With a tact1 and sagacity as great as his courage the Lord Paramount2 gathered about him a number of councillors who were in effect his ministers. He consulted and directed them, but they had no collective power; their only collective function was cooperation upon the schemes he outlined for their guidance. Occasionally in council they would offer suggestions which were received with attention, considered and commented upon by the Lord Paramount. Sometimes, but rarely, their suggestions would be allowed to sway the course of the national policy. But on the whole he preferred that they should come to him privately3 and individually with their proposals, rather than interrupt the proceedings4 of the Council meetings.
The Council included all that was best among the leaders of English life. The mighty5 barons6 of the popular press were there, and prominently Lord Bothermey. The chief military, naval7 and air experts were intermittently8 represented. Coal and steel magnates were well in evidence, particularly those most closely associated with armament firms, and one or two rather evasive personalities9 of the Sir Bussy Woodcock type attended by command. Sir Bussy might or might not be there; he continued to be difficult to locate. He seemed to become present suddenly and then to become conspicuously10 absent. The Governor of the Bank of England was present ex officio, though the Lord Paramount found he smiled far too much and said far too little, and there were several leading representatives of the Big Five, who also proved to be markedly silent men with a faraway facial habit. Labour was represented at the Lord Paramount’s invitation, by Mr. J. H. Humbus, and women by the Countess of Crum and Craythorpe. Lord Cato was of course a member, and for some reason that the Lord Paramount never had very clear in his mind, Mr. Brimstone Burchell seemed always to be coming in or going out or talking in much too audible undertones to someone while the Council was in session. No-one had asked him; he just came. It was difficult to find an appropriate moment to say something about it. On the whole he seemed to be well disposed and eager to take entire charge of army, navy, air force, munitions11, finance, or any other leading function which might be entrusted12 to him. In addition to these already prominent members a number of vigorous personalities hitherto unknown to British public life, either chosen from among Mr. Parham’s Young Men, scions13 of noble families, or connected with the militant14 side of the Duty Paramount League, took a silently active part in the proceedings. Alfred Mumby, Colonel Fitz Martin, Ronald Carberry, Sir Horatio Wrex, and the young Duke of Norham, were among the chief of these. Mrs. Pinchot, the only reporter present, sat in a little low chair at the Lord Paramount’s right hand and recorded all that happened in shorthand in a gilt-edged notebook. Hereward Jackson, the faithful disciple15, also hovered16 helpfully close to him.
The procedure was very simple and straightforward18. The Council would assemble or be collected according to the alacrity19 of the individual member, and the Lord Paramount would enter quite informally, waving a hand to this man and greeting that, and so make his way to the head of the table. There he would stand, Hereward Jackson would say, “Ssh!” and everyone standing20 or sitting or leaning against the wall would cease to gossip and turn to listen. Explicitly21 and simply the Lord Paramount would put his views to them. It was very like a college lecturer coming in and talking to a batch22 of intelligent and sympathetic students. He would explain his policy, say why this had to be done or that, and indicate who it was should undertake whatever task opened before them. An hour or even more might be spent in this way. Then he would drop into his seat, and there would be questions, mostly of an elucidatory23 nature, a few comments, a suggestion or so, and, with a smile and a friendly word of dismissal, everything was over, and the Council went about its business, each man to do what he knew to be his duty. So simple a task was government now that the follies25 of party, the presumption26 and manoeuvres of elected people, the confusion and dishonesties inseparable from the democratic method had been swept aside.
The third meeting of the Council was the most important of the earlier series, for then it was that the Lord Paramount gave these heads of the national life, a résumé of the policy he proposed to pursue.
Let them consider at first, he said, the position and the manifest dangers and destinies of this dear England of ours and its Empire to which they were all devoted27. He would ask them to regard the world as a whole, not to think of it in a parochial spirit, but broadly and sanely28, looking beyond the immediate29 tomorrow. Directly they did so they would begin to realize the existence and development of a great world struggle, which was determined30 by geography and by history, which was indeed in the very nature of things. The lines of that struggle shaped themselves, rationally, logically, inevitably31. Everything else in the world should be subordinated to that.
Something almost confidential32 crept into his manner, and the Council became very silent and attentive33. He indicated regions upon the green baize table before him by sweeping34 gestures of his hands and arms, and his voice sank.
“Here,” said the Lord Paramount, “in the very centre of the Old World, illimitably vast, potentially more powerful than most of the rest of the world put together —” he paused dramatically —“is RUSSIA. It really does not matter in the least whether she is Czarist or Bolshevik. She is the final danger — the overwhelming enemy. Grow she must. She has space. She has immense resources. She strikes at us, through Turkey as always, through Afghanistan as always, and now through China. Instinctively35 she does that; necessarily. I do not blame her. But preserve ourselves we must. What will Germany do? Cleave36 to the East? Cleave to the West? Who can tell? A student nation, a secondary people, a disputed territory. We win her if we can, but I do not count on her. The policy imposed upon the rest of the world is plain. We must circumvent37 Russia; we must encircle this threat of the Great Plains before it overwhelms us. As we encircled the lesser38 threat of the Hohenzollerns. In time. On the West, here, we outflank her with our ally France and Poland her pupil; on the East with our ally Japan. We reach at her through India. We strive to point the spearhead of Afghanistan against her. We hold Gibraltar on her account; we watch Constantinople on her account. America is drawn39 in with us, necessarily our ally, willy-nilly, because she cannot let Russia strike through China to the sea. There you have the situation of the world. Broadly and boldly seen. Fraught40 with immense danger — yes. Tragic41 — if you will. But fraught also with limitless possibilities of devotion and courage.”
The Lord Paramount paused, and a murmur42 of admiration43 went round the gathering44. Mr. Brimstone Burchell’s head nodded like a Chinese automaton’s to express his approval. The statement was so perfectly45 lucid24, so direct and compact. Yet it was identically the same speech that Mr. Parham had delivered to Sir Bussy, Mr. Hamp, Camelford, and the young American only a month or so previously46, at the dinner table of the former! How different now was its reception when it came from the lips of the Lord Paramount speaking to understanding minds! No carping criticism, or attempts to disregard and ignore, no preposterous47 alternatives of world organization and the like follies, no intimation of any such alternatives. If Sir Bussy had whispered his habitual48 monosyllable it was done inaudibly.
“And that being our general situation,” the Lord Paramount continued, “which is the most becoming thing for a Great Nation to do? To face its Destiny of leadership and championship, open-eyed and resolute49, or to wait, lost in petty disputes, blinded by small considerations, until the inevitable50 antagonist51, grown strong and self-conscious, its vast realms organized and productive, China assimilated and India sympathetic and mutinous52 against its established rulers, strikes at the sceptre in its negligent53 hands — maybe strikes the sceptre clean out of its negligent hands? Is it necessary to ask that question of the Council of the British peoples? And knowing your answer to be what it must be, then plainly the time for Duty and Action is now. I exhort54 you to weigh with me the preparations and the strategy that have to be the guiding form of our national policy from this time forth55. The time to rally western Europe is now. The time to call plainly to America to take up her part in this gigantic struggle is now.”
This time the little man sitting at the table was clearly heard. His “Gaw!” was deep and distinct.
“Sir Bussy,” said the Lord Paramount in a penetrating56 aside, “for six long years you have said that word ‘Gaw’ at me and I have borne with you. Say it no more.”
He did not even pause for an answer, but went on at once to sketch57 the determinations before the Council.
“It is my intention,” he said, “so soon as home affairs are regularized to make an informal tour of Europe. Here, between these four walls, I can speak freely of an adventure we all have at heart, the gallant58 efforts of Prince Otto von Barheim to overthrow59 the uncongenial republican régime that now disfigures, misrepresents, and humiliates60 the loyal and valiant61 German people. It is a lukewarm thing, half radical62 and Bolshevist and half patriotic63, and Germany is minded to spew it out. I have had communications from a very trustworthy source, and I can say with confidence that that adventure is on the high road to success. Prince Otto, like myself, has a profound understanding of the philosophy of history, and like myself he recalls a great nation to its destiny. The good sword of Germany may soon be waiting in its scabbard for our signal.
“Yes! I know what you think at this moment, but, believe me, it will be with the consent of France. Nevermore will Britain move without France. M. Parème shall be consulted and I will see to that. The situation would be delicate had we still a parliamentary régime. Happily no questions in the House now can disturb our negotiations65. Snowfield is gagged and Benworthy silenced. Trust France. She is fully17 aware that now it is we alone who stand between her and a German–Italian combination. We reconcile. The French mind is realistic, logical and patriotic. The other European nations may need Dictators but in France, the Republic is Dictator; the army and the nation are one, and, guaranteed security, suitably compensated66 in Africa and Nearer Asia, France will be ready to take her proper place in the defence of the West against its final danger. The age-long feud67 of the Rhineland draws to an end. The peace of Charlemagne returns. Even the speeches of M. Parème lose their belligerent68 note. Such little matters as the language question in Alsace and various repayments69 and guarantees find their level of unimportance. We have been living too much in the counting house. Europe draws together under pressure from the East and from the West. These things I propose to confirm by personal interviews with the men I shall find in charge of the European nations. Then to our course of action: first, a renewal70, a confirmation71 and intensification72 of the blockade of Russia — by all Europe, by the United Strong Men of Europe; secondly73 a vigorous joint74 intervention75 to restore the predominance of European ideas and European finance in China; thirdly a direct challenge to Russian propaganda in India and Persia, a propaganda in reality political — social and economic now only in phrase and pretension76. If we mean to encircle this mighty threat to all we hold dear, then the time for encirclement is here and now. And so, when at last the Day comes it will not be the Slav aggressive we shall have facing us but the Slav anticipated and at bay.”
The Lord Paramount paused and did his best to ignore the one flaw upon that perfect gathering. Sir Bussy, looking exceedingly small and wicked and drumming softly on the table with his stumpy fingers, spoke77, addressing, as it were, the blank universe. “And how is America going to take this sort of stuff?”
“She will be with us.”
“She may have other ideas.”
“She HAS to be with us,” said the Lord Paramount with a rising intonation78, and a murmur of approval came from the corner in which Lord Cato was standing. His face was very pink, and his little eyes were round and bright. His bearing had the unsubdued aggressiveness of an unsmacked child’s. He had always regarded America as impertinent and in need of a good snubbing and, if need be, of further chastening. He could not believe that a nation so new could really consist of grown-up people.
“The Americans,” Sir Bussy informed the world, “don’t learn history in English public schools.”
No one regarded him.
“I have begun by sketching79 the frame of circumstance about our national life,” the Lord Paramount resumed, “because the small troubles of internal politics — and relatively80 they are very small — fall into place directly we recognize the fact that we are a militant people, that our empire is a mighty camp of training for the achievement of our enduring leadership. To this great struggle all our history is a crescendo81. When you tell me that we have a million unemployed82 I rejoice to think we have that much man power free at once for the great adventure. Before 1914 our industrial system had a margin83, a necessary margin of unemployment of about five to nine per cent. Now that margin has increased to eleven or twelve per cent.— I will not trouble about the exact figures. A large element of these unemployed come out of the coal-mining industry, which was abnormally inflated84 after the war. But our gross production has not diminished. Note that! What we are witnessing is a world-wide process, in which industry produces as much as ever, or more, but has so increased its efficiency that it calls for fewer hands. Clearly this so-called unemployment is really a release of energy. These people, in many cases young men, must be taken in hand and trained for other ends. The women can go into munitions. If only on account of unemployment, our great empire needs to take a gallant and aggressive line. What we have saved we must spend. We must not bury our talent in out-of-work sloth85. I am no Individualist, I am no Socialist86; these are phrases left over by the Nineteenth Century, and little meaning remains87 in them now. But I say, of him who does not work for his country, neither shall he eat in it, and that he who will not work generously must be made to work hard, and I say also that wealth that is not active and productive for our imperial ends needs to be called upon to justify88 itself. Wantoning in pleasure cities, lavish89 entertainments in huge hotels, jazz expenditure90, must cease. A special tax on champagne91. . . . Yes, a tax on champagne. It is poison for soul and body. No more night clubs for London. A censorship of suggestive plays and books. Criticism by honest police officials — worthy64, direct-minded men. Golf only for hygienic ends. Race meetings without special trains. Even the shooting and hunting restrained. Service! Everywhere Service. Duty Paramount. In High and Low alike. These things have been said already upon the slighter stage of Italy; it is for us to say them now, imperially, in tones of thunder, to the very ends of the earth.”
It seemed that he had done. In the appreciative92 silence that ensued, the noise of an elderly and edentate gentleman talking through a thick moustache, became evident. The speaker had been at the back of the cluster to the right of the Lord Paramount, but now he came forward in a state of agitated93 resolution, and grasping with his right hand the back of the chair in which Sir Bussy was sitting, crossed his legs and leaning forward at an almost perilous94 angle, he gesticulated in an oratical manner with his left. The noise he made rose and fell. Word was not separated from word, but now and then a cough snapped off a length of it. It was a sort of ectoplasmic speech. Very like ectoplasm. Ectoplasm?
Ectoplasm?
(For a moment the mind of the Lord Paramount was blurred95.)
This venerable figure was Lord Bylass of Brayne. At intervals96 it was possible to distinguish the submerged forms of such words and phrases as “tariff97” . . . “adequate protection” . . . “safeguarding” . . . “dumping” . . . “insensate foreign competition” . . . “colonial preference” . . . “an empire sufficient unto itself” . . . “capable, sir, of absorbing every willing worker in the country.”
For three or four minutes the Lord Paramount endured this interruption with patient dignity, and then he held up a hand to signify that he had heard sufficient for a reply.
“A state is a militant organization, and a militant organization that is healthy and complete must be militant through and through,” he began with that illuminating98 directness which had made him the leader and master of all these men. “Tariffs99, Lord Bylass, are now the normal everyday method of that same conflict for existence between states which is the substance of all history and which finds its highest, noblest expression in war. By means of tariffs, Lord Bylass, we protect our economic life from confusion with the economic life of other states, we ensure the integrity of our resources against the day of trial, we sustain our allies and attack the social balance and well-being100 of our enemies and competitors. Here in this council, free from eavesdroppers, we can ignore the pretence101 that tariffs are designed for the enrichment or security of the common citizen and that they, by themselves, can do anything to absorb unemployed workers. Forgive me, Lord Bylass, if I seem to contradict your arguments while accepting your conclusions. Tariffs do not enrich a country. They cannot do, they never have done, anything of the sort. That is a deception102, and I think a harmful deception, that the squalid necessities of that system of elective government we have so happily set aside have forced upon politicians. We can drop it here and now. Tariffs, like every other form of struggle, involve and require sacrifices. If they create employment in one trade by excluding or handicapping the foreign product, then manifestly they must destroy it in another which has hitherto exported goods in payment, direct or indirect, for the newly protected commodity. A tariff is a method of substituting an inconvenient103 production for a convenient one. In order to cause greater inconvenience elsewhere. The case for protection rests on grounds higher and nobler than considerations of material advantage or disadvantage. We must have tariffs and pay for tariffs, just as we must have armies and navies and pay for them. Why? Because they are the continuing intimation of our national integrity. Our guns and bombs explode only during the war phase, but a tariff sustains a perpetual friction104 and menace; it injures while we sleep. And I repeat, for it is the very essence of our faith, it is the cardinal105 belief of our League of Duty Paramount, that a sovereign state which boasts a history and unfurls a flag, must remain either a militant state through and through, pressing its rivals as hard as it can in every possible way, during peace time and wartime alike, or it must become a decadent106 and useless absurdity107 fit only to be swept into the cosmopolitan108 dustbin.”
The ringing voice ceased. Lord Bylass, who had resumed his perpendicular109 attitude during the reply of the Lord Paramount, said something either in the nature of approval, disapproval110, extension, or qualification of what had gone before, and after perhaps a dozen minor111 questions had been raised and compactly disposed of the Council settled down to the apportionment of the mighty tasks in hand. First one and then another would sketch his conception of cooperation, and often the Lord Paramount would say no more than “Do it” or “Wait” or “Raise that again in a week’s time” or “Not like that.” A few of the members for whom there seemed to be no immediate call withdrew to an ante-room to talk together over the tea, sherry, and lemonade served there. Some of the more restless spirits departed altogether. Among these was Sir Bussy Woodcock.
The mind of the Lord Paramount seemed to go after him and watch him and yet it knew what he would do.
He was to be seen standing pensive112 on the doorstep of No. 10 Downing Street, that doorstep which has been trodden by every famous man in British affairs for a couple of centuries, and looking with his mouth askew113 at the dense114 inexpressive crowd which blocked the opening into Whitehall. The police had formed a cordon115, and except for the chauffeurs116 of the waiting automobiles117 there were only a few pressmen, press photographers and obvious plain-clothes men standing about in the street itself. But beyond was that mysterious still congestion118 of the English people, almost cow-like in its collective regard, giving no intimations of its feelings, if indeed it had any feelings, towards this gallant new rule which had relieved it of any lingering illusions about self-government. It was an almost completely silent crowd, save for the yapping of the vendors119 of the Lord Paramount’s photographs. The afternoon was warm and overcast120 with gray clouds that seemed like everything else to be awaiting orders. The very policemen were lost in passive expectation. Everybody was accepting the Lord Paramount inertly121. Sir Bussy remained quite still for nearly a minute. “GAW,” he whispered at last and turned slowly towards the little gate to his right that led down the steps to the Horse Guards parade.
With his customary foresight122 he had sent his car round there, where the crowd was inconsiderable.
As he vanished through the gate a plain-clothes policeman with an affectation of nonchalance123 that would not have deceived a baby, detached himself from his fellows and strolled after him. BY ORDER!
In another twenty minutes the session was over and the Council was actively124 dispersing125.
Lanes were made in the crowd by the departing automobiles. Its more advantageously situated126 ranks were privileged to see, afar off, the Lord Paramount himself, accompanied by his little dark woman secretary and a tall, slender, devoted-looking man who was carrying a huge portfolio127, cross swiftly from No. 10 to the Foreign Office and vanish under its archway.
Towards seven the Lord Paramount reappeared and went in the big new Rolls–Royce he had purchased on behalf of the nation, to the War Office, and there he remained until long after midnight.
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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naval
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intermittently
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| adv.间歇地；断断续续 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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conspicuously
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| ad.明显地，惹人注目地 | |
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munitions
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| n.军火，弹药；v.供应…军需品 | |
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entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scions
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| n.接穗，幼枝( scion的名词复数 )；（尤指富家）子孙 | |
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militant
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| adj.激进的，好斗的；n.激进分子，斗士 | |
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disciple
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| n.信徒，门徒，追随者 | |
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hovered
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| 鸟( hover的过去式和过去分词 )； 靠近（某事物）； （人）徘徊； 犹豫 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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straightforward
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| adj.正直的，坦率的；易懂的，简单的 | |
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alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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explicitly
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| ad.明确地，显然地 | |
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batch
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| n.一批(组，群)；一批生产量 | |
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elucidatory
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lucid
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follies
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| 罪恶，时事讽刺剧； 愚蠢，蠢笨，愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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presumption
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devoted
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sanely
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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attentive
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sweeping
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instinctively
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cleave
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circumvent
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| vt.环绕，包围；对…用计取胜，智胜 | |
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lesser
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drawn
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fraught
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tragic
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| adj.悲剧的，悲剧性的，悲惨的 | |
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murmur
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admiration
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gathering
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| n.集会，聚会，聚集 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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51
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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52
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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53
negligent
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| adj.疏忽的；玩忽的；粗心大意的 | |
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54
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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55
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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56
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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57
sketch
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| n.草图；梗概；素描；v.素描；概述 | |
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58
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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59
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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60
humiliates
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| 使蒙羞，羞辱，使丢脸( humiliate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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61
valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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62
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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63
patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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64
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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65
negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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66
compensated
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| 补偿，报酬( compensate的过去式和过去分词 )； 给（某人）赔偿（或赔款） | |
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67
feud
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| n.长期不和；世仇；v.长期争斗；世代结仇 | |
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68
belligerent
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| adj.好战的，挑起战争的；n.交战国，交战者 | |
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69
repayments
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| 偿还，报答，偿付的钱物( repayment的名词复数 ) | |
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70
renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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71
confirmation
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| n.证实，确认，批准 | |
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72
intensification
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| n.激烈化，增强明暗度；加厚 | |
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73
secondly
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| adv.第二，其次 | |
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74
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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76
pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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77
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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78
intonation
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| n.语调，声调；发声 | |
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79
sketching
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| n.草图 | |
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80
relatively
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| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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81
crescendo
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| n.(音乐)渐强，高潮 | |
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82
unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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83
margin
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| n.页边空白；差额；余地，余裕；边，边缘 | |
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inflated
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| adj.（价格）飞涨的；（通货）膨胀的；言过其实的；充了气的v.使充气（于轮胎、气球等）( inflate的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）膨胀；（使）通货膨胀；物价上涨 | |
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85
sloth
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| n.[动]树懒；懒惰，懒散 | |
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86
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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87
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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88
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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89
lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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91
champagne
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| n.香槟酒；微黄色 | |
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92
appreciative
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| adj.有鉴赏力的，有眼力的；感激的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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perilous
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| adj.危险的，冒险的 | |
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blurred
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| v.（使）变模糊( blur的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）难以区分；模模糊糊；迷离 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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97
tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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98
illuminating
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| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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99
tariffs
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| 关税制度； 关税( tariff的名词复数 )； 关税表； （旅馆或饭店等的）收费表； 量刑标准 | |
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100
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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101
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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102
deception
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| n.欺骗，欺诈；骗局，诡计 | |
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103
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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104
friction
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| n.摩擦，摩擦力 | |
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105
cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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106
decadent
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| adj.颓废的，衰落的，堕落的 | |
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107
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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108
cosmopolitan
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| adj.世界性的，全世界的，四海为家的，全球的 | |
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109
perpendicular
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| adj.垂直的，直立的；n.垂直线，垂直的位置 | |
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disapproval
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| n.反对，不赞成 | |
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111
minor
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| adj.较小(少)的，较次要的；n.辅修学科；vi.辅修 | |
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112
pensive
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| a.沉思的,哀思的,忧沉的 | |
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113
askew
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| adv.斜地；adj.歪斜的 | |
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114
dense
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| a.密集的，稠密的，浓密的；密度大的 | |
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115
cordon
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| n.警戒线，哨兵线 | |
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116
chauffeurs
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| n.受雇于人的汽车司机( chauffeur的名词复数 ) | |
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117
automobiles
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| n.汽车( automobile的名词复数 ) | |
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118
congestion
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| n.阻塞，消化不良 | |
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119
vendors
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| n.摊贩( vendor的名词复数 )；小贩；（房屋等的）卖主；卖方 | |
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120
overcast
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| adj.阴天的，阴暗的，愁闷的；v.遮盖，（使）变暗，包边缝；n.覆盖，阴天 | |
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121
inertly
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| adv.不活泼地，无生气地 | |
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122
foresight
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| n.先见之明，深谋远虑 | |
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123
nonchalance
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| n.冷淡，漠不关心 | |
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124
actively
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| adv.积极地，勤奋地 | |
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125
dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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126
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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127
portfolio
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| n.公事包；文件夹；大臣及部长职位 | |
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