The results of the Lord Paramount1’s meteoric2 circlings in the European heavens would no doubt have become apparent in any event, very soon. But their development was forced on with a very maximum of swiftness by a series of incidents in Persia, Turkestan, Afghanistan, and along the northwest frontier of India.
For such a crisis the mind of the Lord Paramount was fully3 prepared. He could draw the map of central Asia from memory and tell you the distance between all the chief strategic points. Fact was only assisting his plans. For a century it had been evident to every sound student of history, under the Soviet4 rule just as plainly as under the Czar, that the whole welfare and happiness of Russia depended upon access to the sea. From the days of Peter the Great to those of the enlightened and penetrating5 Zinovieff, the tutors of the Russian intelligence had insisted upon the same idea. Dostoievsky had given it the quality of a mystical destiny. It was inconceivable to them that Russia could prosper6, flourish, and be happy without owning territories that would give her a broad, uninterrupted, exclusive outlet7 upon the Pacific, the Indian Ocean, and the Mediterranean8.
The school of British thought that had produced Mr. Parham was entirely9 of that opinion, and for an industrious10 century the statecraft of Britain had schemed, negotiated, and fought with the utmost devotion for the strangulation of Russia. The vast areas of Russia in Europe and Asia could not be productive and prosperous without serious injury to the people in Great Britain. That was axiomatic11. If Russia established herself upon the sea, Britain would be irrevocably injured. That there might be a way of trading the products and needs of that great territory in an entirely satisfactory manner without the conquest, assimilation, or stringent12 suppression of Turks, Persians, Armenians, Baluchis, Indians, Manchus, Chinese, and whoever else intervened, was equally preposterous13 to the realistic minds of Russia. It was one of those great questions of ascendancy14 out of which the shapes of history are woven.
Steadfastly15, automatically, these two great political systems had worked out the logical consequences of their antagonism16. The railway in central Asia had been and remained primarily, a weapon in this war. The Russians pushed up their strategic railways from Askabad and Merv and Bokhara; the British replied with corresponding lines. Teheran and Kabul festered with abominable17 Russian spies and propagandists, scoundrels of the deepest dye, and with the active and high-minded agents Britain employed against them.
With the coming of the aeroplane the tension had tightened18 exceedingly. Over Meshed19 and Herat buzzed the Russians and the British, like wasps20 who might at any time sting.
This was the situation with which the Lord Paramount had to deal. He meant to force a decision now while the new régime in Russia was still weak and comparatively unprepared. Although the anti-British propaganda of the Russians was extraordinarily21 effective —“anti-imperialist” they called it — there was every reason to believe that their military discipline, munitions22, and transport preparations in Uskub and Turkomania were still far below the Czarist level.
The crisis was precipitated23 by an opportune24 British aviator25 who nose-dived in flames into the bazaar26 at Kushk and killed and cooked several people as well as himself. A violent anti-British riot ensued. Bolshevik propaganda had trained these people for such excesses. A British flag was discovered and duly insulted, and shots were fired at two colleagues of the fallen airman who circled low to ascertain27 his fate.
The news, in an illuminated28 form, was at once communicated to the press of the world, and the Lord Paramount dictated29 a spirited communication to Moscow that followed the best precedents30 of Lord Curzon.
The Russian reply was impolite. It declared that British aeroplanes had no business over the Turkoman soviet republic. It reiterated31 charges of sustained hostility32 and malignity33 against the British government since the fall of the Kerensky regime. It enlarged upon the pacific intentions and acts of soviet Russia and the constant provocation34 to which it had been subjected. It refused point blank to make any apology or offer any compensation.
The Lord Paramount communicated this ungracious and insolent35 reply to the Powers, with an appeal for their sympathy. He announced at the same time that as a consequence of this culminating offence a state of war now existed between the United Soviet Republics and the British Empire. Neutral Powers would observe the customary restraints towards belligerents36.
Herat and Kandahar were promptly37 occupied by Russian and British troops respectively, as precautionary measures, and a powerful British air force, supporting a raid of friendly Kurds, took and sacked Meshed. Herat was bombed by the British simultaneously38 with the far less effective bombing of Kandahar by the Russians. Although only high explosives and incendiary bombs were used in both cases, the Afghan population of these two towns, oblivious39 to the gigantic urgencies of the situation, displayed the liveliest resentment40 against Britain. This was manifestly unfair. This was clearly the result of an unscrupulous propaganda. They might perhaps be allowed a certain resentment for Herat, but it was soviet bombs which burst in Kandahar.
The Lord Paramount had succeeded in doing what even Mr. Brimstone Burchell had failed to do. He had got his war with Russia — and Afghanistan thrown in.
The day following the declaration of hostilities41 the British and Japanese, acting42 in strict accordance with a secret agreement already concluded through the foresight43 of the Lord Paramount, proclaimed the Chinese Kuomintang as an ally of Russia, published documents alleged44 to have been stolen by trustworthy agents from Russian and Chinese representatives in proof of this statement, and announced the blockade of China. The Japanese also landed very considerable forces to protect the strategic points in the railway system of eastern China from anything that might threaten them.
The British people, always a little slow at the uptake, took a day or so to realize that another World War was beginning. At first the hostilities seemed to be all Asia away, and merely spectacular for the common man. The music halls were laughing rather cynically45 at this return to war, but in quite a patriotic46 and anti-Bolshevik key. It was a joke against peace talk, which has always been rather boring talk to the brighter sort of people. The Lord Protector considered it advisable to create a press control bureau to make it perfectly47 clear to the public what was to be thought and felt about the conflict. True, there was none of the swift patriotic response that had made England the envy of the world in 1914, but unemployment was rife48, and the recruiting figures were sufficiently49 satisfactory to preclude50 an immediate51 resort to conscription. Anti–Russian propaganda could be developed gradually, and enthusiasm could be fanned as it was required.
He issued a general order to commanding officers everywhere: “A cheerful activity is to be maintained. Everyone on the move briskly. Every flag flying and every band busy. This is to be a bright and hopeful war. A refreshing52 war.”
The instant fall in the numbers of the unemployed53 was featured conspicuously54 in all the papers.
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![收听单词发音](/template/default/tingnovel/images/play.gif)
1
paramount
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a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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2
meteoric
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adj.流星的,转瞬即逝的,突然的 | |
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3
fully
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adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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Soviet
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adj.苏联的,苏维埃的;n.苏维埃 | |
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5
penetrating
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adj.(声音)响亮的,尖锐的adj.(气味)刺激的adj.(思想)敏锐的,有洞察力的 | |
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6
prosper
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v.成功,兴隆,昌盛;使成功,使昌隆,繁荣 | |
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7
outlet
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n.出口/路;销路;批发商店;通风口;发泄 | |
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8
Mediterranean
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adj.地中海的;地中海沿岸的 | |
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9
entirely
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ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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10
industrious
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adj.勤劳的,刻苦的,奋发的 | |
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11
axiomatic
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adj.不需证明的,不言自明的 | |
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12
stringent
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adj.严厉的;令人信服的;银根紧的 | |
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13
preposterous
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adj.荒谬的,可笑的 | |
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14
ascendancy
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n.统治权,支配力量 | |
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15
steadfastly
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adv.踏实地,不变地;岿然;坚定不渝 | |
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16
antagonism
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n.对抗,敌对,对立 | |
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abominable
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adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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18
tightened
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收紧( tighten的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)变紧; (使)绷紧; 加紧 | |
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19
meshed
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有孔的,有孔眼的,啮合的 | |
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20
wasps
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黄蜂( wasp的名词复数 ); 胡蜂; 易动怒的人; 刻毒的人 | |
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21
extraordinarily
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adv.格外地;极端地 | |
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munitions
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n.军火,弹药;v.供应…军需品 | |
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23
precipitated
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v.(突如其来地)使发生( precipitate的过去式和过去分词 );促成;猛然摔下;使沉淀 | |
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24
opportune
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adj.合适的,适当的 | |
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25
aviator
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n.飞行家,飞行员 | |
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26
bazaar
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n.集市,商店集中区 | |
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27
ascertain
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vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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28
illuminated
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adj.被照明的;受启迪的 | |
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29
dictated
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v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 );口授;支配;摆布 | |
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precedents
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引用单元; 范例( precedent的名词复数 ); 先前出现的事例; 前例; 先例 | |
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31
reiterated
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反复地说,重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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32
hostility
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n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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33
malignity
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n.极度的恶意,恶毒;(病的)恶性 | |
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34
provocation
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n.激怒,刺激,挑拨,挑衅的事物,激怒的原因 | |
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35
insolent
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adj.傲慢的,无理的 | |
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36
belligerents
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n.交战的一方(指国家、集团或个人)( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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37
promptly
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adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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simultaneously
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adv.同时发生地,同时进行地 | |
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oblivious
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adj.易忘的,遗忘的,忘却的,健忘的 | |
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40
resentment
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n.怨愤,忿恨 | |
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41
hostilities
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n.战争;敌意(hostility的复数);敌对状态;战事 | |
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42
acting
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n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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43
foresight
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n.先见之明,深谋远虑 | |
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44
alleged
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a.被指控的,嫌疑的 | |
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45
cynically
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adv.爱嘲笑地,冷笑地 | |
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46
patriotic
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adj.爱国的,有爱国心的 | |
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47
perfectly
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adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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48
rife
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adj.(指坏事情)充斥的,流行的,普遍的 | |
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49
sufficiently
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adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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50
preclude
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vt.阻止,排除,防止;妨碍 | |
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51
immediate
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adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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52
refreshing
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adj.使精神振作的,使人清爽的,使人喜欢的 | |
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53
unemployed
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adj.失业的,没有工作的;未动用的,闲置的 | |
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54
conspicuously
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ad.明显地,惹人注目地 | |
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