Truly Powerful Republics and Princes do not Purchase Friendship with Money, but with Virtu and Reputation of Strength
The Romans were besieged1 in the Capitol, and although they awaited succor2 from Veii and from Camillus, being driven by hunger, they came to terms with the Gauls to ransom3 themselves with a certain amount of gold, but while making these terms (the gold already being weighed) Camillus arrived with his army, which fortune caused (as the historian says) so that the Romans should not live under an aura of ransom. Which occurrence not only is more noteworthy in this instance, but more so in the course of events of this Republic, where it is seen that they never acquired lands by means of money, but always through the virtu of their army. Which I do not believe ever to have happened with any other Republic.
And among the other signs by which the power of a State is recognized, is to see how it lives with its neighbors; and if it is governed in a way that the neighbors (so as to have them friendly) are its pensioners4, then it is a certain sign that that State is powerful: But when these said neighbors (although inferior to it) draw money from it, then it is a great sign of its weakness. Let anyone read all the Roman histories and he will see that the Massalians, the Aeduans, the Rhodians, Hiero the Syracusan, Eumene and the Kings of Massinissa, who all lived near to the confines of the Roman Empire, in order to have its friendship, agreed to contribute to its needs and expenses by tribute, not seeking any other return from it than to be defended. On the other hand, it will be seen in weak States, and beginning with our own Florence in times past in the period of her greatest reputation, that there was not a petty Lord in the Romagna who did not get a pension from her, and in addition she gave one to the Perugini, the Castellani, and all her other neighbors. But if this City had been armed and strong, everything would have proceeded oppositely, for everyone in order to have her protection would have given money to her, and sought, not to sell their friendship, but to purchase hers. Nor are the Florentines to be seen alone in this baseness, but the Venetians and the King of France, who with so great a Kingdom lives tributary5 to the Swiss and the King of England. All of which resulted from having disarmed6 their people, and because that King and the others mentioned above desired rather to enjoy a present usefulness of being able to plunder7 the people, and to avoid an imaginary rather than a real peril8, than to do things which would have assured them and made their States happy in perpetuity. Such baseness, if it sometimes produces some quiet, is in times of necessity the cause of irreparable harm and ruin.
And it would be lengthy9 to recount how many times the Florentines, and the Venetians, and this Kingdom [of France] have bought themselves off in wars, and how many times they subjected themselves to an ignominy to which the Romans were subjected only one time. It would be lengthy to recount how many lands the Florentines and the Venetians have purchased, in which disorders10 were seen afterwards, and that the things acquired with gold cannot be defended with iron. The Romans continued in this high-minded existence as long as they lived free, but when they came under the Emperors, and the Emperors commenced to be bad, and to love the shade more than the sun, they too begun to buy off now the Parthians, now the Germans, now other neighboring peoples, which was the beginning of the ruin of so great an Empire. Such troubles proceeded, therefore, from having disarmed its own people, from which an even greater evil results, that the more the enemy comes near, so much more will he find you weak. For whoever lives in the manner mentioned above, ill treats those subjects who are in the interior of his Empire so as to obtain men who can hold the enemy at the frontiers. From this there arises that to keep the enemy more distant he has to give subsidies11 to these Lords and peoples who are near their borders. Whence there arises that these States so paid make a little resistance at their frontiers, but as soon as the enemy has passed, they do not have any advantage. And they do not see that this mode of proceeding12 of theirs is against every good institution. For the heart and the vital parts of the body have to be kept armored, and not its extremities13, for without these it is possible to live, but when the former are injured, it is possible to die: And these States have their hearts unarmored but their hands and feet armored. The disorders which have been caused to Florence have been seen, and can be seen, every day, that as soon as an army passes the frontiers and enters near the heart, no further remedy is to be found. In the last few years the Venetians afforded similar proof, and if their City had not been surrounded by water, their end would have been seen. This experience has not often been seen in France because that Kingdom is so great that it has few enemies who are superior. None the less, when the English in MDXIII [1513] assaulted that Kingdom, all that Province trembled, and the King himself and everyone else believed that only one defeat would take away the State.
The contrary happened to the Romans, for the more the enemy approached Rome, so much more he found that City powerful to resist him. And it is seen in the coming of Hannibal into Italy, that after three defeats and after so many captains and soldiers were killed, they were able not only to sustain the enemy, but to win the war. All of which resulted from her having the heart well armored and holding little account of the extremities. For the foundation of their State was in the people of Rome, the Latin people, and the other lands allied14 in Italy, and their Colonies, from which they drew so many soldiers sufficient for then to conquer and hold the world. And that this is true is seen from the question that Hanno the Carthaginian put to those Ambassadors of Hannibal after the battle at Cannae, who having magnified the things done by Hannibal, were asked by Hanno if anyone had come from the Roman people to ask for peace, and if any towns of the Latins or any of the Colonies had rebelled against the Romans: and when they replied negatively, Hanno replied; This war is yet as full as before.
It will be seen therefore, both from this discussion and from what we have said elsewhere several times, how much difference there is in the proceedings15 of present Republics from the ancient ones. Because of this every day are seen astonishing losses and remarkable16 conquest, for where men have little virtu, fortune greatly shows her power, and as she varies it, Republics and States change often, and they will always change until there springs up one who is a great lover of antiquity17 who is able to rule so that she has no reason at every revolution of the sun to show how powerful she can be.
1 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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2 succor | |
n.援助,帮助;v.给予帮助 | |
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3 ransom | |
n.赎金,赎身;v.赎回,解救 | |
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4 pensioners | |
n.领取退休、养老金或抚恤金的人( pensioner的名词复数 ) | |
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5 tributary | |
n.支流;纳贡国;adj.附庸的;辅助的;支流的 | |
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6 disarmed | |
v.裁军( disarm的过去式和过去分词 );使息怒 | |
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7 plunder | |
vt.劫掠财物,掠夺;n.劫掠物,赃物;劫掠 | |
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8 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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9 lengthy | |
adj.漫长的,冗长的 | |
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10 disorders | |
n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 );凌乱;骚乱;(身心、机能)失调 | |
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11 subsidies | |
n.补贴,津贴,补助金( subsidy的名词复数 ) | |
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12 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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13 extremities | |
n.端点( extremity的名词复数 );尽头;手和足;极窘迫的境地 | |
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14 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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15 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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16 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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17 antiquity | |
n.古老;高龄;古物,古迹 | |
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