(1) Now I proceed to those errors and vanities which have intervened amongst the studies themselves of the learned, which is that which is principal and proper to the present argument; wherein my purpose is not to make a justification1 of the errors, but by a censure2 and separation of the errors to make a justification of that which is good and sound, and to deliver that from the aspersion3 of the other. For we see that it is the manner of men to scandalise and deprave that which retaineth the state and virtue4, by taking advantage upon that which is corrupt5 and degenerate6, as the heathens in the primitive7 Church used to blemish8 and taint9 the Christians10 with the faults and corruptions11 of heretics. But nevertheless I have no meaning at this time to make any exact animadversion of the errors and impediments in matters of learning, which are more secret and remote from vulgar opinion, but only to speak unto such as do fall under or near unto a popular observation.
(2) There be therefore chiefly three vanities in studies, whereby learning hath been most traduced12. For those things we do esteem13 vain which are either false or frivolous14, those which either have no truth or no use; and those persons we esteem vain which are either credulous15 or curious; and curiosity is either in matter or words: so that in reason as well as in experience there fall out to be these three distempers (as I may term them) of learning — the first, fantastical learning; the second, contentious16 learning; and the last, delicate learning; vain imaginations, vain altercations17, and vain affectations; and with the last I will begin. Martin Luther, conducted, no doubt, by a higher Providence18, but in discourse19 of reason, finding what a province he had undertaken against the Bishop20 of Rome and the degenerate traditions of the Church, and finding his own solitude21, being in nowise aided by the opinions of his own time, was enforced to awake all antiquity22, and to call former times to his succours to make a party against the present time. So that the ancient authors, both in divinity and in humanity, which had long time slept in libraries, began generally to be read and revolved23. This, by consequence, did draw on a necessity of a more exquisite24 travail25 in the languages original, wherein those authors did write, for the better understanding of those authors, and the better advantage of pressing and applying their words. And thereof grew, again, a delight in their manner of style and phrase, and an admiration26 of that kind of writing, which was much furthered and precipitated27 by the enmity and opposition28 that the propounders of those primitive but seeming new opinions had against the schoolmen, who were generally of the contrary part, and whose writings were altogether in a differing style and form; taking liberty to coin and frame new terms of art to express their own sense, and to avoid circuit of speech, without regard to the pureness, pleasantness, and (as I may call it) lawfulness29 of the phrase or word. And again, because the great labour then was with the people (of whom the Pharisees were wont30 to say, Execrabilis ista turba, quae non novit legem), for the winning and persuading of them, there grew of necessity in chief price and request eloquence31 and variety of discourse, as the fittest and forciblest access into the capacity of the vulgar sort; so that these four causes concurring33 — the admiration of ancient authors, the hate of the schoolmen, the exact study of languages, and the efficacy of preaching — did bring in an affectionate study of eloquence and copy of speech, which then began to flourish. This grew speedily to an excess; for men began to hunt more after words than matter — more after the choiceness of the phrase, and the round and clean composition of the sentence, and the sweet falling of the clauses, and the varying and illustration of their works with tropes and figures, than after the weight of matter, worth of subject, soundness of argument, life of invention, or depth of judgment34. Then grew the flowing and watery35 vein36 of Osorius, the Portugal bishop, to be in price. Then did Sturmius spend such infinite and curious pains upon Cicero the Orator37 and Hermogenes the Rhetorician, besides his own books of Periods and Imitation, and the like. Then did Car of Cambridge and Ascham with their lectures and writings almost deify Cicero and Demosthenes, and allure38 all young men that were studious unto that delicate and polished kind of learning. Then did Erasmus take occasion to make the scoffing39 echo, Decem annos consuumpsi in legendo Cicerone; and the echo answered in Greek, Θνε, Asine. Then grew the learning of the schoolmen to be utterly40 despised as barbarous. In sum, the whole inclination41 and bent42 of those times was rather towards copy than weight.
(3) Here therefore [is] the first distemper of learning, when men study words and not matter; whereof, though I have represented an example of late times, yet it hath been and will be secundum majus et minus in all time. And how is it possible but this should have an operation to discredit43 learning, even with vulgar capacities, when they see learned men’s works like the first letter of a patent or limited book, which though it hath large flourishes, yet it is but a letter? It seems to me that Pygmalion’s frenzy44 is a good emblem45 or portraiture46 of this vanity; for words are but the images of matter, and except they have life of reason and invention, to fall in love with them is all one as to fall in love with a picture.
(4) But yet notwithstanding it is a thing not hastily to be condemned47, to clothe and adorn48 the obscurity even of philosophy itself with sensible and plausible49 elocution. For hereof we have great examples in Xenophon, Cicero, Seneca, Plutarch, and of Plato also in some degree; and hereof likewise there is great use, for surely, to the severe inquisition of truth and the deep progress into philosophy, it is some hindrance50 because it is too early satisfactory to the mind of man, and quencheth the desire of further search before we come to a just period. But then if a man be to have any use of such knowledge in civil occasions, of conference, counsel, persuasion51, discourse, or the like, then shall he find it prepared to his hands in those authors which write in that manner. But the excess of this is so justly contemptible52, that as Hercules, when he saw the image of Adonis, Venus’ minion53, in a temple, said in disdain54, Nil55 sacri es; so there is none of Hercules’ followers56 in learning — that is, the more severe and laborious57 sort of inquirers into truth — but will despise those delicacies58 and affectations, as indeed capable of no divineness. And thus much of the first disease or distemper of learning.
(5) The second which followeth is in nature worse than the former: for as substance of matter is better than beauty of words, so contrariwise vain matter is worse than vain words: wherein it seemeth the reprehension59 of St. Paul was not only proper for those times, but prophetical for the times following; and not only respective to divinity, but extensive to all knowledge: Devita profanas vocum novitates, et oppositiones falsi nominis scientiae. For he assigneth two marks and badges of suspected and falsified science: the one, the novelty and strangeness of terms; the other, the strictness of positions, which of necessity doth induce oppositions60, and so questions and altercations. Surely, like as many substances in nature which are solid do putrefy and corrupt into worms; — so it is the property of good and sound knowledge to putrefy and dissolve into a number of subtle, idle, unwholesome, and (as I may term them) vermiculate questions, which have indeed a kind of quickness and life of spirit, but no soundness of matter or goodness of quality. This kind of degenerate learning did chiefly reign61 amongst the schoolmen, who having sharp and strong wits, and abundance of leisure, and small variety of reading, but their wits being shut up in the cells of a few authors (chiefly Aristotle their dictator) as their persons were shut up in the cells of monasteries62 and colleges, and knowing little history, either of nature or time, did out of no great quantity of matter and infinite agitation63 of wit spin out unto us those laborious webs of learning which are extant in their books. For the wit and mind of man, if it work upon matter, which is the contemplation of the creatures of God, worketh according to the stuff and is limited thereby64; but if it work upon itself, as the spider worketh his web, then it is endless, and brings forth65 indeed cobwebs of learning, admirable for the fineness of thread and work, but of no substance or profit.
(6) This same unprofitable subtility or curiosity is of two sorts: either in the subject itself that they handle, when it is a fruitless speculation66 or controversy67 (whereof there are no small number both in divinity and philosophy), or in the manner or method of handling of a knowledge, which amongst them was this — upon every particular position or assertion to frame objections, and to those objections, solutions; which solutions were for the most part not confutations, but distinctions: whereas indeed the strength of all sciences is, as the strength of the old man’s faggot, in the bond. For the harmony of a science, supporting each part the other, is and ought to be the true and brief confutation and suppression of all the smaller sort of objections. But, on the other side, if you take out every axiom, as the sticks of the faggot, one by one, you may quarrel with them and bend them and break them at your pleasure: so that, as was said of Seneca, Verborum minutiis rerum frangit pondera, so a man may truly say of the schoolmen, Quaestionum minutiis scientiarum frangunt soliditatem. For were it not better for a man in fair room to set up one great light, or branching candlestick of lights, than to go about with a small watch-candle into every corner? And such is their method, that rests not so much upon evidence of truth proved by arguments, authorities, similitudes, examples, as upon particular confutations and solutions of every scruple68, cavillation, and objection; breeding for the most part one question as fast as it solveth another; even as in the former resemblance, when you carry the light into one corner, you darken the rest; so that the fable69 and fiction of Scylla seemeth to be a lively image of this kind of philosophy or knowledge; which was transformed into a comely70 virgin71 for the upper parts; but then
Candida succinctam la — trantibus inguina monstris:
so the generalities of the schoolmen are for a while good and proportionable; but then when you descend72 into their distinctions and decisions, instead of a fruitful womb for the use and benefit of man’s life, they end in monstrous73 altercations and barking questions. So as it is not possible but this quality of knowledge must fall under popular contempt, the people being apt to contemn74 truths upon occasion of controversies75 and altercations, and to think they are all out of their way which never meet; and when they see such digladiation about subtleties76, and matters of no use or moment, they easily fall upon that judgment of Dionysius of Syracusa, Verba ista sunt senum otiosorum.
(7) Notwithstanding, certain it is that if those schoolmen to their great thirst of truth and unwearied travail of wit had joined variety and universality of reading and contemplation, they had proved excellent lights, to the great advancement77 of all learning and knowledge; but as they are, they are great undertakers indeed, and fierce with dark keeping. But as in the inquiry78 of the divine truth, their pride inclined to leave the oracle79 of God’s word, and to vanish in the mixture of their own inventions; so in the inquisition of nature, they ever left the oracle of God’s works, and adored the deceiving and deformed80 images which the unequal mirror of their own minds, or a few received authors or principles, did represent unto them. And thus much for the second disease of learning.
(8) For the third vice81 or disease of learning, which concerneth deceit or untruth, it is of all the rest the foulest82; as that which doth destroy the essential form of knowledge, which is nothing but a representation of truth: for the truth of being and the truth of knowing are one, differing no more than the direct beam and the beam reflected. This vice therefore brancheth itself into two sorts; delight in deceiving and aptness to be deceived; imposture83 and credulity; which, although they appear to be of a diverse nature, the one seeming to proceed of cunning and the other of simplicity85, yet certainly they do for the most part concur32: for, as the verse noteth —
“Percontatorem fugito, nam garrulus idem est,”
an inquisitive86 man is a prattler87; so upon the like reason a credulous man is a deceiver: as we see it in fame, that he that will easily believe rumours88 will as easily augment89 rumours and add somewhat to them of his own; which Tacitus wisely noteth, when he saith, Fingunt simul creduntque: so great an affinity90 hath fiction and belief.
(9) This facility of credit and accepting or admitting things weakly authorised or warranted is of two kinds according to the subject: for it is either a belief of history, or, as the lawyers speak, matter of fact; or else of matter of art and opinion. As to the former, we see the experience and inconvenience of this error in ecclesiastical history; which hath too easily received and registered reports and narrations91 of miracles wrought92 by martyrs93, hermits94, or monks95 of the desert, and other holy men, and their relics96, shrines97, chapels98 and images: which though they had a passage for a time by the ignorance of the people, the superstitious99 simplicity of some and the politic100 toleration of others holding them but as divine poesies, yet after a period of time, when the mist began to clear up, they grew to be esteemed101 but as old wives’ fables102, impostures of the clergy103, illusions of spirits, and badges of Antichrist, to the great scandal and detriment104 of religion.
(10) So in natural history, we see there hath not been that choice and judgment used as ought to have been; as may appear in the writings of Plinius, Cardanus, Albertus, and divers84 of the Arabians, being fraught105 with much fabulous106 matter, a great part not only untried, but notoriously untrue, to the great derogation of the credit of natural philosophy with the grave and sober kind of wits: wherein the wisdom and integrity of Aristotle is worthy107 to be observed, that, having made so diligent108 and exquisite a history of living creatures, hath mingled109 it sparingly with any vain or feigned110 matter; and yet on the other side hath cast all prodigious111 narrations, which he thought worthy the recording112, into one book, excellently discerning that matter of manifest truth, such whereupon observation and rule was to be built, was not to be mingled or weakened with matter of doubtful credit; and yet again, that rarities and reports that seem uncredible are not to be suppressed or denied to the memory of men.
(11) And as for the facility of credit which is yielded to arts and opinions, it is likewise of two kinds; either when too much belief is attributed to the arts themselves, or to certain authors in any art. The sciences themselves, which have had better intelligence and confederacy with the imagination of man than with his reason, are three in number: astrology, natural magic, and alchemy; of which sciences, nevertheless, the ends or pretences113 are noble. For astrology pretendeth to discover that correspondence or concatenation which is between the superior globe and the inferior; natural magic pretendeth to call and reduce natural philosophy from variety of speculations114 to the magnitude of works; and alchemy pretendeth to make separation of all the unlike parts of bodies which in mixtures of natures are incorporate. But the derivations and prosecutions115 to these ends, both in the theories and in the practices, are full of error and vanity; which the great professors themselves have sought to veil over and conceal116 by enigmatical writings, and referring themselves to auricular traditions and such other devices, to save the credit of impostures. And yet surely to alchemy this right is due, that it may be compared to the husbandman whereof AEsop makes the fable; that, when he died, told his sons that he had left unto them gold buried underground in his vineyard; and they digged over all the ground, and gold they found none; but by reason of their stirring and digging the mould about the roots of their vines, they had a great vintage the year following: so assuredly the search and stir to make gold hath brought to light a great number of good and fruitful inventions and experiments, as well for the disclosing of nature as for the use of man’s life.
(12) And as for the overmuch credit that hath been given unto authors in sciences, in making them dictators, that their words should stand, and not consuls117, to give advice; the damage is infinite that sciences have received thereby, as the principal cause that hath kept them low at a stay without growth or advancement. For hence it hath come, that in arts mechanical the first deviser comes shortest, and time addeth and perfecteth; but in sciences the first author goeth furthest, and time leeseth and corrupteth. So we see artillery118, sailing, printing, and the like, were grossly managed at the first, and by time accommodated and refined; but contrariwise, the philosophies and sciences of Aristotle, Plato, Democritus, Hippocrates, Euclides, Archimedes, of most vigour119 at the first, and by time degenerate and imbased: whereof the reason is no other, but that in the former many wits and industries have contributed in one; and in the latter many wits and industries have been spent about the wit of some one, whom many times they have rather depraved than illustrated120; for, as water will not ascend121 higher than the level of the first spring-head from whence it descendeth, so knowledge derived122 from Aristotle, and exempted123 from liberty of examination, will not rise again higher than the knowledge of Aristotle. And, therefore, although the position be good, Oportet discentem credere, yet it must be coupled with this, Oportet edoctum judicare; for disciples124 do owe unto masters only a temporary belief and a suspension of their own judgment till they be fully125 instructed, and not an absolute resignation or perpetual captivity126; and therefore, to conclude this point, I will say no more, but so let great authors have their due, as time, which is the author of authors, be not deprived of his due — which is, further and further to discover truth. Thus have I gone over these three diseases of learning; besides the which there are some other rather peccant humours than formed diseases, which, nevertheless, are not so secret and intrinsic, but that they fall under a popular observation and traducement127, and, therefore, are not to be passed over.
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justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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aspersion
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| n.诽谤，中伤 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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blemish
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| v.损害；玷污；瑕疵，缺点 | |
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taint
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| n.污点；感染；腐坏；v.使感染；污染 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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traduced
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| v.诋毁( traduce的过去式和过去分词 )；诽谤；违反；背叛 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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frivolous
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| adj.轻薄的；轻率的 | |
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credulous
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| adj.轻信的，易信的 | |
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contentious
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| adj.好辩的，善争吵的 | |
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altercations
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| n.争辩，争吵( altercation的名词复数 ) | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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solitude
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| n. 孤独; 独居,荒僻之地,幽静的地方 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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revolved
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| v.（使）旋转( revolve的过去式和过去分词 )；细想 | |
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exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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travail
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| n.阵痛；努力 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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precipitated
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| v.（突如其来地）使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 )；促成；猛然摔下；使沉淀 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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lawfulness
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| 法制，合法 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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concur
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| v.同意，意见一致，互助，同时发生 | |
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concurring
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| 同时发生的，并发的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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watery
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| adj.有水的，水汪汪的；湿的，湿润的 | |
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vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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allure
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| n.诱惑力，魅力；vt.诱惑，引诱，吸引 | |
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scoffing
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| n. 嘲笑, 笑柄, 愚弄 v. 嘲笑, 嘲弄, 愚弄, 狼吞虎咽 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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discredit
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| vt.使不可置信；n.丧失信义；不信，怀疑 | |
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frenzy
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| n.疯狂，狂热，极度的激动 | |
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emblem
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| n.象征，标志；徽章 | |
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portraiture
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| n.肖像画法 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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adorn
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| vt.使美化，装饰 | |
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plausible
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| adj.似真实的，似乎有理的，似乎可信的 | |
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hindrance
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| n.妨碍，障碍 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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minion
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| n.宠仆；宠爱之人 | |
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disdain
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| n.鄙视，轻视；v.轻视，鄙视，不屑 | |
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nil
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| n.无，全无，零 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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delicacies
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| n.棘手( delicacy的名词复数 )；精致；精美的食物；周到 | |
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reprehension
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| n.非难，指责 | |
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oppositions
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| （强烈的）反对( opposition的名词复数 )； 反对党； （事业、竞赛、游戏等的）对手； 对比 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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62
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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63
agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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64
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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66
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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67
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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69
fable
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| n.寓言；童话；神话 | |
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comely
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| adj.漂亮的，合宜的 | |
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71
virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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72
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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73
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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contemn
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| v.蔑视 | |
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75
controversies
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| 争论 | |
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76
subtleties
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| 细微( subtlety的名词复数 )； 精细； 巧妙； 细微的差别等 | |
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advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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deformed
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| adj.畸形的；变形的；丑的，破相了的 | |
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81
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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84
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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85
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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inquisitive
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| adj.求知欲强的，好奇的，好寻根究底的 | |
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prattler
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| n.空谈者 | |
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88
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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augment
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| vt.(使)增大，增加，增长，扩张 | |
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affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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narrations
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| 叙述事情的经过，故事( narration的名词复数 ) | |
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wrought
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| v.引起；以…原料制作；运转；adj.制造的 | |
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martyrs
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| n.martyr的复数形式；烈士( martyr的名词复数 )；殉道者；殉教者；乞怜者（向人诉苦以博取同情） | |
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94
hermits
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| （尤指早期基督教的）隐居修道士，隐士，遁世者( hermit的名词复数 ) | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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relics
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| [pl.］n.遗物，遗迹，遗产；遗体，尸骸 | |
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shrines
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| 圣地，圣坛，神圣场所( shrine的名词复数 ) | |
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chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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100
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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101
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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102
fables
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| n.寓言( fable的名词复数 )；神话，传说 | |
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103
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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104
detriment
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| n.损害；损害物，造成损害的根源 | |
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fraught
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| adj.充满…的，伴有(危险等)的；忧虑的 | |
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fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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107
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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108
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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109
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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110
feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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111
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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112
recording
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| n.录音，记录 | |
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113
pretences
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| n.假装( pretence的名词复数 )；作假；自命；自称 | |
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114
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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115
prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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116
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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117
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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118
artillery
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| n.(军)火炮，大炮；炮兵(部队) | |
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119
vigour
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| （=vigor）n.智力，体力，精力 | |
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120
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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121
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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122
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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123
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124
disciples
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| n.信徒( disciple的名词复数 )；门徒；耶稣的信徒；（尤指）耶稣十二门徒之一 | |
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125
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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126
captivity
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| n.囚禁；被俘；束缚 | |
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127
traducement
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| n.诽谤，中伤 | |
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