This novel was written at a time when circumstances did not place within my reach the stores of a library tolerably rich in historical works, and especially the memoirs1 of the middle ages, amidst which I had been accustomed to pursue the composition of my fictitious2. Thus narratives4. In other words, it was chiefly the work of leisure hours in Edinburgh, not of quiet mornings in the country. In consequence of trusting to a memory, strongly tenacious5 certainly, but not less capricious in its efforts, I have to confess on this occasion more violations7 of accuracy in historical details, than can perhaps be alleged8 against others of my novels. In truth, often as I have been complimented on the strength of my memory, I have through life been entitled to adopt old Beattie of Meikledale’s answer to his parish minister when eulogizing him with respect to the same faculty9. “No, doctor,” said the honest border laird, “I have no command of my memory; it only retains what happens to hit my fancy, and like enough, sir, if you were to preach to me for a couple of hours on end, I might be unable at the close of the discourse10 to remember one word of it.” Perhaps there are few men whose memory serves them with equal fidelity11 as to many different classes of subjects; but I am sorry to say, that while mine has rarely failed me as to any snatch of verse or trait of character that had once interested my fancy, it has generally been a frail12 support, not only as to names, and dates, and other minute technicalities of history, but as to many more important things.
I hope this apology will suffice for one mistake which has been pointed13 out to me by the descendant of one of the persons introduced in this story, and who complains with reason that I have made a peasant deputy of the ancestor of a distinguished14 and noble family, none of whom ever declined from the high rank, to which, as far as my pen trenched on it, I now beg leave to restore them. The name of the person who figures as deputy of Soleure in these pages, was always, it seems, as it is now, that of a patrician15 house. I am reminded by the same correspondent of another slip, probably of less consequence. The Emperor of the days my novel refers to, though the representative of that Leopold who fell in the great battle of Sempach, never set up any pretensions16 against the liberties of the gallant17 Swiss, but on the contrary, treated with uniform prudence18 and forbearance such of that nation as had established their independence, and with wise, as well as generous kindness, others who still continued to acknowledge fealty19 to the imperial crown. Errors of this sort, however trivial, ought never, in my opinion, to be pointed out to an author, without meeting with a candid20 and respectful acknowledgement.
With regard to a general subiect of great curiosity and interest, in the eyes at least of all antiquarian students, upon which I have touched at some length in this narrative3, I mean the Vehmic tribunals of Westphalia, a name so awful in men’s ears during many centuries, and which, through the genius of Goethe, has again been revived in public fancy with a full share of its ancient terrors, I am bound to state my opinion, that a wholly new and most im portant light has been thrown upon this matter since Anne of Geierstein first appeared; by the elaborate researches of my ingenious friend; Mr. Francis Palgrave,1 whose proof sheets, containing the passages I allude21 to, have been kindly22 forwarded to me, and whose complete work will be before the public ere this Introduction can pass through the press.
“In Germany,” says this very learned writer, “there existed a singular jurisdiction23, which claimed a direct descent from the Pagan policy and mystic ritual of the earliest Teutons.
“We learn from the historians of Saxony, that the ‘Frey Feld gericht,’ or Free Field Court of Corbey, was, in Pagan times, under the supremacy24 of the Priests of the Eresburgh, the Temple which contained the Irminsule, or pillar of Irmin. After the conversion25 of the people, the possessions of the temple were conferred by Louis the Pious26 upon the Abbey which arose upon its site. The court was composed of sixteen persons, who held their offices for lift. The senior member presided as the Gerefa or Graff; the junior performed the humbler duties of ‘ Frohner,’ or summoner; the remaining fourteen acted as the Echevins, and by them all judgments28 were pronounced or declared; When any one of these died, a new member was elected by the Priests, from amongst the twenty two septs or families inhabiting the Gau or district, and who included all the hereditary30 occupants of the soil. Afterwards, the selection was made by the Monks31, but always with the assent32 of the Graff and of the ‘Frohner.’
“The seat of judgment29, the King’s seat, or ‘Konigs-stuhl’ was always established on the greensward; and we collect from the context, that the tribunal was also raised or appointed in the Common fields of the Gau, for the purpose of deciding disputes relating to the land within its precinct. Such a ‘King’s seat’ was a plot sixteen feet in length, and sixteen feet in breadth’ and when the ground was first consecrated33; the Frohner dug a grave in the centre, into which each of the Free Echevins threw a handful of ashes, a coal, and a tile. If any doubt arose whether a place of judgment had been duly hallowed; the judges sought for the tokens. If they were not found; then all the judgments which had been given became null and void. It was also of the very essence of the Court that it should be held beneath the sky, and by the light of the sun. All the ancient Teutonic judicial34 assemblies were held in the open air; but some relies of solar worship may, perhaps, be traced in the usage and in the language of this tribunal The forms adopted in the Free Field Court also betray a singular affinity35 to the doctrines36 of the British Bards37 respecting their Gorseddau, or Conventions, which were always held in the open air, in the eye of the light, and in face of the sun. 2
When a criminal was to be judged; or a cause to be decided38; the Graff and the Free Echevins assembled around the ‘Konig - stuhl;’ and the ‘Frohner,’ having proclaimed silence, opened the proceedings39 by reciting the following rhymes; —
"Sir Graff, with permission,
?I beg you to say,
According to law, and without delay,
?With your good grace,
Upon the King’s seat this seat may place.
“To this address the Graff replied:
"While the sun shines with even light
Upon Masters and Knaves43, I shall declare
The law of might, according to right.
Place the King’s seat true and square;
Let even measure, for justice’ sake,
Be given in sight of God and man,
That the plaintiff his compliant44 may make,
And the defendant45 answer, — if he can.
“In conformity46 to this permission, the ‘Frohner’ placed the seat of judgment in the midst of the plot, and then he spake for the second time:
"Sir Graff Master brave,
I remind you of your honor, here,
And moreover that I am your Knave;
Tell me, therefore, for law sincere,
If these mete47-wands are even and sure,
Fit for the rich and fit for the poor,
Both to measure land and condition;
Tell me as you would eschew48 perdition.
And so speaking; he laid the mete-wand on the ground. The Graff then bcgan to try the measure, by placing his right foot against the wand; and he was followed by the other Free Echevins in rank and order, according to seniority. The length of the mete-wand being thus proved; the Frohner spake for the third time:
"Sir Graff, I ask by permission,
If I with your mete-wand may mete
Openly, and without displeasure,
Here the king’s free judgment seat.
“And the Graif replied..
"I permit right,
And I forbid wrong,
Under the pains and penalties
That to the old known laws belong.
“Now was the time of measuring the mystic plot; it was measured by the mete-wand along and athwart, and when the dimensions were found to be true, the Graff placed himself in the seat of judgment, and gave the charge to the assembled Free Echevms, warning them to pronounce judgment, according to right and justice.
"On this day, with common consent,
And under the clear firmament49,
A free field court is established here,
In the open eye of day;
Enter soberly, ye who may.
The seat in its place is pight,
The mete-wand is found to be right;
Declare your judgments without delay.
And let the doom50 be truly given,
Whilst yet the Sun shines bright in heaven.
“Judgment was given by the Free Echevins according to plurality of voices.”
After observing that the Author of Anne of Geierstein had; by what he calls a “very excusable poetical51 license,” transferred something of these judicial rhymes from the Free Field Court of the Abbey of Corbey to the Free Vehmic Tribunals of Westphalia, Mr. Palgrave proceeds to correct many vulgar errors, in which the novel he remarks on no doubt had shared; with respect to the actual constitution of those last-named courts. “The protocols52 of their proceedings,” he says, “do not altogether realize the popular idea of their terrors and tyranny.” It may be allowed to me to question whether the mere53 protocols of such tribunals are quite enough to annul54 all the import of tradition respecting them; but in the following details there is no doubt much that will instruct the antiquarian, as well as amuse the popular reader.
The Court,” says Mr. Palgrave, “was held with known and notorious publicity55 beneath the ‘eye of light;’ and the sentences, though speedy and severe, were founded upon a regular system of established jurisprudence, not so strange, even to England, as it may at first sight appear.
Westphalia, according to its ancient constitution, was divided into districts called ‘Freygraffschafften,’ each of which usually contained one, and sometimes many, Vehmic tribunals, whose boundaries were accurately56 defined. The right of the Stuhlherr,’ or Lord, was of a feudal57 nature, and culd be transferred by the ordinary modes of alienation58; and if the Lord did not chose to act in his own person, he nominated a ‘Freigraff’ to execute the office in his stead. The court itself was composed of Frey-schoppfen,’ Scabini or Echevins, nominated by the Graff, and who were divided into two classes: the ordinary, and the ‘Wissenden’ or ‘Witan,’ who were admitted under a strict and singular bond of secrecy59.
The initiation60 of these, the participators in all the mysteries of the tribunal, could only take place upon the ‘red earth,” or within the limits of the ancient Duchy of Westphalia. Bareheaded and ungirt, the candidate is conducted before the dread61 tribunal, He is interrogated62 as to his qualifications, or rather as to the absence of any disqualification. He must be freeborn, a Teuton, and clear of any accusation63 cognizable by the tribunal of which he is to become a member. — If the answers are satisfactory, he then takes the oath, swearing by the Holy Law that he will conceal64 the secrets of the Holy Vehme from wife and child — from father and mother — from sister and brother — from fire and water from every creature upon which the sun shines, or upon which the rain, falls from every being between earth and heaven.
“Another clause relates to his active duties. He further swears, that he will I say forth65 ‘ to the tribunal all crimes or offences which fall beneath the secret ban of the Emperor, which he knows to be true, or which he has heard from trustworthy report; and that he will not forbear to do so, for love nor for loathing66, for gold nor for silver nor precious stones. — This oath being imposed upon him, the new Freischodff was then intrusted with the secrets of the Vehmic tribunal. He received the password by which he was to know his fellows, and the grip or sign by which they recognized each other in silence; and he was warned of the terrible punishment awaiting the perjured67 brother. — if he discloses the secrets of the Court he is to expect that he will be suddenly seized by the ministers of vengeance68. Ths eyes are bound, he is cast down on the soil his tongue is torn out though the back of his neck — and he is then to be hanged seven times higher than any other criminal. And whether restrained by the fear of punishment or by the stronger ties of mystery, no instance was ever known of any violation6 of the secrets of the tribunal.
“Thus connected by an invisible bond, the members of the ‘Holy Vehme’ became extremely numerous. In the fourteenth century, the league contained upwards69 of one hundred thousand members. Persons of every rank sought to be associated to this powerful community, and to participate in the immunities70 which the brethren possessed71. Princes were eager to allow their ministers to become the members of this mysterious and holy alliance; and the cities of the Empire were equally anxious to enrol72 their magistrates73 in the Vehmic union.
The supreme74 government of the Vehmic tribunals was vested in the great or General Chapter, composed of the Freegraves and all the other initiated75 members, high and low. Over this assembly the Emperor might preside in person, but more usually by his deputy, the Stadtholder of the ancient Duchy of Westphalia; an once which, after the fall of Henry the Lion, Duke of Brunswick, was annexed76 to the Archbishopric of Cologne.
“Before the general Chapter all the members were liable to account for their acts. And it appears that the ‘Freegraves’ reported the proceedings which had taken place within their jurisdictions77 in the course of the year. Unworthy members were expelled, or sustained a severe punishment. Statutes78, or ‘Reformations,’ as they were called, were here enacted79 for the regulation of the Courts, and the amendment80 of any abuses; and new and unforeseen cases, for which the existing laws did not provide a remedy, received their determination in the Vehmic Parliament.
“As the Echevins were of two classes, uninitiated and initiated, so the Vehmic Courts had also a twofold character: she ‘Ofenbare Ding’ was an Open Court or Folkmoot but the ‘Heissliche Acht’ was the far-famed Secret Tribunal.
The first was held three times in each year. According to the ancient Teutonic usage, it usually assembled on Tuesday, anciently called, ‘Dingstag,” or court-day, as well as ‘Dienstag,’ or serving-day, the first open or working-day, after the two great weekly festivals of Sun-day and Moon-day. Here all the householders of the district whether free or bond, attended as suitors. The ‘Offenbare Ding’ exercised a civil jurisdiction: and in this Folkmoot appeared any complainant or appellant who sought to obtain the aid of the Vehmic tribunal in those cases when it did not possess that summary jurisdiction from which it has obtained suck fearful celebrity81. Here also the suitors ofthe district made presentments or ‘wroge,’ as they are termed, of any offences consmitted within their knowledge, and which were to be punished by the Graff and Echevins.
The criminal jurisdiction of the Vebmie Tribunal took the widest range. The ‘Vehme’ could punish mere slander82 and contumely. Any violation of the Ten Commandments was to be restrained by the Echevins. Secret crimes, not to be proved by the ordinary testimony83 of witnesses, such as magic, witch-craft, and poison, were particularly to be restrained by the Vehmic Judges; and they sometimes designated their jurisdiction as comprehending every offence against the honor of man or the precepts84 of religion. Such a definition, if definition it can be called, evidently allowed them to bring every action of which an individual might complain within the scope of their tribunals. The forcible usurpation85 of land became an offence against the ‘ Vehme.’ And if the property of an humble27 individual was occupied by the proud Burghers of the Hanse, the power of the Defendants86 might aford a reasonable excuse for the interference of the Vehmic power.
“The Eckevins, as Conservators of the Ban of the Empire, were bound to make constant circuits within their districts, by night and by day. If they could apprehend87 a thief, a murderer, or the perpetrator of any ether heinous88 crime, in possession of the ‘mainour,’ or in the very act — or if his own mouth confessed the deed, they hung him upon the next tree. But to render this execution legal the following requisites89 were necessary: — Fresh suit, or the apprehension90 and execution of the offender91 before daybreak or nightfall; the visible evidence of the crime; and lastly, that three Echevins, at least, should seize the offender, testify against him, and judge of the recent deed.
“If without any certain accuser, and without the indication of crime, an individual was strongly and vehemently93 suspected; or when the nature of the offence was such as that its proof could only rest upon opinion and presumption94, the offender then became subject to what the German jurists term the inquisitorial proceeding40; it became the duty of the Echevin to denounce the ‘Leumund,’ or manifest evil fame, to the secret tribunal. if the Echevins and the Freygraff were satisfied with the presentment, either from their own knowledge, or from the information of their compeer, the offender was said to be ‘verfambt’ — his life was forfeited95; and wherever he was found by the brethren of the tribunal, they executed him without the slightest delay or mercy. An offender who had escaped from the Echevins was liable to the same punishment; and such, also, was the doom of the party who, after having been summoned pursuant ta an appeal preferred in open court, made default in appearing. But one of the ‘Wissenden’ was in no respect liable to the summary process, or to the inquisitonal proceeding, unless he had revealed the secrets of the Court. He was presumed to be a true man; and if accused upon vehement92 suspicion, or ‘Leumund,’ the same presumption or evil repute which was fatal to the uninitiated, might be entirely96 rebutted97 by the compurgatory oath of the free Echevin. If a party, accused by appeal did not shun98 investigation99, he appeared in the open court, and defended himself according to the ordinary rules of law. If he absconded100, or if the evidence or presumptions101 were against him, the accusation then came before the judges of the Secret Court, who pronounced the doom. The accusatorial process, as it was termed, was also, in many cases, brought in the first instance before the ‘Heimliche Acht.’ Proceeding upon the examination of witnesses, it possessed no peculiar102 character, and its forms were those of the ordinary courts of justice. It was only in this manner that one of the ‘Wissenden,’ or ‘Witan’, could be tried; and the privilege of being exempted103 from the summary process, or from the effects of the ‘Leumund,’ appears to have been one of the reasons which induced so many of those who did not tread the ‘red earth’ to seek to be included in the Vehmic bond.
There was no mystery in the assembly of the Heimliche Acht. Under the oak, or under the lime-tree, the Judges assembled in broad daylight, and before the eye of heaven; but the tribunal derived104 its name from the precautions which were taken for the purpose of preventing any disclosure of its proceedings which might enable the offender to escape the vengeance of the Vehme. Hence the fearful oath of secrecy which bound the Echevins. And if any stranger was found prescut in the Court, the unlucky intruder instantly forfeited his life as a punishment of his temerity105. If the presentment or denunciation did chance to become known to the offender, the law allowed him a right to appeal. But the permission was of very little utility, it was a profitless boon106, for the Vehmic Judges always labored107 to conceal the judgment from the hapless criminal who seldom was aware of his sentence until his neck was encircled by the halter.
“Charlemagne, according to the traditions of Vestphalia, was the founder108 of the Vehmic tribunal; and it was supposed that he instituted the Court for the purpose of coercing109 the Saxons, ever ready to relapse into the idolatry from which they had been reclaimed110, not by persuasion111, hut by the sword. This opinion, however, is not confirmed either by documentary evidence or by contemporary historians. And if we examine the proceedings of the Vehmic tribunal, we shall see that, in principle, it differs in no essential character from the summary jurisdiction exercised in the townships and hundreds of Anglo-Saxon England. Amongst us, the thief or the robber was equally liable to summary punishment, if apprehended112 by the men of the township: and the same rules disqualified them from proceeding to summary execution. An English outlaw113 was exactly in the situation of him who had escaped from the hands of the Echevins, or who had failed to appear before the Vehmic Court — he was condemned114 unheard, nor was he confronted with his accusers. The inquisitional proceedings, as they are termed by the German jurists, are identical with our ancient presentments. Presumptions are substituted for proofs, and general opinion holds the place of a responsible accuser. He who was untrue to all the people in the Saxon age, or liable to the malcredence of the inquest at a subsequent period, was scarcely more fortunate than he who was branded as ‘Leumund’ by the Vehmic law.
“In cases of open delict and of outlawry115, there was substantially no defference whatever between the English and the Vehmic proceedings. But in the inquisitorial process, the delinquent116 was allowed, according to our older code, to run the risk of the ordeal117. He was accused by or before the Hundred, or the Thanes of the Wapentake; and his own oath cleared him, if a true man: but he ‘bore the iron’ if unable to avail himself of the credit derived fame a good and fair reputation. The same course may have been originalty adopted in Westphalia: for the ‘Wissend,’ when accused, could exculpate118 himself by his compurgatory oath, being presumed to be of good fame; and it is therefore probable that an uninitiated offender, standing119 a stage lower in character and credibility, was allowed the last resort of the ordeal. But when the Judgment of God, was abolished by the decrees of the Church, it did not occur to the Vehmic Judges to put the offender upon his second trial by the visne, which now forms the distinguishing characteristic of the English law, and he was at once considered as condemned. The Heimliche Acht is a presentment not traversable by the offender.
“The Vehmic Tribunals can only be considered as the original jurisdictions of the ‘Old Saxons,’ which survived the subjugation120 of their country. The singular and mystic forms of initiation, the system of enigmatical phrases, the use of the signs and symbols of recognition, may probably be ascribed to the period when the whole system was united to the worship of the Deities121 of Vengeance, and when the sentence was promulgated122 by the Doomsmen, assembled, like the Asi of old, before the altars of Thor or Woden. Of this connection with ancient pagan policy, so clearly to be traced in the Icelandic Courts, the English territorial123 jurisdictions offer some very faint vestiges124; but the mystery had long been dispersed125, and the whole system passed into the ordinary machinery126 of the law.
As to the Vehmic Tribunals, it is acknowledged that, in a truly barbarous age and country, their proceedings, however violent, were not without utility. Their severe and secret vengeance often deterred127 the rapacity128 of the noble robber, and protected the humble suppliant129; the extent, and even the abuse, of their authority was in some measure justified130 in an Empire divided into numerous independent jurisdictions, and not subjected to any paramount131 tribunal, able to administer impartial132 justice to the oppressed. But as the times improved, ihe Vehmic tribunals degenerated133 The Echevins, chosen from the inferior ranks, did not possess any personal consideration. Opposed by the opulent cities of the Hanse, and objects of the suspicion and the enmity of the powerful aristocracy, the tribunals of some districts were abolished by law, and others took the form of ordinary territorial jurisdictions; the greater number fell into desuetude134. Yet, as late as the middle of the eighteenth century, a few Vehmic tribunals existed in name, though, as it may be easily supposed, without possessing any remnant of their pristine135 power.” — PALGRAVE on the Rise and Progress of the English Commonwealth136. Proofs and Illustrations, p. 157
I have marked by Roman letters the most important passage of the above quotation137. The view it contains seems to me to have every appearance of truth and Justice and if such should, on maturer investigation, turn out to be the fact, it will certainly confer no small honor on an English scholar to have discovered the key to a mystery which had long exercised in vain the laborious138 and profound students of German antiquity139.
There are probably several other points on which fought to have embraced this opportunity of enlarging; but the necessity of preparing for an excursion to foreign countries in quest of health and strength, that have been for some time sinking, makes me cut short my address upon the present occasion.
Although I had never been in Switzerland, and numerous mistakes must of course have occurred in my attempts to describe the local scenery of that romantic region, I must not conclude without a statement highly gratifying to myself that the work met with a reception of more than usual cordiality among the descendants of the Alpine140 heroes whose manners I had ventured to treat of; and I have in particular to express my thanks to the several Swiss gentlemen who have, since the novel was published; enriched my little collection of armor with specimens141 of the huge weapon that sheared142 the lances of the Austrian chivalry143 at Sempach, and was employed with equal success on the bloody144 days of Granson and Morat. Of the ancient doublehanded espadons of the Switzer, I have, in this way, received, I think, not less than six, in excellent preservation145, from as many different individuals, who thus testified their general approbation146 of these pages. They are not the less interesting, that gigantic swords, of nearly the same pattern and dimensions, were employed in their conflicts with the bold knights147 and men-at-arms of England; by Wallace, and the sturdy foot-soldiers who, under his guidance, laid the foundations of Scottish independence.
The reader who wishes to examine with attention the historical events of the period which the novel embraces, will find ample means of doing so in the valuable works of Zschokke and M. de Barante — which last author’s account of the Dukes of Burgundy is among the most valuable of recent accessions of European literature — and in the new Parisian edition of Froissart, which has not as yet attracted so much attention in this country as it well deserves to do. 3
W.S.
ABBOTSFORD, Sept. 17, 1831.
收听单词发音 |
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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2
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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frail
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| adj.身体虚弱的；易损坏的 | |
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pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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patrician
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| adj.贵族的，显贵的；n.贵族；有教养的人；罗马帝国的地方官 | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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fealty
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| n.忠贞，忠节 | |
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candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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jurisdiction
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| n.司法权，审判权，管辖权，控制权 | |
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supremacy
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| n.至上；至高权力 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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monks
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| n.修道士，僧侣( monk的名词复数 ) | |
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32
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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33
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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34
judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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35
affinity
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| n.亲和力，密切关系 | |
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36
doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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37
bards
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| n.诗人( bard的名词复数 ) | |
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38
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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39
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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40
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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41
knave
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| n.流氓；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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42
crave
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| vt.渴望得到，迫切需要，恳求，请求 | |
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43
knaves
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| n.恶棍，无赖( knave的名词复数 )；（纸牌中的）杰克 | |
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44
compliant
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| adj.服从的，顺从的 | |
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45
defendant
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| n.被告；adj.处于被告地位的 | |
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46
conformity
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| n.一致，遵从，顺从 | |
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47
mete
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| v.分配；给予 | |
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48
eschew
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| v.避开，戒绝 | |
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49
firmament
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| n.苍穹；最高层 | |
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50
doom
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| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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51
poetical
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| adj.似诗人的；诗一般的；韵文的；富有诗意的 | |
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52
protocols
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| n.礼仪( protocol的名词复数 )；（外交条约的）草案；（数据传递的）协议；科学实验报告（或计划） | |
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53
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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54
annul
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| v.宣告…无效，取消，废止 | |
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55
publicity
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| n.众所周知，闻名；宣传，广告 | |
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56
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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57
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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58
alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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59
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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60
initiation
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| n.开始 | |
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61
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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62
interrogated
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| v.询问( interrogate的过去式和过去分词 )；审问；（在计算机或其他机器上）查询 | |
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63
accusation
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| n.控告，指责，谴责 | |
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64
conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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65
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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66
loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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67
perjured
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| adj.伪证的，犯伪证罪的v.发假誓，作伪证( perjure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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69
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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70
immunities
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| 免除，豁免( immunity的名词复数 )； 免疫力 | |
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71
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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72
enrol
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| v.（使）注册入学，（使）入学，（使）入会 | |
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73
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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74
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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75
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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76
annexed
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| [法] 附加的，附属的 | |
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77
jurisdictions
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| 司法权( jurisdiction的名词复数 )； 裁判权； 管辖区域； 管辖范围 | |
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78
statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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79
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
amendment
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| n.改正，修正，改善，修正案 | |
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81
celebrity
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| n.名人，名流；著名，名声，名望 | |
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82
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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83
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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84
precepts
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| n.规诫，戒律，箴言( precept的名词复数 ) | |
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85
usurpation
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| n.篡位；霸占 | |
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86
defendants
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| 被告( defendant的名词复数 ) | |
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87
apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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88
heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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89
requisites
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| n.必要的事物( requisite的名词复数 ) | |
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90
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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91
offender
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| n.冒犯者，违反者，犯罪者 | |
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92
vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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93
vehemently
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| adv. 热烈地 | |
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94
presumption
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| n.推测，可能性，冒昧，放肆，[法律]推定 | |
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95
forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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96
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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97
rebutted
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| v.反驳，驳回( rebut的过去式和过去分词 )；击退 | |
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98
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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99
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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100
absconded
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| v.（尤指逃避逮捕）潜逃，逃跑( abscond的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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101
presumptions
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| n.假定( presumption的名词复数 )；认定；推定；放肆 | |
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102
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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103
exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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105
temerity
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| n.鲁莽，冒失 | |
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106
boon
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| n.恩赐，恩物，恩惠 | |
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107
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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108
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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109
coercing
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| v.迫使做( coerce的现在分词 )；强迫；（以武力、惩罚、威胁等手段）控制；支配 | |
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110
reclaimed
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| adj.再生的；翻造的；收复的；回收的v.开拓( reclaim的过去式和过去分词 )；要求收回；从废料中回收（有用的材料）；挽救 | |
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111
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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112
apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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113
outlaw
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| n.歹徒，亡命之徒；vt.宣布…为不合法 | |
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114
condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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115
outlawry
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| 宣布非法，非法化，放逐 | |
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116
delinquent
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| adj.犯法的，有过失的；n.违法者 | |
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117
ordeal
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| n.苦难经历，（尤指对品格、耐力的）严峻考验 | |
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118
exculpate
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| v.开脱，使无罪 | |
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119
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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120
subjugation
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| n.镇压，平息，征服 | |
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121
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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122
promulgated
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| v.宣扬（某事物）( promulgate的过去式和过去分词 )；传播；公布；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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123
territorial
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| adj.领土的，领地的 | |
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124
vestiges
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| 残余部分( vestige的名词复数 )； 遗迹； 痕迹； 毫不 | |
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125
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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126
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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127
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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128
rapacity
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| n.贪婪，贪心，劫掠的欲望 | |
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129
suppliant
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| adj.哀恳的；n.恳求者，哀求者 | |
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130
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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131
paramount
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| a.最重要的，最高权力的 | |
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132
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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133
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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134
desuetude
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| n.废止，不用 | |
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135
pristine
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| adj.原来的，古时的，原始的，纯净的，无垢的 | |
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136
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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137
quotation
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| n.引文，引语，语录；报价，牌价，行情 | |
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138
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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139
antiquity
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| n.古老；高龄；古物，古迹 | |
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140
alpine
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| adj.高山的；n.高山植物 | |
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141
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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142
sheared
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| v.剪羊毛( shear的过去式和过去分词 )；切断；剪切 | |
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143
chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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144
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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145
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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146
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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147
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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