Let him who will not proffer'd peace receive,
Be sated with the plagues which war can give:
And well thy hatred1 of the peace is known,
If now thy soul reject the friendship shown.
Hoole’s Tasso.
The confidence betwixt the Landamman and the English merchant appeared to increase during the course of a few busy days, which occurred before that appointed for the commencement of their journey to the Court of Charles of Burgundy. The state of Europe, and of the Helvetian Confederacy, has been already alluded2 to; but, for the distinct explanation of our story, may be here briefly3 recapitulated4.
In the interval5 of a week, whilst the English travellers remained at Geierstein, meetings or diets were held, as well of the City Cantons of the Confederacy, as of those of the Forest. The former, aggrieved6 by the taxes imposed on their commerce by the Duke of Burgundy, rendered yet more intolerable by the violence of the agents whom he employed in such oppression, were eager for war, in which they had hitherto uniformly found victory and wealth. Many of them were also privately7 instigated8 to arms by the largesses of Louis XI., who spared neither intrigues9 nor gold to effect a breach10 betwixt these dauntless Confederates and his formidable enemy, Charles the Bold.
On the other hand, there were many reasons which appeared to render it impolitic for the Switzers to engage in war with one of the most wealthy, most obstinate12, and most powerful princes in Europe, — for such unquestionably was Charles of Burgundy, — without the existence of some strong reason affecting their own honor and independence. Every day brought fresh intelligence from the interior, that Edward the Fourth of England had entered into a strict and intimate alliance, offensive and defensive13, with the Duke of Burgundy, and that it was the purpose of the English King, renowned14 for his numerous victories over the rival House of Lancaster, by which, after vanous reverses, he had obtained undisputed possession of the throne, to re-assert his claims to those provinces of France, so long held by his ancestors. It seemed as if this alone were wanting to his fame; and that, having subdued16 his internal enemies, he now turned his eyes to the regaining17 of those rich and valuable foreign possessions which had been lost during the acriministration of the feeble Henry VI., and the civil discords18 so dread-fully prosecuted19 in the wars of the White and Red Roses. It was universally known, that throughout England generally the loss of the French provinces was felt as a national degradation20; and that not only the nobility, who had in consequence been deprived of the large fiefs which they had held in Normandy, Gascony, Maine, and Anjou, but the warlike gentry21, accustomed to gain both fame and wealth at the expense of France, and the fiery22 yeomanry, whose bows had decided23 so many fatal battles, were as eager to renew the conflict, as their ancestors of Cressy, Poitiers, and Agincourt, had been to follow their sovereign to the fields of victory, on which their deeds had conferred deathless renown15.
The latest and most authentic24 intelligence bore, that the King of England was on the point of passing to France in person (an invasion rendered easy by his possession of Calais), with an army superior in numbers and discipline to any with whicti an English monarch25 had ever before entered that kingdom; that all the hostile preparations were completed, and that the arrival of Edward might instantly be expected; whilst the powerful co-operation of the Duke of Burgundy, and the assistance of numerous disaffected26 French noblemen in the provinces which had been so long under the English dominion28 threatened a fearful issue of the war to Louis XI., sagacions, wise, and powerful, as that prince unquestionably was.
It would no doubt have been the wisest policy of Charles of Burgundy, when thus engaging in an alliance against his most formidable neighbor, and hereditary29 as well as personal enemy, to have avoided all cause of quarrel with the Helvetian Confederacy a poor but most warlike people, who already had been taught by repeated successes to feel that their hardy30 infantry31 could, if necessary, engage on terms of equality, or even of advantage, the flower of that chivalry32, which had hitherto been considered as forming the strength of European battle. But the measures of Charles, whom fortune had opposed to the “lost astucious and politic11 monarch of his time, were always dictated33 by passionate34 feeling and impulse, rather than by a judicious35 consideration of the circumstances in which he stood. Haughty36, proud, and uncompromising, though neither destitute37 of honor nor generosity38, he despised and hated what he termed the paltry39 associations of herdsmen and shepherds, united with a few towns which subsisted40 chiefly by commerce; and instead of courting the Helvetian Cantons, like his crafty41 enemy, or at least affording them no ostensible42 pretence43 of quarrel, he omitted no opportunity of showing the disregard and contempt in which he held their upstart consequence, and of evincing the secret longing44 which he entertained to take vengeance45 upon them for the quantity of noble blood which they had shed, and to compensate46 the repeated successes they had gained over the feudal47 lords, of whom he imagined himself the destined48 avenger49.
The Duke of Burgundy’s possessions in the Alsatian territory afforded him many opportunities for wreaking50 his displeasure upon the Swiss League. The little castle town of Ferette, lying within ten or eleven miles of Bale, served as a thoroughfare to the traffic of Berne and Soleure, the two principal towns of the Confederation. In this place the Duke posted a governor, or seneschal, who was also an administrator51 of the revenue, and seemed born on purpose to be the plague arid52 scourge53 of his republican neighbors.
Archibald yon Hagenbach was a German noble, whose possessions lay in Swabia, and was universally esteemed54 one of the fiercest and most lawless of that frontier nobility, known by the name of Robber-nights, and Robber-counts. These dignitaries, because they held their fiefs of the Holy Roman Empire, claimed as complete sovereignty within their territories of a mile square, as any reigning55 prince of Germany in his more extended dominions56. They levied57 tolls58 and taxes on strangers, and imprisoned59, tried, and executed those who, as they alleged60, had committed offences within their petty domains61. But especially, and in further exercise of their seignorial privileges, they made war on each other, and on the Free Cities of the Empire, attacking and plundering62 without mercy the caravans63, or large trains of wagons64, by which the internal commerce of Germany was carried on.
A succession of injuries done and received by Archibald of Hagenbach, who had been one of the fiercest sticklers65 for this privilege of faustrecht or club-law, as it may be termed, had ended in his being obliged, though somewhat advanced in life, to leave a country where his tenure66 of existence was become extremely precarious67, and to engage in the service of the Duke of Burgundy, who willingly employed him, as he was a man of high descent and proved valor68, and not the less, perhaps, that he was sure to find in a man of Hagenbach’s fierce, rapacious69, and haughty disposition70, the unscrupulous executioner of whatsoever71 seventies it might be his master’s pleasure to enjoin72.
The traders of Berne and Soleure, accordingly, made loud and violent complaints of Hagenbach’s exactions. The impositions laid on commodities which passed through his district of La Ferette, to whatever place they might be ultimately bound, were arbitrarily increased, and the merchants and traders who hesitated to make instant payment of what was demanded, were exposed to imprisonment73 and personal punishment. The commercial towns of Germany appealed to the Duke against this iniquitous74 conduct on the part of the Governor of La Ferette, and requested of his Grace’s goodness that he would withdraw Von Hagenbach from their neighborhood; but the Duke treated their complaints with contempt. The Swiss League carried their remonstrances76 higher, and required that justice should be done on the Governor of La Ferette, as having offended against the iaw of nations; but they were equally unable to attract attention or obtain redress77.
At length the Diet of the Confederation determined78 to send the solemn deputation which has been repeatedly mentioned. One or two of these envoys79 joined with the calm and prudent80 Arnold Biederman, in the hope that so solemn a measure might open the eyes of the Duke to the wicked injustice81 of his representative; others among the deputies, having no such peaceful views, were determined, by this resolute82 remonstrance75, to pave the way for hostilities83.
Arnold Biederman was an especial advocate for peace, while its preservation84 was compatible with national independence, and the honor of the Confederacy; but the younger Philipson soon discovered that the Landamman alone, of all his family, cherished these moderate views. The opinion of his sons had been swayed and seduced85 by the impetuous eloquence86 and overbearing influence of Rudolph of Donnerhugel, who, by some feats87 of peculiar88 gallantry, and the consideration due to the merit of his ancestors, had acquired an influence in the councils of his native canton, and with the youth of the League, in general, beyond what was usually yielded by these wise republicans to men of his early age. Arthur, who was now an acceptance and welcome companion of all their hunting parties and other sports, heard nothing among the young men but anticipations90 of war, rendered delightful91 by the hopes of booty and of distinction, which were to be obtained by the Switzers. The feats of their ancestors against the Germans had been so wonderful as to realize the fabulous92 victories of romance; and while the present race possessed93 the same hardy limbs, and the same inflexible94 courage, they eagerly anticipated the same distinguished95 success. When the Governor of La Ferette was mentioned in the conversation, he was usually spoken of as the bandog of Burgundy or the Alsatian mastiff; and intimation were openly given, that if his course were not instantly checked by his master, and he himself withdrawn96 from tbe frontiers of Switzerland, Archibald of Hagenbach would find his fortress97 no protection from the awakened98 indignation of the wronged inhabitants of Soleure, and particularly of those of Berne.
This general disposition to war among the young Switzers was reported to the elder Philipson by his son, and led him at one time to hesitate whether he ought not rather to resume all the inconveniences and dangers of a journey, accompanied only by Arthur, than run the risk of the quarrels in which he might be involved by the unruly conduct of these fierce mountain youths, after they should have left their own frontiers. Such an event would have had, in a peculiar degree, the effect of destroying every purpose of his journey; but respected as Arnold Biederman was by his family and countrymen, the English merchant concluded upon the whole, that his influence would be able to restrain his companions until the great question of peace or war should be determined, and especially until they should have discharged their commission by obtaining an audience of the Duke of Burgundy, and after this he should be separated from their society, and not liable to be engaged in any responsibility for their ulterior measures.
After a delay of about ten days, the deputation commissioned to remonstrate99 with the Duke on the aggressions and exactions of Archibald of Hagenbach, at length assembled at Geierstein, from whence the members were to journey forth100 together. They were three in number, besides the young Bernese, and the Landamman of Unterwalden. One was, like Arnold, a proprietor101 from the Forest Cantons, wearing a dress scarcely handsomer than that of a common herdsman, but distinguished by the beauty and size of his long silvery beard. His name was Nicholas Bonstetten. Melchior Sturmthal, banner-bearer of Berne, a man of middle age, and a soldier of distinguished courage, with Adam Zimmerman, a burgess of Soleure, who was considerably102 older, completed the number of the envoys.
Each was dressed after his fashion; but notwithstanding that the severe eye of Arnold Biederman censured103 one or two silver belt-buckles, as well as a chain of the same metal, which decorated the portly person of the burgess of Soleure, it seemed that a powerful and victorious105 people, for such the Swiss were now to be esteemed, were never represented by an embassy of such patriarchal simplicity106. The deputies travelled on foot, with their piked staves in their hands, like pilgrims bound for some place of devotion. Two mules107, which bore their little stock of baggage, were led by young lads, sons or cousins of members of the embassy, who had obtained permission, in this manner, to get such a glance of the world beyond the mountains as this journey promised to afford.
But although their retinue108 was small, so far as respected either state or personal attendance and accommodation, the dangerous circumstances of the times, and the very unsettled state of the country beyond their own territories, did not permit men charged with affairs of such importance to travel without a guard. Even the danger arising from the wolves, which, when pinched by the approach of winter, have been known to descend109 from their mountain fastnesses into open villages, such as those the travellers might choose to quarter in, rendered the presence of some escort necessary; and the bands of deserters from various services, who formed parties of banditti on the frontiers of Alsatia and Germany, combined to recommend such a precaution.
Accordingly, about twenty of the selected youth from the various Swiss cantons, including Rudiger, Ernest, and Sigismund, Arnold’s three eldest110 sons, attended upon the deputation; they did not, however, observe any military order, or march close or near to the patriarchal train. On the contrary, they formed hunting parties of five or six together, who explored the rocks, woods, and passes of the mountains, through which the envoys journeyed. Their slower pace allowed the active young men, who were accompanied by their large shaggy dogs, full time to destroy wolves and bears, or occasionally to surprise a chamois among the cliffs; while the hunters, even while in pursuit of their sport, were careful to examine such places as might afford opportunity for ambush112, and thus ascertained113 the safety of the party whom they escorted more securely than if they had attended close on their train. A peculiar note on the huge Swiss bugle114, before described, formed of the horn of the mountain-bull, was the signal agreed upon for collecting in a body should danger occur. Rudolph Donnerhugel, so much younger than his brethren in the same important commission, took the command of this mountain body-guard, whom he usually accompanied in their sportive excursions. In point of arms they were well provided, bearing two-handed swords, long partisans115 and spears, as well as both cross and long bows, short cutlasses, and huntsmen’s knives The heavier weapons, as impeding116 their activity, were carried with the baggage, but were ready to be assumed on the slightest alarm.
Arthur Philipson, like his late antagonist117, naturally preferred the company and sports of the younger men, to the grave conversation and slow pace of the fathers of the mountain common-wealth. There was, however, one temptation to loiter with the baggage, which had other circumstances permitted, might have reconciled the young Englishman to forego the opportunities of sport which the Swiss youth so eagerly sought after, and endure the slow pace and grave conversation of the elders of the party. In a word, Anne of Geierstein, accompanied by a Swiss girl, her attendant, travelled in the rear of the deputation.
The two females were mounted upon asses111, whose slow step hardly kept pace with the baggage mules; and it may be fairly suspected that Arthur Philipson, in requital118 of the important services which he had received from that beautiful ard interesting young woman, would have deemed it no extreme hardship to have afforded her occasionally his assistance on the journey, and the advantage of his conversation to relieve the tediousness of the way. But he dared not presume to offer attentions which the customs of the country did not seem to permit, since they were not attempted by any of the maiden119’s cousins, or even by Rudolph Donnerhugel, who certainly had hitherto appeared to neglect no opportunity to recommend himself to his fair cousin. Besides, Arthur had reflection enough to be convinced, that in yielding to the feelings which impelled120 him to cultivate the acquaintance of this amiable121 young person, he would certainly incur122 the serious displeasure of his father, and probably also that of her uncle, by whose hospitality they had profited, and whose safe-conduct they were in the act of enjoying.
The young Englishman, therefore, pursued the same amusements which interested the other young men of the party, managing only, as frequently as their halts permitted, to venture upon offering to the maiden such marks of courtesy as could afford no room for remark or censure104. And his character as a sportsman being now well established, he sometimes permitted himself, even when the game was afoot, to loiter in the vicinity of the path on which he could at least mark the flutter of the gray whimple of Anne of Geierstein, and the outline of the form which it shrouded123. This indolence, as it seemed, was not unfavorably construed124 by his companions, being only accounted an indifference125 to the less noble or less dangerous game; for when the object was a bear, wolf, or other animal of prey126, no spear, cutlass, or bow of the party, not even those of Rudolph Donnerhugel, were so prompt in the chase as those of the young Englishman.
Meantime, the elder Philipson had other and more serious subjects of consideration. He was a man, as the reader must have already seen, of much acquaintance with the world, in which he had acted parts different from that which he now sustained. Former feelings were recalled and awakened by the view of sports familiar to his early years. The clamor cf the hounds, echoing from the wild hills and dark forests through which they travelled; the sight of the gallant89 young huntsmen, appearing as they brought the object of their chase to bay, amid airy cliffs and profound precipices127, which seemed impervious128 to the human foot; the sounds of halloo and horn reverberating129 from hill to hill, had more than once well-nigh impelled him to take a share in the hazardous130 but animating131 amusement, which, next to war, was then in most parts of Europe the most serious occupation in life. But the feeling was transient, and he became yet more deeply interested in studying the manners and opinions of the persons with whom he was travelling.
They seemed to be all colored with the same downright and blunt simplicity which characterized Arnold Biederman, although it was in none of them elevated by the same dignity of thought or profound sagacity. In speaking of the political state of their country, they affected27 no secrecy132; and although, with the exception of Rudolph, their own young men were not admitted into their councils, the exclusion133 seemed only adopted with a view to the necessary subordination of youth to age, and not for the purpose of observing any mystery. In the presence of the elder Philipson, they freely discussed the pretensions134 of the Duke of Burgundy, the means which their country possessed of maintaining her independence, and the firm resolution of the Helvetian League to bid defiance135 to the utmost force the world could bring against it, rather than submit to the slightest insult. In other respects, their views appeared wise and moderate, although both the Banneret of Berne, and the consequential136 Burgher of Soleure, seemed to hold the consequences of war more lightly than they were viewed by the cautious Landam. man of Unterwalden, and his venerable companion, Nicholas Bonstetten, who subscribed137 to all his opinions.
It frequently happened, that, quitting these subjects, the conversation turned on such as were less attractive to their fellow-traveller. The signs of the weather, the comparative fertility of recent seasons, the most advantageous138 mode of managing their orchards139 and rearing their crops, though interesting to the mountaineers themselves, gave Philipson slender amusement; and notwithstanding that the excellent Meinherr Zimmerman of Soleure would fain have joined with him in conversation respecting trade and merchandize, yet the Englishman, who dealt in articles of small bulk and considerable value, and traversed sea and land to carry on his traffic, could find few mutual140 topics to discuss with the Swiss trader, whose commerce only extended into the neighboring districts of Burgundy and Germany, and whose goods consisted of coarse woollen cloths, fustian141, hides, peltry and such ordinary articles.
But, ever and anon, while the Switzers were discussing some paltry interests of trade, or describing some process of rude cultivation142, or speaking of blights143 in grain, and the murrain amongst cattle, with all the dull minuteness of petty farmers and traders met at a country fair, a well-known spot would recall the name and story of a battle in which some of them had served (for there were none of the party who had not been repeatedly in arms), and the military details, which in other countries were only the theme of knights144 and squires145 who had noted146 their part in them, or of learned clerks who labored147 to record them, were, in this singular region, the familiar and intimate subjects of discussion with men whose peaceful occupations seemed to place them at an immeasurable distance from the profession of a soldier. This led the Englishman to think of the ancient inhabitants of Rome, where the plough was so readily exchanged for the sword, and the cultivation of a rude farm for the management of public affairs. He hinted this resemblance to the Landamman, who was naturally gratified with the compliment to his country, but presently replied, — “May Heaven continue among us the homebred virtues148 of the Romans, and preserve us from their lust149 of conquest and love of foreign luxuries!”
The slow pace of the travellers, with various causes of delay which it is unnecessary to dwell upon, occasioned the deputation spending two nights on the road before they reached Bale. The small towns or villages in which they quartered, received them with such marks of respectful hospitality as they had the means to bestow150, and their arrival was a signal for a little feast with which the heads of the community uniformly regaled them.
On such occasions, while the elders of the village entertained the deputies of the Confederation, the young men of the escort were provided for by those of their own age, several of whom, usually aware of their approach, were accustomed to join in chase of the day, and made the strangers acquainted with the spots where game was most plenty.
These feasts were never prolonged to excess, and the most special dainties which composed them were kids, lambs, and game, the produce of the mountains. Yet it seemed both to Arthur Philipson and his father, that the advantages of good cheer were more prized by the Banneret of Berne and the Burgess of Soleure, than by their host the Landamman, and the Deputy of Schwytz. There was no excess committed, as we have already said; but the deputies first mentioned, obviously understood the art of selecting the choicest morsels151, and were connoisseurs152 in the good wine, chiefly of foreign growth, with which they freely washed it down. Arnold was too wise to censure what he had no means of amending153; he contented154 himself by observing in his own person a rigorous diet, living indeed almost entirely155 upon vegetables and fair water, in which he was closely imitated by the old gray-bearded Nicholas Bonistetten, who seemed to make it his principal object to follow the Landamman’s example in everything.
It was, as we have already said, the third day after the commencement of their journey before the Swiss deputation reached the vicinity of Bale, in which city, then one of the largest in the south-western extremity156 of Germany, they proposed taking up their abode157 for the evening, nothing doubting a friendly reception. The town, it is true, was not then, nor till about thirty years afterwards, a part of the Swiss Confederation, to which it was only joined in 1501 but it was a Free Imperial City, connected with Berne, Soleure, Lucerne, and other towns of Switzerland, by mutual interests and constant intercourse158. It was the object of the deputation to negotiate, if possible, a peace, which could not be more useful to themselves than to the city of Bale, considering the interruptions of commerce which must be occasioned by a rupture159 between the Duke of Burgundy and the Cantons, and the great advantage which that city would derive160 by preserving a neutrality, situated161 as it was betwixt these two hostile powers.
They anticipated, therefore, as welcome a reception from the authorities of Bale, as they had received while in the bounds of their own Confederation, since the interests of that city were so deeply concerned in the objects of their mission. — The next chapter will show how far these expectations were realized.
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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alluded
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| 提及，暗指( allude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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recapitulated
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| v.总结，扼要重述( recapitulate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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aggrieved
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| adj.愤愤不平的，受委屈的；悲痛的；（在合法权利方面）受侵害的v.令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式)；令委屈，令苦恼，侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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privately
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| adv.以私人的身份，悄悄地，私下地 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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obstinate
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| adj.顽固的，倔强的，不易屈服的，较难治愈的 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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regaining
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| 复得( regain的现在分词 )； 赢回； 重回； 复至某地 | |
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discords
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| 不和（discord的复数形式） | |
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prosecuted
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| a.被起诉的 | |
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degradation
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| n.降级；低落；退化；陵削；降解；衰变 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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authentic
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| a.真的，真正的；可靠的，可信的，有根据的 | |
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monarch
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disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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hereditary
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| adj.遗传的，遗传性的，可继承的，世袭的 | |
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hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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haughty
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| adj.傲慢的，高傲的 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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paltry
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| adj.无价值的，微不足道的 | |
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40
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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42
ostensible
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| adj.(指理由)表面的，假装的 | |
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43
pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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44
longing
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| n.（for）渴望 | |
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45
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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46
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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47
feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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48
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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49
avenger
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| n. 复仇者 | |
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50
wreaking
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| 诉诸（武力），施行（暴力），发（脾气）( wreak的现在分词 ) | |
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51
administrator
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| n.经营管理者，行政官员 | |
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52
arid
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| adj.干旱的；(土地)贫瘠的 | |
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53
scourge
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| n.灾难，祸害；v.蹂躏 | |
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54
esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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55
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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56
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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57
levied
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| 征（兵）( levy的过去式和过去分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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58
tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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59
imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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61
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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62
plundering
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的现在分词 ) | |
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63
caravans
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| （可供居住的）拖车（通常由机动车拖行）( caravan的名词复数 )； 篷车； （穿过沙漠地带的）旅行队（如商队） | |
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64
wagons
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| n.四轮的运货马车( wagon的名词复数 )；铁路货车；小手推车 | |
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65
sticklers
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| n.坚持…的人( stickler的名词复数 ) | |
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66
tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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67
precarious
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| adj.不安定的，靠不住的；根据不足的 | |
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68
valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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69
rapacious
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| adj.贪婪的，强夺的 | |
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70
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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71
whatsoever
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| adv.（用于否定句中以加强语气）任何；pron.无论什么 | |
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72
enjoin
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| v.命令；吩咐；禁止 | |
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73
imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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74
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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75
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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76
remonstrances
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| n.抱怨，抗议( remonstrance的名词复数 ) | |
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77
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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78
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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79
envoys
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| 使节( envoy的名词复数 )； 公使； 谈判代表； 使节身份 | |
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80
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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81
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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82
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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83
hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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84
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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85
seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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86
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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87
feats
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| 功绩，伟业，技艺( feat的名词复数 ) | |
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88
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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89
gallant
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| adj.英勇的，豪侠的；(向女人)献殷勤的 | |
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90
anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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91
delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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92
fabulous
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| adj.极好的；极为巨大的；寓言中的，传说中的 | |
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93
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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94
inflexible
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| adj.不可改变的，不受影响的，不屈服的 | |
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95
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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96
withdrawn
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| vt.收回；使退出；vi.撤退，退出 | |
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97
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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98
awakened
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| v.（使）醒( awaken的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）觉醒；弄醒；（使）意识到 | |
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99
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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100
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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101
proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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102
considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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103
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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104
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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105
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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106
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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107
mules
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| 骡( mule的名词复数 )； 拖鞋； 顽固的人； 越境运毒者 | |
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108
retinue
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| n.侍从；随员 | |
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109
descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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110
eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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111
asses
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| n. 驴，愚蠢的人，臀部 adv. (常用作后置)用于贬损或骂人 | |
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112
ambush
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| n.埋伏(地点)；伏兵；v.埋伏；伏击 | |
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113
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
bugle
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| n.军号，号角，喇叭；v.吹号，吹号召集 | |
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115
partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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116
impeding
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| a.(尤指坏事)即将发生的，临近的 | |
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117
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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118
requital
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| n.酬劳；报复 | |
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119
maiden
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| n.少女，处女；adj.未婚的，纯洁的，无经验的 | |
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120
impelled
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| v.推动、推进或敦促某人做某事( impel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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121
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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122
incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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123
shrouded
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| v.隐瞒( shroud的过去式和过去分词 )；保密 | |
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124
construed
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| v.解释（陈述、行为等）( construe的过去式和过去分词 )；翻译，作句法分析 | |
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125
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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126
prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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127
precipices
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| n.悬崖，峭壁( precipice的名词复数 ) | |
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128
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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129
reverberating
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| 回响，回荡( reverberate的现在分词 )； 使反响，使回荡，使反射 | |
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130
hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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131
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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132
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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133
exclusion
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| n.拒绝，排除，排斥，远足，远途旅行 | |
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134
pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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135
defiance
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| n.挑战，挑衅，蔑视，违抗 | |
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136
consequential
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| adj.作为结果的，间接的；重要的 | |
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137
subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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138
advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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139
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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140
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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141
fustian
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| n.浮夸的；厚粗棉布 | |
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142
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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143
blights
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| 使凋萎( blight的第三人称单数 )； 使颓丧； 损害； 妨害 | |
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144
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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145
squires
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| n.地主，乡绅( squire的名词复数 ) | |
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146
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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147
labored
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| adj.吃力的，谨慎的v.努力争取(for)( labor的过去式和过去分词 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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148
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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149
lust
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| n.性(淫)欲；渴(欲)望；vi.对…有强烈的欲望 | |
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150
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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151
morsels
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| n.一口( morsel的名词复数 )；（尤指食物）小块，碎屑 | |
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152
connoisseurs
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| n.鉴赏家，鉴定家，行家( connoisseur的名词复数 ) | |
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153
amending
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| 改良，修改，修订( amend的现在分词 )； 改良，修改，修订( amend的第三人称单数 )( amends的现在分词 ) | |
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154
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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155
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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156
extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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157
abode
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| n.住处，住所 | |
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158
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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159
rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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160
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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161
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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