minority of Nero, in the hands of Seneca, a pedenti; so it was again, for ten years’ space or more, during the minority of Gordianus the younger, with great applause and contentation in the hands of Misitheus, a pedanti: so was it before that, in the minority of Alexander Severus, in like happiness, in hands not much unlike, by reason of the rule of the women, who were aided by the teachers and preceptors. Nay39, let a man look into the government of the Bishops40 of Rome, as by name, into the government of Pius Quintus and Sextus Quintus in our times, who were both at their entrance esteemed41 but as pedantical friars, and he shall find that such Popes do greater things, and proceed upon truer principles of state, than those which have ascended42 to the papacy from an education and breeding in affairs of state and courts of princes; for although men bred in learning are perhaps to seek in points of convenience and accommodating for the present, which the Italians call ragioni di stato, whereof the same Pius Quintus could not hear spoken with patience, terming them inventions against religion and the moral virtues44; yet on the other side, to recompense that, they are perfect in those same plain grounds of religion, justice, honour, and moral virtue43, which if they be well and watchfully45 pursued, there will be seldom use of those other, no more than of physic in a sound or well-dieted body. Neither can the experience of one man’s life furnish examples and precedents46 for the event of one man’s life. For as it happeneth sometimes that the grandchild, or other descendant, resembleth the ancestor more than the son; so many times occurrences of present times may sort better with ancient examples than with those of the later or immediate47 times; and lastly, the wit of one man can no more countervail learning than one man’s means can hold way with a common purse.
(4) And as for those particular seducements or indispositions of the mind for policy and government, which learning is pretended to insinuate48; if it be granted that any such thing be, it must be remembered withal that learning ministereth in every of them greater strength of medicine or remedy than it offereth cause of indisposition or infirmity. For if by a secret operation it make men perplexed49 and irresolute, on the other side by plain precept38 it teacheth them when and upon what ground to resolve; yea, and how to carry things in suspense50, without prejudice, till they resolve. If it make men positive and regular, it teacheth them what things are in their nature demonstrative, and what are conjectural51, and as well the use of distinctions and exceptions, as the latitude52 of principles and rules. If it mislead by disproportion or dissimilitude of examples, it teacheth men the force of circumstances, the errors of comparisons, and all the cautions of application; so that in all these it doth rectify53 more effectually than it can pervert. And these medicines it conveyeth into men’s minds much more forcibly by the quickness and penetration54 of examples. For let a man look into the errors of Clement55 VII., so lively described by Guicciardini, who served under him, or into the errors of Cicero, painted out by his own pencil in his Epistles to Atticus, and he will fly apace from being irresolute. Let him look into the errors of Phocion, and he will beware how he be obstinate56 or inflexible57. Let him but read the fable58 of Ixion, and it will hold him from being vaporous or imaginative. Let him look into the errors of Cato II., and he will never be one of the Antipodes, to tread opposite to the present world.
(5) And for the conceit that learning should dispose men to leisure and privateness, and make men slothful: it were a strange thing if that which accustometh the mind to a perpetual motion and agitation59 should induce slothfulness, whereas, contrariwise, it may be truly affirmed that no kind of men love business for itself but those that are learned; for other persons love it for profit, as a hireling that loves the work for the wages; or for honour, as because it beareth them up in the eyes of men, and refresheth their reputation, which otherwise would wear; or because it putteth them in mind of their fortune, and giveth them occasion to pleasure and displeasure; or because it exerciseth some faculty60 wherein they take pride, and so entertaineth them in good-humour and pleasing conceits61 towards themselves; or because it advanceth any other their ends. So that as it is said of untrue valours, that some men’s valours are in the eyes of them that look on, so such men’s industries are in the eyes of others, or, at least, in regard of their own designments; only learned men love business as an action according to nature, as agreeable to health of mind as exercise is to health of body, taking pleasure in the action itself, and not in the purchase, so that of all men they are the most indefatigable62, if it be towards any business which can hold or detain their mind.
(6) And if any man be laborious63 in reading and study, and yet idle in business and action, it groweth from some weakness of body or softness of spirit, such as Seneca speaketh of: Quidam tam sunt umbratiles, ut putent in turbido esse quicquid in luce est; and not of learning: well may it be that such a point of a man’s nature may make him give himself to learning, but it is not learning that breedeth any such point in his nature.
(7) And that learning should take up too much time or leisure: I answer, the most active or busy man that hath been or can be, hath (no question) many vacant times of leisure while he expecteth the tides and returns of business (except he be either tedious and of no despatch, or lightly and unworthily ambitious to meddle64 in things that may be better done by others), and then the question is but how those spaces and times of leisure shall be filled and spent; whether in pleasure or in studies; as was well answered by Demosthenes to his adversary65 AEschines, that was a man given to pleasure, and told him “That his orations66 did smell of the lamp.” “Indeed,” said Demosthenes, “there is a great difference between the things that you and I do by lamp-light.” So as no man need doubt that learning will expel business, but rather it will keep and defend the possession of the mind against idleness and pleasure, which otherwise at unawares may enter to the prejudice of both.
(8) Again, for that other conceit that learning should undermine the reverence of laws and government, it is assuredly a mere67 depravation and calumny68, without all shadow of truth. For to say that a blind custom of obedience69 should be a surer obligation than duty taught and understood, it is to affirm that a blind man may tread surer by a guide than a seeing man can by a light. And it is without all controversy70 that learning doth make the minds of men gentle, generous, manageable, and pliant71 to government; whereas ignorance makes them churlish, thwart72, and mutinous73: and the evidence of time doth clear this assertion, considering that the most barbarous, rude, and unlearned times have been most subject to tumults74, seditious, and changes.
(9) And as to the judgment75 of Cato the Censor, he was well punished for his blasphemy76 against learning, in the same kind wherein he offended; for when he was past threescore years old, he was taken with an extreme desire to go to school again, and to learn the Greek tongue, to the end to peruse77 the Greek authors; which doth well demonstrate that his former censure78 of the Grecian learning was rather an affected79 gravity, than according to the inward sense of his own opinion. And as for Virgil’s verses, though it pleased him to brave the world in taking to the Romans the art of empire, and leaving to others the arts of subjects, yet so much is manifest — that the Romans never ascended to that height of empire till the time they had ascended to the height of other arts. For in the time of the two first Caesars, which had the art of government in greatest perfection, there lived the best poet, Virgilius Maro; the best historiographer, Titus Livius; the best antiquary, Marcus Varro; and the best or second orator80, Marcus Cicero, that to the memory of man are known. As for the accusation of Socrates, the time must be remembered when it was prosecuted81; which was under the Thirty Tyrants82, the most base, bloody83, and envious84 persons that have governed; which revolution of state was no sooner over but Socrates, whom they had made a person criminal, was made a person heroical, and his memory accumulate with honours divine and human; and those discourses of his which were then termed corrupting85 of manners, were after acknowledged for sovereign medicines of the mind and manners, and so have been received ever since till this day. Let this, therefore, serve for answer to politiques, which in their humorous severity, or in their feigned86 gravity, have presumed to throw imputations upon learning; which redargution nevertheless (save that we know not whether our labours may extend to other ages) were not needful for the present, in regard of the love and reverence towards learning which the example and countenance of two so learned princes, Queen Elizabeth and your Majesty, being as Castor and Pollux, lucida sidera, stars of excellent light and most benign87 influence, hath wrought88 in all men of place and authority in our nation.
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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mar
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| vt.破坏，毁坏，弄糟 | |
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pervert
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| n.堕落者，反常者；vt.误用，滥用；使人堕落，使入邪路 | |
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dispositions
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| 安排( disposition的名词复数 )； 倾向； （财产、金钱的）处置； 气质 | |
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irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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peremptory
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| adj.紧急的，专横的，断然的 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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travails
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| n.艰苦劳动( travail的名词复数 )；辛勤努力；痛苦；分娩的阵痛 | |
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relaxation
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| n.松弛，放松；休息；消遣；娱乐 | |
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conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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censor
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| n./vt.审查，审查员；删改 | |
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allured
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| 诱引，吸引( allure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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enchant
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| vt.使陶醉，使入迷；使着魔，用妖术迷惑 | |
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alteration
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| n.变更，改变；蚀变 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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memento
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| n.纪念品，令人回忆的东西 | |
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accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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concurrence
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| n.同意；并发 | |
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abated
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| 减少( abate的过去式和过去分词 )； 减去； 降价； 撤消（诉讼） | |
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overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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adventurous
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| adj.爱冒险的；惊心动魄的，惊险的，刺激的 | |
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complexions
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| 肤色( complexion的名词复数 )； 面色； 局面； 性质 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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disastrous
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| adj.灾难性的，造成灾害的；极坏的，很糟的 | |
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extenuate
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| v.减轻，使人原谅 | |
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traduce
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| v.中伤；n.诽谤 | |
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precept
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| n.戒律；格言 | |
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nay
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| adv.不；n.反对票，投反对票者 | |
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bishops
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| （基督教某些教派管辖大教区的）主教( bishop的名词复数 )； （国际象棋的）象 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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ascended
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| v.上升，攀登( ascend的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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watchfully
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| 警惕地，留心地 | |
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precedents
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| 引用单元； 范例( precedent的名词复数 )； 先前出现的事例； 前例； 先例 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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insinuate
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| vt.含沙射影地说，暗示 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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conjectural
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| adj.推测的 | |
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latitude
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| n.纬度，行动或言论的自由(范围)，(pl.)地区 | |
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rectify
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| v.订正，矫正，改正 | |
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penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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clement
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| adj.仁慈的；温和的 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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conceits
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| 高傲( conceit的名词复数 )； 自以为； 巧妙的词语； 别出心裁的比喻 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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meddle
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| v.干预，干涉，插手 | |
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adversary
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| adj.敌手，对手 | |
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orations
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| n.（正式仪式中的）演说，演讲( oration的名词复数 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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calumny
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| n.诽谤，污蔑，中伤 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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pliant
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| adj.顺从的；可弯曲的 | |
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thwart
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| v.阻挠，妨碍，反对；adj.横(断的) | |
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mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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tumults
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| 吵闹( tumult的名词复数 )； 喧哗； 激动的吵闹声； 心烦意乱 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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76
blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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peruse
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| v.细读，精读 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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81
prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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82
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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85
corrupting
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的现在分词 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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benign
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| adj.善良的，慈祥的；良性的，无危险的 | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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