Those who live by agriculture or in towns, and are descended1 from the remnant of the ancients, are divided, as I have previously2 said, into numerous provinces, kingdoms, and republics. In the middle part of the country the cities are almost all upon the shores of the Lake, or within a short distance of the water, and there is therefore more traffic and communication between them by means of vessels3 than is the case with inland towns, whose trade must be carried on by caravans4 and waggons5. These not only move slowly, but are subject to be interrupted by the Romany and by the banditti, or persons who, for moral or political crimes, have been banished6 from their homes.
It is in the cities that cluster around the great central lake that all the life and civilization of our day are found; but there also begin those wars and social convulsions which cause so much suffering. When was the Peninsula at peace? and when was there not some mischief7 and change brewing8 in the republics? When was there not a danger from the northern mainland?
Until recent years there was little knowledge of, and scarcely any direct commerce or intercourse9 between, the central part and the districts either of the extreme west or the north, and it is only now that the north and east are becoming open to us; for at the back of the narrow circle or cultivated land, the belt about the Lake, there extend immense forests in every direction, through which, till very lately, no practicable way had been cut. Even in the more civilized10 central part it is not to this day easy to travel, for at the barriers, as you approach the territories of every prince, they demand your business and your papers; nor even if you establish the fact that you are innocent of designs against the State, shall you hardly enter without satisfying the greed of the officials.
A fine is thus exacted at the gate of every province and kingdom, and again at the gateways11 of the towns. The difference of the coinage, such as it is, causes also great loss and trouble, for the money of one kingdom (though passing current by command in that territory) is not received at its nominal12 value in the next on account of the alloy13 it contains. It is, indeed, in many kingdoms impossible to obtain sterling14 money. Gold there is little or none anywhere, but silver is the standard of exchange, and copper15, bronze, and brass16, sometimes tin, are the metals with which the greater number of the people transact17 their business.
Justice is corrupt18, for where there is a king or a prince it depends on the caprice of a tyrant19, and where there is a republic upon the shout of the crowd, so that many, if they think they may be put on trial, rather than face the risk at once escape into the woods. The League, though based ostensibly on principles the most exalted20 and beneficial to humanity, is known to be perverted21. The members sworn to honour and the highest virtue22 are swayed by vile23 motives24, political hatreds25, and private passions, and even by money.
Men for ever trample26 upon men, each pushing to the front; nor is there safety in remaining in retirement27, since such are accused of biding28 their time and of occult designs. Though the population of these cities all counted together is not equal to the population that once dwelt in a single second-rate city of the ancients, yet how much greater are the bitterness and the struggle!
Yet not content with the bloodshed they themselves cause, the tyrants29 have called in the aid of mercenary soldiers to assist them. And, to complete the disgrace, those republics which proclaim themselves the very home of patriotic30 virtues31, have resorted to the same means. Thus we see English cities kept in awe32 by troops of Welshmen, Irish, and even the western Scots, who swarm33 in the council-chambers of the republics, and, opening the doors of the houses, help themselves to what they will. This, too, in the face of the notorious fact that these nations have sworn to be avenged34 upon us, that their vessels sail about the Lake committing direful acts of piracy35, and that twice already vast armies have swept along threatening to entirely36 overwhelm the whole commonwealth37.
What infatuation to admit bands of these same men into the very strongholds and the heart of the land! As if upon the approach of their countrymen they would remain true to the oaths they have sworn for pay, and not rather admit them with open arms. No blame can, upon a just consideration, be attributed to either of these nations that endeavour to oppress us. For, as they point out, the ancients from whom we are descended held them in subjection many hundred years, and took from them all their liberties.
Thus the Welsh, or, as they call themselves, the Cymry, say that the whole island was once theirs, and is theirs still by right of inheritance. They were the original people who possessed38 it ages before the arrival of those whom we call the ancients. Though they were driven into the mountains of the far distant west, they never forgot their language, ceased their customs, or gave up their aspirations39 to recover their own. This is now their aim, and until recently it seemed as if they were about to accomplish it. For they held all that country anciently called Cornwall, having crossed over the Severn, and marched down the southern shore. The rich land of Devon, part of Dorset (all, indeed, that is inhabited), and the most part of Somerset, acknowledged their rule. Worcester and Hereford and Gloucester were theirs; I mean, of course, those parts that are not forest.
Their outposts were pushed forward to the centre of Leicestershire, and came down towards Oxford40. But thereabouts they met with the forces of which I will shortly speak. Then their vessels every summer sailing from the Severn, came into the Lake, and, landing wherever there was an opportunity, they destroyed all things and carried off the spoil. Is it necessary to say more to demonstrate the madness which possesses those princes and republics which, in order to support their own tyranny, have invited bands of these men into their very palaces and forts?
As they approached near what was once Oxford and is now Sypolis, the armies of the Cymry came into collision with another of our invaders41, and thus their forward course to the south was checked. The Irish, who had hitherto abetted42 them, turned round to defend their own usurpations. They, too, say that in conquering and despoiling43 my countrymen they are fulfilling a divine vengeance44. Their land of Ireland had been for centuries ground down with an iron tyranny by our ancestors, who closed their lips with a muzzle45, and led them about with a bridle46, as their poets say. But now the hateful Saxons (for thus both they and the Welsh designate us) are broken, and delivered over to them for their spoil.
It is not possible to deny many of the statements that they make, but that should not prevent us from battling with might and main against the threatened subjection. What crime can be greater than the admission of such foreigners as the guards of our cities? Now the Irish have their principal rendezvous47 and capital near to the ancient city of Chester, which is upon the ocean, and at the very top and angle of Wales. This is their great settlement, their magazine and rallying-place, and thence their expeditions have proceeded. It is a convenient port, and well opposite their native land, from which reinforcements continually arrive, but the Welsh have ever looked upon their possession of it with jealousy48.
At the period when the Cymry had nearly penetrated49 to Sypolis or Oxford, the Irish, on their part, had overrun all the cultivated and inhabited country in a south and south-easterly line from Chester, through Rutland to Norfolk and Suffolk, and even as far as Luton. They would have spread to the north, but in that direction they were met by the Scots, who had all Northumbria. When the Welsh came near Sypolis, the Irish awoke to the position of affairs.
Sypolis is the largest and most important city upon the northern shore of the Lake, and it is situated50 at the entrance to the neck of land that stretches out to the straits. If the Welsh were once well posted there, the Irish could never hope to find their way to the rich and cultivated south, for it is just below Sypolis that the Lake contracts, and forms a strait in one place but a furlong wide. The two forces thus came into collision, and while they fought and destroyed each other, Sypolis was saved. After which, finding they were evenly matched, the Irish withdrew two days’ march northwards, and the Cymry as far westwards.
But now the Irish, sailing round the outside of Wales, came likewise up through the Red Rocks, and so into the Lake, and in their turn landing, harassed51 the cities. Often Welsh and Irish vessels, intending to attack the same place, have discerned each other approaching, and, turning from their proposed action, have flown at each other’s throats. The Scots have not harassed us in the south much, being too far distant, and those that wander hither come for pay, taking service as guards. They are, indeed, the finest of men, and the hardiest52 to battle with. I had forgotten to mention that it is possible the Irish might have pushed back the Welsh, had not the kingdom of York suddenly reviving, by means which shall be related, valiantly53 thrust out its masters, and fell upon their rear.
But still these nations are always upon the verge54 and margin55 of our world, and wait but an opportunity to rush in upon it. Our countrymen groan56 under their yoke57, and I say again that infamy58 should be the portion of those rulers among us who have filled their fortified59 places with mercenaries derived60 from such sources.
The land, too, is weak, because of the multitude of bondsmen. In the provinces and kingdoms round about the Lake there is hardly a town where the slaves do not outnumber the free as ten to one. The laws are framed for the object of reducing the greater part of the people to servitude. For every offence the punishment is slavery, and the offences are daily artificially increased, that the wealth of the few in human beings may grow with them. If a man in his hunger steal a loaf, he becomes a slave; that is, it is proclaimed he must make good to the State the injury he has done it, and must work out his trespass61. This is not assessed as the value of the loaf, nor supposed to be confined to the individual from whom it was taken.
The theft is said to damage the State at large, because it corrupts62 the morality of the commonwealth; it is as if the thief had stolen a loaf, not from one, but from every member of the State. Restitution63 must, therefore, be made to all, and the value of the loaf returned in labour a thousandfold. The thief is the bondsman of the State. But as the State cannot employ him, he is leased out to those who will pay into the treasury64 of the prince the money equivalent to the labour he is capable of performing. Thus, under cover of the highest morality, the greatest iniquity65 is perpetrated. For the theft of a loaf, the man is reduced to a slave; then his wife and children, unable to support themselves, become a charge to the State, that is, they beg in the public ways.
This, too, forsooth, corrupts morality, and they likewise are seized and leased out to any who like to take them. Nor can he or they ever become free again, for they must repay to their proprietor66 the sum he gave for them, and how can that be done, since they receive no wages? For striking another, a man may be in the same way, as they term it, forfeited67 to the State, and be sold to the highest bidder69. A stout70 brass wire is then twisted around his left wrist loosely, and the ends soldered71 together. Then a bar of iron being put through, a half turn is given to it, which forces the wire sharply against the arm, causing it to fit tightly, often painfully, and forms a smaller ring at the outside. By this smaller ring a score of bondsmen may be seen strung together with a rope.
To speak disrespectfully of the prince or his council, or of the nobles, or of religion, to go out of the precincts without permission, to trade without license72, to omit to salute73 the great, all these and a thousand others are crimes deserving of the brazen74 bracelet75. Were a man to study all day what he must do, and what he must not do, to escape servitude, it would not be possible for him to stir one step without becoming forfeit68! And yet they hypocritically say that these things are done for the sake of public morality, and that there are not slaves (not permitting the word to be used), and no man was ever sold.
It is, indeed, true that no man is sold in open market, he is leased instead; and, by a refined hypocrisy76, the owner of slaves cannot sell them to another owner, but he can place them in the hands of the notary77, presenting them with their freedom, so far as he is concerned. The notary, upon payment of a fine from the purchaser, transfers them to him, and the larger part of the fine goes to the prince. Debt alone under their laws must crowd the land with slaves, for, as wages are scarcely known, a child from its birth is often declared to be in debt. For its nourishment78 is drawn79 from its mother, and the wretched mother is the wife of a retainer who is fed by his lord. To such a degree is this tyranny carried! If any owe a penny, his doom80 is sealed; he becomes a bondsman, and thus the estates of the nobles are full of men who work during their whole lives for the profit of others. Thus, too, the woods are filled with banditti, for those who find an opportunity never fail to escape, notwithstanding the hunt that is invariably made for them, and the cruel punishment that awaits recapture. And numbers, foreseeing that they must become bondsmen, before they are proclaimed forfeit steal away by night, and live as they may in the forests.
How, then, does any man remain free? Only by the favour of the nobles, and only that he may amass81 wealth for them. The merchants, and those who have license to trade by land or water, are all protected by some noble house, to whom they pay heavily for permission to live in their own houses. The principal tyrant is supported by the nobles, that they in their turn may tyrannise over the merchants, and they again over all the workmen of their shops and bazaars82.
Over their own servants (for thus they call the slaves, that the word itself may not be used), who work upon their estates, the nobles are absolute masters, and may even hang them upon the nearest tree. And here I cannot but remark how strange it is, first, that any man can remain a slave rather than die; and secondly83, how much stranger it is that any other man, himself a slave, can be found to hunt down or to hang his fellow; yet the tyrants never lack executioners. Their castles are crowded with retainers who wreak84 their wills upon the defenceless. These retainers do not wear the brazen bracelet; they are free. Are there, then, no beggars? Yes, they sit at every corner, and about the gates of the cities, asking for alms.
Though begging makes a man forfeit to the State, it is only when he has thews and sinews, and can work. The diseased and aged85, the helpless and feeble, may break the law, and starve by the roadside, because it profits no one to make them his slaves. And all these things are done in the name of morality, and for the good of the human race, as they constantly announce in their councils and parliaments.
There are two reasons why the mercenaries have been called in; first, because the princes found the great nobles so powerful, and can keep them in check only by the aid of these foreigners; and secondly, because the number of the outlaws86 in the woods has become so great that the nobles themselves are afraid lest their slaves should revolt, and, with the aid of the outlaws, overcome them.
Now the mark of a noble is that he can read and write. When the ancients were scattered87, the remnant that was left behind was, for the most part, the ignorant and the poor. But among them there was here and there a man who possessed some little education and force of mind. At first there was no order; but after thirty years or so, after a generation, some order grew up, and these men, then become aged, were naturally chosen as leaders. They had, indeed, no actual power then, no guards or armies; but the common folk, who had no knowledge, came to them for decision of their disputes, for advice what to do, for the pronouncement of some form of marriage, for the keeping of some note of property, and to be united against a mutual88 danger.
These men in turn taught their children to read and write, wishing that some part of the wisdom of the ancients might be preserved. They themselves wrote down what they knew, and these manuscripts, transmitted to their children, were saved with care. Some of them remain to this day. These children, growing to manhood, took more upon them, and assumed higher authority as the past was forgotten, and the original equality of all men lost in antiquity89. The small enclosed farms of their fathers became enlarged to estates, the estates became towns, and thus, by degrees, the order of the nobility was formed. As they intermarried only among themselves, they preserved a certain individuality. At this day a noble is at once known, no matter how coarsely he may be dressed, or how brutal90 his habits, by his delicacy91 of feature, his air of command, even by his softness of skin and fineness of hair.
Still the art of reading and writing is scrupulously92 imparted to all their legitimate93 offspring, and scrupulously confined to them alone. It is true that they do not use it except on rare occasions when necessity demands, being wholly given over to the chase, to war, and politics, but they retain the knowledge. Indeed, were a noble to be known not to be able to read and write, the prince would at once degrade him, and the sentence would be upheld by the entire caste. No other but the nobles are permitted to acquire these arts; if any attempt to do so, they are enslaved and punished. But none do attempt; of what avail would it be to them?
All knowledge is thus retained in the possession of the nobles; they do not use it, but the physicians, for instance, who are famous, are so because by favour of some baron94, they have learned receipts in the ancient manuscripts which have been mentioned. One virtue, and one only, adorns95 this exclusive caste; they are courageous96 to the verge of madness. I had almost omitted to state that the merchants know how to read and write, having special license and permits to do so, without which they may not correspond. There are few books, and still fewer to read them; and these all in manuscript, for though the way to print is not lost, it is not employed since no one wants books.
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descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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waggons
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| 四轮的运货马车( waggon的名词复数 )； 铁路货车； 小手推车 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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brewing
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| n. 酿造, 一次酿造的量 动词brew的现在分词形式 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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gateways
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| n.网关( gateway的名词复数 )；门径；方法；大门口 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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alloy
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| n.合金，(金属的)成色 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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brass
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| n.黄铜；黄铜器，铜管乐器 | |
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transact
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| v.处理；做交易；谈判 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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perverted
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| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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vile
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| adj.卑鄙的，可耻的，邪恶的；坏透的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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hatreds
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| n.仇恨，憎恶( hatred的名词复数 )；厌恶的事 | |
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trample
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| vt.踩，践踏；无视，伤害，侵犯 | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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biding
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| v.等待，停留( bide的现在分词 )；居住；（过去式用bided）等待；面临 | |
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tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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swarm
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| n.(昆虫)等一大群；vi.成群飞舞；蜂拥而入 | |
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avenged
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| v.为…复仇，报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 )；为…报复 | |
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piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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abetted
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| v.教唆（犯罪）( abet的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；怂恿；支持 | |
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despoiling
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的现在分词 ) | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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muzzle
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| n.鼻口部；口套；枪(炮)口；vt.使缄默 | |
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bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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rendezvous
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| n.约会，约会地点，汇合点；vi.汇合，集合；vt.使汇合，使在汇合地点相遇 | |
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jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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harassed
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| adj. 疲倦的，厌烦的 动词harass的过去式和过去分词 | |
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52
hardiest
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| 能吃苦耐劳的，坚强的( hardy的最高级 )； （植物等）耐寒的 | |
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valiantly
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| adv.勇敢地，英勇地；雄赳赳 | |
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verge
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| n.边，边缘；v.接近，濒临 | |
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margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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groan
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| vi./n.呻吟，抱怨；(发出)呻吟般的声音 | |
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yoke
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| n.轭；支配；v.给...上轭，连接，使成配偶 | |
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infamy
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| n.声名狼藉，出丑，恶行 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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trespass
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| n./v.侵犯，闯入私人领地 | |
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corrupts
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| （使）败坏( corrupt的第三人称单数 )； （使）腐化； 引起（计算机文件等的）错误； 破坏 | |
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restitution
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| n.赔偿；恢复原状 | |
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treasury
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| n.宝库；国库，金库；文库 | |
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iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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forfeit
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| vt.丧失；n.罚金，罚款，没收物 | |
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bidder
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| n.(拍卖时的)出价人，报价人，投标人 | |
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soldered
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| v.（使）焊接，焊合( solder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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license
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| n.执照，许可证，特许；v.许可，特许 | |
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salute
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| vi.行礼，致意，问候，放礼炮；vt.向…致意，迎接，赞扬；n.招呼，敬礼，礼炮 | |
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brazen
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| adj.厚脸皮的，无耻的，坚硬的 | |
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bracelet
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| n.手镯，臂镯 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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nourishment
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| n.食物，营养品；营养情况 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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amass
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| vt.积累，积聚 | |
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bazaars
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| （东方国家的）市场( bazaar的名词复数 )； 义卖； 义卖市场； （出售花哨商品等的）小商品市场 | |
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secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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outlaws
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| 歹徒，亡命之徒( outlaw的名词复数 )； 逃犯 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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brutal
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| adj.残忍的，野蛮的，不讲理的 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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scrupulously
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| adv.一丝不苟地；小心翼翼地，多顾虑地 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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baron
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| n.男爵；(商业界等)巨头，大王 | |
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adorns
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| 装饰，佩带( adorn的第三人称单数 ) | |
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courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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