As regards politics, I declare that I know nothing at all of what went on in London or anywhere else; but, as for Northumberland, I can safely assert that I have never known a time when there were not, continually, whisperings in corners, mysterious communications, breathless suspense1, a coming and going of strangers or of gentlemen whom I knew to be in some way connected with the cause of the Prince. There were always great things going to happen, if we were to believe the people who made it their business to keep up a racket through the country in order to sustain and stimulate2 the loyalty3 of the party. His Highness was about to embark4; a great many thousand French soldiers were collecting for him; everything was ready; the country was strong for the Prince. According to these gentry5, there never was any doubt at all about the voice of the country. Why, when after many years I journeyed to London, I was amazed to think of our own ignorance in believing all these statements. I do Mr. Hilyard the justice of saying that he never did believe them. He was, I know, a Whig by birth; but, like a good servant, he became a Jacobite because we, in whose service he was, were of that cause. What did London think? That was ever his cry. Not London of the coffee-houses and St. James’s Street, but London of the City. Why, how strong and resolute6 must be the Protestant party of this present day, seeing that it has been strong enough to stomach a King who knew no word of English, so resolute as to keep him with his ill manners, his ugly mistresses, and his German Court, rather than have a Papist, even with all the Christian7 graces —— though of these unfortunately the Prince hath few, which one says with shame. This was not understood in the north; many friends of the Protestant gentry were Catholics; they were English, however, first, and Catholics next; not servants of the Pope first, and English next.
‘Why,’ said Mr. Hilyard, ‘these are not the Papists we in the south have been taught to fear. Their priests are courteous8 gentlemen of good English families; they show no wish to roast us at the stake; they are all for toleration. I doubt whether if London knew Northumberland, the country would any longer fear a Catholic King. I hear there are some in Scotland who believe that the King would be converted by his coronation, which I doubt. But his advisers9, if they were English priests, not foreigners, would surely do the country little harm.’
Mr. Hilyard always put London before any other part of England: doubtless with reason, as being the centre of all. And he acknowledged that the people of England will never forget the blood and fire of Queen Mary, nor will they cease to ask what security there is that another Papist Sovereign will not surround himself with other Bonners and Gardiners. Listening daily to the talk, I conceived a plan by which everything might be set right. Like all children’s plans, it was impossible: for it was nothing less than that the Prince should imitate the example of Henry IV. of France, and for his crown change his faith. This, in my eyes, was all the easier, from the circumstance that, while Henry left the right for the wrong, our King would leave the wrong for the right. Wrong or right, it must have been choking to King James to hear, when he went to live in Rome —— even in Rome, where he might look for applause and support, if anywhere —— to hear, I say, as he is said to have heard, a Cardinal10 —— one of the Holy College —— whisper to another, with scorn unworthy of his sacred profession and dignity, ‘Behold the King who threw away three crowns —— for a mass!’
There were busybodies who went up and down the country in these days whispering, reporting, conveying letters, drawing up lists, with a mighty11 fuss and pretence12 of secrecy13. Some of them were disguised; some sent letters by the hands of countrymen, and even gipsies, on whom they could depend; some were Irish, who are ever ready to embark in any mad scheme; some were country gentlemen or younger sons; some, even, were High Church clergy14; some were Roman Catholic priests of the intriguing15 kind, who dressed as laymen16 —— by dispensation, one may suppose. As for the sum of these whisperings, it was always the same. The country was ripe; at a word, at the signal, the rising would be general; the Prince was always ready. A brave captain, too, who had shown his valour at Oudenarde and Malplaquet (where, indeed, he was fighting against his own countrymen); one who was eager to lead his brave followers17 to victory, and to reward them generously with the spoil of the Whigs. These things were industriously18 spread abroad among the Jacobite gentry, especially of Lancashire and Northumberland; it was firmly believed that the party was irresistible19. And if the gentlefolk believed this, how much more the common people and the ignorant Scotch20, who ran after their chieftains to their own destruction? Yet the events of the year 1707 ought to have opened the eyes of the party when they saw a French fleet, well manned, well found, well armed, with six thousand soldiers on board, fly ignominiously21 at the mere22 appearance of Admiral Byng and his ships. The Prince was on board the French commander’s ship. He prayed to be landed on the coast of Scotland —— no one, whatever side he may have taken, can doubt the gallantry of His Highness in those days —— but the prayer was refused, so that he returned to France, and presently, notwithstanding the French King’s solemn engagements, was driven out of that country into the Papal Dominions23. These things prove the value of the Grand Monarque’s word, and also that the English will not have a King forced upon them by French bayonets.
‘We wait our time,’ Tom said. ‘When that time comes, the unanimous rising of the country gentlemen will be accepted as the voice of the people.’
‘Happy the man,’ said Mr. Hilyard, stroking his chin, ‘who rises the last.’
‘What? And leave others the glory and the honours?’
He was still a lad under age, but in this way he talked; he and his companions.
‘It will be the Protestant gentry,’ he said grandly, ‘though we shall allow the Catholics to join us, who will restore His Sacred Majesty24. Then we shall find for him, perhaps out of Northumberland, counsellors wise enough to assure the country’s safety.’
These were our dreams. Fatal dreams they were, which in the end destroyed so many.
But always, in all these talks, the gentlemen spoke25 of the young Lord Derwentwater and his return. He would lead the Catholics of the whole country. He was a man of whose opinions, though no one had yet seen him and he was but a boy, there could be no doubt; his loyalty was beyond all possible question, he was rich, he was young and ardent26, he was reported to be possessed27 of every virtue28. I heard so much talk of this young gentleman that he became in my imagination a person more important even than the Prince, concerning whom elder ladies already whispered and shook their heads. Besides, His Royal Highness stood too far away for a girl to think much about him. The kings of the earth are like the gods of the ancients —— one does not picture them except on coins and in statues. But as for Lord Derwentwater, who would certainly some day return to his own people, he must be as beautiful as David, as noble as Arthur, as splendid as Adonis, and as valiant29 as Orlando, or any of the Seven Champions. He was to one young damsel, and doubtless to many others, the Prince of the old wife’s story. There are many such stories, but only one Prince for all of them. He is young and handsome, so was Lord Derwentwater; he hath a noble and flourishing estate, so had my lord; he hath a generous heart and a lavish30 hand, so had the young Earl; he is unmarried and free to become a lover —— a thing which always pleases a girl, though she need not be so foolish as to think him likely to become her own lover —— thus was my lord. To these qualities add that he had been the youthful friend, the companion, the sharer of the studies, even the cousion of that young Prince, now our lawful31 King, the rightful Sovereign of Great Britain and Ireland, acknowledged by most of the subjects (that is to say by all honest men) in these islands. He would tell the simple country folks when he came home of the appearance and countenance32 of His Royal Highness; he would come as a messenger, or an ambassador —— say rather a Lieutenant–Governor —— to the North Country, to keep their loyalty alive.
The origin of the Radcliffes is so remote as to be unknown. Many of our northern gentry boast a descent from the Norman Conquerors33. They, however, were nobles in still earlier times. It was not till two hundred years ago, or thereabouts, that a Radcliffe first came from Cumberland to the neighbouring county, when Sir William married the heiress of Dilston. The first Earl, Sir Francis, was created on the marriage of his eldest34 son Edward, in the year 1686, with Lady Mary Tudor, daughter of Charles II. It was an unhappy marriage, but as to the reasons of the unhappiness, one need not inquire. It becomes not a mere private gentlewoman to pass judgment35 on the actions of Earls and Countesses; yet it must not be forgotten that the Countess, within two years of the Earl’s death, married two more husbands in succession.
After the separation the Earl remained in London, in no way furthering (so far as I have learned) the cause of his rightful Sovereign. The Countess, however, took her four children to St. Germain’s, where she brought them up in the Court, and among the personal friends, of the Prince. It was feared by some that their French training would have made them become Frenchmen in habits and in mind. This was not so, however, for it may be averred36 that there never were three young men who more ardently37 desired the greatness of their country, and more loved liberty and Constitutional Government, than these three.
We were kept regularly informed of the Earl’s movements and those of his brothers by the kindness of Sir William and Lady Swinburne, of Capheaton, who received and sent letters from London, Newcastle, and even St. Germain’s. They were from the Earl himself, Sir William’s cousin, from the Countess, and from Colonel Thomas Radcliffe, who chiefly lived in Newcastle. Sir William Swinburne’s father married the first Earl’s half-sister, and the union was blessed by the birth of four-and-twenty children. Considering that the first Earl of Derwentwater had eight daughters and four sons, while his father had six sons and seven daughters, all by his wife Isabel, daughter of Sir Ralph Grey, of Chillingham, there were plenty in the north who could call the young Lord Derwentwater cousin.
We learned, therefore, from their letters, year by year, how the Earl and his brothers were in the hands of tutors, and were already showing great promise; how they were pages to the Prince; that it was decided38 not to let them carry arms in the French King’s service; that they would come to England as soon as the Earl was of age, and so on, the news always keeping up our curiosity about this young nobleman.
To pass over several years, we learned, in course of time, that his lordship was now fully39 grown; that he was a comely40, well-proportioned, and handsome young man, accomplished41 in all manly42 exercises, fond of reading, and well instructed, acquainted with the names and pedigrees of the Northumberland families, who were all his cousins; and that he was coming home to England without delay. Then the intriguers sent word of this, as of a most important event, about the country; the messengers rode north and south with letters; there was a stir in the north, and it was felt that now the time would shortly arrive for something to be done.
‘But,’ said Tom, ‘we Protestants may not be led by a Catholic. My lord must be content with being second.’
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suspense
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| n.（对可能发生的事）紧张感，担心，挂虑 | |
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stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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loyalty
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| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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embark
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| vi.乘船，着手，从事，上飞机 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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courteous
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| adj.彬彬有礼的，客气的 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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cardinal
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| n.(天主教的)红衣主教；adj.首要的，基本的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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pretence
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| n.假装，作假；借口，口实；虚伪；虚饰 | |
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secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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intriguing
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| adj.有趣的；迷人的v.搞阴谋诡计(intrigue的现在分词)；激起…的好奇心 | |
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laymen
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| 门外汉，外行人( layman的名词复数 )； 普通教徒（有别于神职人员） | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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industriously
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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ignominiously
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| adv.耻辱地，屈辱地，丢脸地 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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valiant
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| adj.勇敢的，英勇的；n.勇士，勇敢的人 | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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averred
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| v.断言( aver的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；证明…属实；作为事实提出 | |
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ardently
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| adv.热心地，热烈地 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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comely
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| adj.漂亮的，合宜的 | |
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accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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