If the story was written near the time when it is supposed to have happened, it must have been between 1095, the era of the first Crusade, and 1243, the date of the last, or not long afterwards. There is no other circumstance in the work that can lead us to guess at the period in which the scene is laid: the names of the actors are evidently fictitious1, and probably disguised on purpose: yet the Spanish names of the domestics seem to indicate that this work was not composed until the establishment of the Arragonian Kings in Naples had made Spanish appellations2 familiar in that country. The beauty of the diction, and the zeal3 of the author (moderated, however, by singular judgment4) concur5 to make me think that the date of the composition was little antecedent to that of the impression. Letters were then in their most flourishing state in Italy, and contributed to dispel6 the empire of superstition7, at that time so forcibly attacked by the reformers. It is not unlikely that an artful priest might endeavour to turn their own arms on the innovators, and might avail himself of his abilities as an author to confirm the populace in their ancient errors and superstitions8. If this was his view, he has certainly acted with signal address. Such a work as the following would enslave a hundred vulgar minds beyond half the books of controversy9 that have been written from the days of Luther to the present hour.
This solution of the author’s motives10 is, however, offered as a mere11 conjecture12. Whatever his views were, or whatever effects the execution of them might have, his work can only be laid before the public at present as a matter of entertainment. Even as such, some apology for it is necessary. Miracles, visions, necromancy13, dreams, and other preternatural events, are exploded now even from romances. That was not the case when our author wrote; much less when the story itself is supposed to have happened. Belief in every kind of prodigy14 was so established in those dark ages, that an author would not be faithful to the manners of the times, who should omit all mention of them. He is not bound to believe them himself, but he must represent his actors as believing them.
If this air of the miraculous15 is excused, the reader will find nothing else unworthy of his perusal16. Allow the possibility of the facts, and all the actors comport17 themselves as persons would do in their situation. There is no bombast18, no similes19, flowers, digressions, or unnecessary descriptions. Everything tends directly to the catastrophe20. Never is the reader’s attention relaxed. The rules of the drama are almost observed throughout the conduct of the piece. The characters are well drawn21, and still better maintained. Terror, the author’s principal engine, prevents the story from ever languishing22; and it is so often contrasted by pity, that the mind is kept up in a constant vicissitude23 of interesting passions.
Some persons may perhaps think the characters of the domestics too little serious for the general cast of the story; but besides their opposition24 to the principal personages, the art of the author is very observable in his conduct of the subalterns. They discover many passages essential to the story, which could not be well brought to light but by their na?veté and simplicity25. In particular, the womanish terror and foibles of Bianca, in the last chapter, conduce essentially26 towards advancing the catastrophe.
It is natural for a translator to be prejudiced in favour of his adopted work. More impartial27 readers may not be so much struck with the beauties of this piece as I was. Yet I am not blind to my author’s defects. I could wish he had grounded his plan on a more useful moral than this: that “the sins of fathers are visited on their children to the third and fourth generation.” I doubt whether, in his time, any more than at present, ambition curbed28 its appetite of dominion29 from the dread30 of so remote a punishment. And yet this moral is weakened by that less direct insinuation, that even such anathema31 may be diverted by devotion to St. Nicholas. Here the interest of the Monk32 plainly gets the better of the judgment of the author. However, with all its faults, I have no doubt but the English reader will be pleased with a sight of this performance. The piety33 that reigns34 throughout, the lessons of virtue35 that are inculcated, and the rigid36 purity of the sentiments, exempt37 this work from the censure38 to which romances are but too liable. Should it meet with the success I hope for, I may be encouraged to reprint the original Italian, though it will tend to depreciate39 my own labour. Our language falls far short of the charms of the Italian, both for variety and harmony. The latter is peculiarly excellent for simple narrative40. It is difficult in English to relate without falling too low or rising too high; a fault obviously occasioned by the little care taken to speak pure language in common conversation. Every Italian or Frenchman of any rank piques41 himself on speaking his own tongue correctly and with choice. I cannot flatter myself with having done justice to my author in this respect: his style is as elegant as his conduct of the passions is masterly. It is a pity that he did not apply his talents to what they were evidently proper for—the theatre.
I will detain the reader no longer, but to make one short remark. Though the machinery42 is invention, and the names of the actors imaginary, I cannot but believe that the groundwork of the story is founded on truth. The scene is undoubtedly43 laid in some real castle. The author seems frequently, without design, to describe particular parts. “The chamber,” says he, “on the right hand;” “the door on the left hand;” “the distance from the chapel44 to Conrad’s apartment:” these and other passages are strong presumptions45 that the author had some certain building in his eye. Curious persons, who have leisure to employ in such researches, may possibly discover in the Italian writers the foundation on which our author has built. If a catastrophe, at all resembling that which he describes, is believed to have given rise to this work, it will contribute to interest the reader, and will make the “Castle of Otranto” a still more moving story.
点击收听单词发音
1 fictitious | |
adj.虚构的,假设的;空头的 | |
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2 appellations | |
n.名称,称号( appellation的名词复数 ) | |
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3 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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4 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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5 concur | |
v.同意,意见一致,互助,同时发生 | |
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6 dispel | |
vt.驱走,驱散,消除 | |
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7 superstition | |
n.迷信,迷信行为 | |
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8 superstitions | |
迷信,迷信行为( superstition的名词复数 ) | |
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9 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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10 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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11 mere | |
adj.纯粹的;仅仅,只不过 | |
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12 conjecture | |
n./v.推测,猜测 | |
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13 necromancy | |
n.巫术;通灵术 | |
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14 prodigy | |
n.惊人的事物,奇迹,神童,天才,预兆 | |
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15 miraculous | |
adj.像奇迹一样的,不可思议的 | |
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16 perusal | |
n.细读,熟读;目测 | |
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17 comport | |
vi.相称,适合 | |
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18 bombast | |
n.高调,夸大之辞 | |
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19 similes | |
(使用like或as等词语的)明喻( simile的名词复数 ) | |
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20 catastrophe | |
n.大灾难,大祸 | |
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21 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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22 languishing | |
a. 衰弱下去的 | |
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23 vicissitude | |
n.变化,变迁,荣枯,盛衰 | |
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24 opposition | |
n.反对,敌对 | |
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25 simplicity | |
n.简单,简易;朴素;直率,单纯 | |
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26 essentially | |
adv.本质上,实质上,基本上 | |
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27 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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28 curbed | |
v.限制,克制,抑制( curb的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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30 dread | |
vt.担忧,忧虑;惧怕,不敢;n.担忧,畏惧 | |
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31 anathema | |
n.诅咒;被诅咒的人(物),十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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32 monk | |
n.和尚,僧侣,修道士 | |
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33 piety | |
n.虔诚,虔敬 | |
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34 reigns | |
n.君主的统治( reign的名词复数 );君主统治时期;任期;当政期 | |
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35 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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36 rigid | |
adj.严格的,死板的;刚硬的,僵硬的 | |
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37 exempt | |
adj.免除的;v.使免除;n.免税者,被免除义务者 | |
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38 censure | |
v./n.责备;非难;责难 | |
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39 depreciate | |
v.降价,贬值,折旧 | |
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40 narrative | |
n.叙述,故事;adj.叙事的,故事体的 | |
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41 piques | |
v.伤害…的自尊心( pique的第三人称单数 );激起(好奇心) | |
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42 machinery | |
n.(总称)机械,机器;机构 | |
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43 undoubtedly | |
adv.确实地,无疑地 | |
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44 chapel | |
n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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45 presumptions | |
n.假定( presumption的名词复数 );认定;推定;放肆 | |
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