The Great War of 1914–18 had not only been the greatest war in history, it had also been the greatest argument about war that had ever stormed through the human mind. The Fourteen Points of President Wilson, the vague, unjustifiable promises of Crewe House to a repentant1 Germany, had been more effective than any battle. And now this great war the Lord Paramount2 had launched was taking on the same quality of an immense and uncontrollable argument.
In the long run man will be lost or saved by argument, for collective human acts are little more than arguments in partial realization3.
And now that strange mixture of forward-reaching imagination, hardy4 enterprise, exalted5 aims, and apparently6 inseparable cynicism which makes the American character a wonder and perplexity for the rest of mankind was to become the central reality of the Lord Paramount’s mind.
The argument was given definite form by an entirely7 characteristic American action on the part of the President. He issued a declaration, which was to be known in history as the Declaration of Washington, in which, illogically enough since his country was at war, he proposed to decline any further fighting. America, he said, was not too proud but too sane8 to continue the conflict. He did not add, the Lord Paramount remarked, as he might have done, that the Battle of the North Atlantic had left her quite incapable9 for a time of any further effective intervention10 in Europe or Asia. Everything she had left she needed to watch Japan. But that factor in the question the President ignored — shamelessly. And he said things fellows like Hamp or Camelford or Atterbury might have said. He said things Sir Bussy would have cheered. He was the first head of a state to come out definitely on the side of the forces that are undermining and repudiating11 history.
This declaration of inaction, this abandonment of militant12 nationalism flew like an arrow athwart the Atlantic into the hands and into the mental storm of the Lord Paramount. The document presented itself a hasty duplicate from some transmitting machine, in smudged purple lettering, and he paced his bureau with it in his hand and read it aloud to his always faithful listener. An inner necessity obliged him to read it aloud, distasteful though it was in every line. This great denial was worded with that elaborate simplicity13, that stiffly pompous14 austerity, which has long been the distinctive15 style of American public utterances16.
“‘There has arisen suddenly out of the momentary17 failure of one young airman’s skill in Persia a great and terrible crisis in the affairs of the world. With an incredible rapidity the larger part of mankind has fallen again into warfare18. The material of warfare stood ready to explode, and there was no other means sufficiently19 available to avert20 this collapse21. All over our planet, beyond every precedent22, men are now slaying23 and destroying. These United States have not been able to remain aloof24. Already our battleships have fought and thousands of our sons have been killed, and were it not for the ingrained sanity25 upon our northern and southern boundaries, all this continent also would be aflame.
“‘Yet the fortunate position of our territories and our practical community of ideas with the great dominion26 to the north of us still holds us aloof from the extremer carnage. That and the naval27 strength that still remains28 to us, suffice to keep our homeland untouched by the daily and nightly horrors that now threaten civilian29 life in all the crowded cities of Europe and Asia. Our share in this work of devastation30, as far as we are disposed to take a share, depends upon our willingness to attack. So far we have attacked and will attack only to stay the hand of the destroyer. It is still possible for the people of the American communities, almost alone now among all the communities of the world, to sleep soundly of nights, to spend days untroubled by the immediate31 sounds and spectacle of battle, to think and exchange thought with deliberation, and to consider the rights and possibilities of this tragic32 explosion of human evil. It is our privilege and our duty now to sit in judgment33 upon this frightful34 spectacle as no other people in the world can do.
“‘It would be easy — indeed, for some of us Americans it has already been too easy — to find in our present relative advantage the recognition of peculiar35 virtues36, the reward of distinctive wisdom. I will not lend myself to any such unctuous38 patriotism39. It is for the historians of a coming day to apportion40 the praise and blame among the actors in this world catastrophe41. Perhaps no actors are guilty; perhaps they are impelled42 by forces greater than themselves to fulfil the r?les prepared for them; perhaps it is not men and nations but ideas and cultures that we should arraign43. What matters now is that justly or unjustly we Americans have been favoured by fortune and granted unequalled privileges. We can serve the world now as no other people can do. In serving the world, we shall also serve ourselves. Upon us, if upon any people, has been bestowed44, for the second and supreme45 occasion, the power of decision between world peace or world destruction.
“‘Let us, in no spirit of boasting or nationalistic pride, but with thankfulness and humility46, consider the peculiar nature of these United States. In their political nature they are unlike anything that has ever existed before. They are not sovereign states as sovereign states are understood in any other part of the world. They were sovereign states, but they have ceded47 to a common federal government that much of their freedom that might have led to warfare. Not without dire48 distress49 and passion and bloodshed did our forefathers50 work out this continental51 peace. The practical and intellectual difficulties were very great. It was hard to determine what was of local and what of general concern. To this day many points remain debatable. On the issue whether our labour should be here bound and here free, we spilt the lives of a generation. We learnt that we must make all labour free forever if progress was to continue. Not always have we been wise and noble in our career. Much that we have learnt we have learnt in suffering and through error. Nevertheless, our huge community, year by year and generation by generation, since its liberty was won, has been feeling its way towards the conception of an enduring and universal peace, has been seeking by pacts53 and propaganda some way of organizing a permanent peace in the world. It has become our tradition so far as we can be said to have a tradition. No other great mass of human beings has ever had so clear and active a peace disposition54 as our consolidated55 peoples. To us warfare has become a thing unnecessary and horrible, as intolerable as many another harsh and frightful custom, horrible and unpardonable now as human sacrifice and as that holocaust56 of victims at a chieftain’s burial which once seemed integral to social life. We know, and have gone far to realize in fact, that the life of all human beings can be fearless and free.
“‘And if we have gone cautiously in our search for peace, avoiding above all things any entangling57 alliances with Powers organized on the militant pattern of the past, that separateness has not been because we, unmindful of our common humanity, were disposed to a selfish and sluggish58 isolation59 from the less happily circumstanced states of the Old World. It is rather because from our beginning and through the great wisdom of our chief founder60 Washington, we have been aware of the immense dangers that lurk61 in so mighty62 a proposition, so intricate and gigantic a project as world organization. It has been our steadfast63 determination that our na?ve and ever-increasing strength should not be tricked into the service of Old World hates and Old World ambitions. From the utterances of President Wilson, through notes and memoranda64 and messages and conferences, to the days of the Kellogg Pact52, the voice of America has been plainly for peace on earth and goodwill65 between all kinds of men.
“‘In the past twelve years we have experienced much, seen much, thought and discussed abundantly, and it becomes clearer and clearer in our minds, it is a matter now of common remark and agreement, that we must regard all states and governments of today merely as the trustees and temporary holders66 of power for that universal conciliation67 and rule to which all things are tending. Here, as the elected head of your federal government, I can say plainly that no man on earth whatever owes more than a provisional allegiance to the rulers he may find above him, and that his profounder, his fundamental loyalty68, is to no flag or nation, but to mankind. I say this of our constitution and of our flag as of all other flags and constitutions. The frightful suffering, bloodshed, and destruction of this present moment call to every man to turn his mind and hopes towards that federal government of the world whose creation, steadfastly69 and speedily, is now the urgent task before our race. Such rulers and ministers as fail to subserve this coalescence70 now are, we declare, no less than traitors72 to their human blood, the traitor71 slaves of dead imaginations and superannuated73 organizations.
“‘And so we, the government and people of the United States, stand out of this warfare just as completely as it is possible for us to stand out of it, armed and watchful74, seeking some form of intervention that will bring it to an end. We issue our invitations to all such powers as remain still hesitating and neutral in this confusion of hates, to gather in conference, a conference not simply now for treaties, promises, and declarations, but for the establishment forthwith of united activities and unified75 controls, that shall never cease from operation henceforth. And we appeal not only to sovereign states to realize this conception of which our people has become the guardian76 and exponent77; we appeal to every free-minded individual man and woman in the world. We say to all and sundry78, “Stand out of this warfare. Refuse to be belligerent79. Withdraw your services, withdraw your resources.” We are honest and loyal in our endeavour, we are acting80 upon the accumulated resolve of a century and a half, and we call to you for a loyalty transcending81 flag or country. So far as we of these states can assist and support your action, without intensifying82 the bitterness of conflict, we will. Restrain your rulers. Give yourselves now to that possible Empire of Peace, in which we and you and all the life that stirs upon this planet may cooperate together.’”
The reader paused.
He took a deep breath, made three paces to the window, and turned. He held out the paper and patted it. “There it is,” he said. “It was bound to come. There it is, plain and clear — the bolt that has been gathering83 force and weight — the moral attack.”
He paced. “Propaganda with a vengeance84. An attack on our morale85 more deadly than a thousand aeroplanes.”
He stopped short. “Was there ever such hypocrisy86?” he demanded.
“Never,” said Mrs. Pinchot stoutly87. “It’s revolting.”
“They pressed us with their fleet-building. They bullied88 and quarrelled when we were only too ready for acquiescent89 action. They Shylocked Europe. And then all this humanitarian90 virtue37!”
Something seemed to twist round in the mind of the Lord Paramount, something that twisted round and struck at his heart. He could not maintain his indignant pose. This Presidential address suddenly allied91 itself with things that had lain dormant92 in his mind for weeks, things he associated with men like Camelford (and, by the bye, where on earth was Camelford?) and Sir Bussy. He stopped short in his pacing, with the typed copy of the address, held by one corner, dangling93 from his fingers.
“Suppose,” said the Lord Paramount, “it is not hypocrisy! Suppose he really means the things he has said here! In spite of his patriots94.”
He stared at Mrs. Pinchot, and she was staring back at him.
“But how can he mean things that don’t mean anything?” She stuck to it loyally.
“But they DO mean something. They DO mean something. Even if they don’t mean it straight. Suppose this is humbug95. I believe this is humbug. But humbug does not pretend to be something unless it pays to do so. There must be something to which it appeals. What is that something? What is that shapeless drive? Such history as I have ever taught or studied. A world without flags or nations. A sordid96 universal peace. The end of history. It’s in the air; it’s in the age. It is what Heaven has sent me to dispute and defeat. A delusion97. A dream. . . .”
“Where am I?” said the Lord Paramount and passed his hand across his brow. “Who am I? . . . A delusion and a dream? One or other is a delusion — this new world or mine?”
1 repentant | |
adj.对…感到悔恨的 | |
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2 paramount | |
a.最重要的,最高权力的 | |
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3 realization | |
n.实现;认识到,深刻了解 | |
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4 hardy | |
adj.勇敢的,果断的,吃苦的;耐寒的 | |
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5 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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6 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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7 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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8 sane | |
adj.心智健全的,神志清醒的,明智的,稳健的 | |
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9 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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10 intervention | |
n.介入,干涉,干预 | |
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11 repudiating | |
v.(正式地)否认( repudiate的现在分词 );拒绝接受;拒绝与…往来;拒不履行(法律义务) | |
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12 militant | |
adj.激进的,好斗的;n.激进分子,斗士 | |
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13 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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14 pompous | |
adj.傲慢的,自大的;夸大的;豪华的 | |
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15 distinctive | |
adj.特别的,有特色的,与众不同的 | |
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16 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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17 momentary | |
adj.片刻的,瞬息的;短暂的 | |
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18 warfare | |
n.战争(状态);斗争;冲突 | |
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19 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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20 avert | |
v.防止,避免;转移(目光、注意力等) | |
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21 collapse | |
vi.累倒;昏倒;倒塌;塌陷 | |
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22 precedent | |
n.先例,前例;惯例;adj.在前的,在先的 | |
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23 slaying | |
杀戮。 | |
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24 aloof | |
adj.远离的;冷淡的,漠不关心的 | |
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25 sanity | |
n.心智健全,神智正常,判断正确 | |
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26 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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27 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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28 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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29 civilian | |
adj.平民的,民用的,民众的 | |
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30 devastation | |
n.毁坏;荒废;极度震惊或悲伤 | |
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31 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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32 tragic | |
adj.悲剧的,悲剧性的,悲惨的 | |
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33 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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34 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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35 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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36 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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37 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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38 unctuous | |
adj.油腔滑调的,大胆的 | |
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39 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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40 apportion | |
vt.(按比例或计划)分配 | |
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41 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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42 impelled | |
v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43 arraign | |
v.提讯;控告 | |
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44 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45 supreme | |
adj.极度的,最重要的;至高的,最高的 | |
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46 humility | |
n.谦逊,谦恭 | |
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47 ceded | |
v.让给,割让,放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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48 dire | |
adj.可怕的,悲惨的,阴惨的,极端的 | |
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49 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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50 forefathers | |
n.祖先,先人;祖先,祖宗( forefather的名词复数 );列祖列宗;前人 | |
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51 continental | |
adj.大陆的,大陆性的,欧洲大陆的 | |
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52 pact | |
n.合同,条约,公约,协定 | |
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53 pacts | |
条约( pact的名词复数 ); 协定; 公约 | |
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54 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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55 consolidated | |
a.联合的 | |
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56 holocaust | |
n.大破坏;大屠杀 | |
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57 entangling | |
v.使某人(某物/自己)缠绕,纠缠于(某物中),使某人(自己)陷入(困难或复杂的环境中)( entangle的现在分词 ) | |
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58 sluggish | |
adj.懒惰的,迟钝的,无精打采的 | |
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59 isolation | |
n.隔离,孤立,分解,分离 | |
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60 Founder | |
n.创始者,缔造者 | |
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61 lurk | |
n.潜伏,潜行;v.潜藏,潜伏,埋伏 | |
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62 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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63 steadfast | |
adj.固定的,不变的,不动摇的;忠实的;坚贞不移的 | |
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64 memoranda | |
n. 备忘录, 便条 名词memorandum的复数形式 | |
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65 goodwill | |
n.善意,亲善,信誉,声誉 | |
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66 holders | |
支持物( holder的名词复数 ); 持有者; (支票等)持有人; 支托(或握持)…之物 | |
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67 conciliation | |
n.调解,调停 | |
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68 loyalty | |
n.忠诚,忠心 | |
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69 steadfastly | |
adv.踏实地,不变地;岿然;坚定不渝 | |
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70 coalescence | |
n.合并,联合 | |
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71 traitor | |
n.叛徒,卖国贼 | |
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72 traitors | |
卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 ); 叛徒; 背叛者; 背信弃义的人 | |
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73 superannuated | |
adj.老朽的,退休的;v.因落后于时代而废除,勒令退学 | |
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74 watchful | |
adj.注意的,警惕的 | |
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75 unified | |
(unify 的过去式和过去分词); 统一的; 统一标准的; 一元化的 | |
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76 guardian | |
n.监护人;守卫者,保护者 | |
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77 exponent | |
n.倡导者,拥护者;代表人物;指数,幂 | |
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78 sundry | |
adj.各式各样的,种种的 | |
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79 belligerent | |
adj.好战的,挑起战争的;n.交战国,交战者 | |
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80 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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81 transcending | |
超出或超越(经验、信念、描写能力等)的范围( transcend的现在分词 ); 优于或胜过… | |
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82 intensifying | |
v.(使)增强, (使)加剧( intensify的现在分词 );增辉 | |
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83 gathering | |
n.集会,聚会,聚集 | |
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84 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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85 morale | |
n.道德准则,士气,斗志 | |
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86 hypocrisy | |
n.伪善,虚伪 | |
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87 stoutly | |
adv.牢固地,粗壮的 | |
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88 bullied | |
adj.被欺负了v.恐吓,威逼( bully的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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89 acquiescent | |
adj.默许的,默认的 | |
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90 humanitarian | |
n.人道主义者,博爱者,基督凡人论者 | |
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91 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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92 dormant | |
adj.暂停活动的;休眠的;潜伏的 | |
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93 dangling | |
悬吊着( dangle的现在分词 ); 摆动不定; 用某事物诱惑…; 吊胃口 | |
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94 patriots | |
爱国者,爱国主义者( patriot的名词复数 ) | |
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95 humbug | |
n.花招,谎话,欺骗 | |
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96 sordid | |
adj.肮脏的,不干净的,卑鄙的,暗淡的 | |
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97 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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