The condition of England at the meeting of Parliament in 1842 was not satisfactory. The depression of trade in the manufacturing districts seemed overwhelming, and continued increasing during the whole of the year. A memorial from Stockport to the Queen in the spring represented that more than half the master spinners had failed, and that no less than three thousand dwelling1-houses were untenanted. One-fifth of the population of Leeds were dependent on the poor-rates. The state of Sheffield was not less severe—and the blast furnaces of Wolverhampton were extinguished. There were almost daily meetings, at Liverpool, Manchester, and Leeds, to consider the great and increasing distress2 of the country, and to induce ministers to bring forward remedial measures; but as these were impossible, violence was soon substituted for passionate3 appeals to the fears or the humanity of the government. Vast bodies of the population assembled in Staleybridge, and Ashton, and Oldham, and marched into Manchester.
For a week the rioting was unchecked, but the government despatched a strong military force to that city, and order was restored.
The state of affairs in Scotland was not more favourable4. There were food riots in several of the Scotch5 towns, and in Glasgow the multitude assembled, and then commenced what they called a begging tour, but which was really a progress of not disguised intimidation6. The economic crisis in Ireland was yet to come, but the whole of that country was absorbed in a harassing7 and dangerous agitation8 for the repeal9 of the union between the two countries.
During all this time, the Anti–Corn Law League was holding regular and frequent meetings at Manchester, at which statements were made distinguished10 by great eloquence11 and little scruple12. But the able leaders of this confederacy never succeeded in enlisting13 the sympathies of the great body of the population. Between the masters and the workmen there was an alienation15 of feeling, which apparently16 never could be removed. This reserve, however, did not enlist14 the working classes on the side of the government; they had their own object, and one which they themselves enthusiastically cherished. And this was the Charter, a political settlement which was to restore the golden age, and which the master manufacturers and the middle classes generally looked upon with even more apprehension17 than Her Majesty’s advisers18. It is hardly necessary to add, that in a state of affairs like that which is here faintly but still faithfully sketched19, the rapid diminution20 of the revenue was inevitable21, and of course that decline mainly occurred in the two all-important branches of the customs and excise22.
There was another great misfortune also which at this trying time hung over England. The country was dejected. The humiliating disasters of Afghanistan, dark narratives23 of which were periodically arriving, had produced a more depressing effect on the spirit of the country than all the victories and menaces of Napoleon in the heyday24 of his wild career. At home and abroad, there seemed nothing to sustain the national spirit; financial embarrassment25, commercial and manufacturing distress, social and political agitation on the one hand, and on the other, the loss of armies, of reputation, perhaps of empire. It was true that these external misfortunes could hardly be attributed to the new ministry26—but when a nation is thoroughly27 perplexed28 and dispirited, it soon ceases to make distinctions between political parties. The country is out of sorts, and the “government” is held answerable for the disorder29.
Thus it will be seen, that, though the new ministry were supported by a commanding majority in parliament, and that, too, after a recent appeal to the country, they were not popular, it may be truly said they were even the reverse. The opposition30, on the other hand, notwithstanding their discomfiture31, and, on some subjects, their disgrace, were by no means disheartened, and believed that there were economical causes at work, which must soon restore them to power.
The minister brought forward his revision of the tariff32, which was denounced by the League as futile33, and in which anathema34 the opposition soon found it convenient to agree. Had the minister included in his measure that “total and immediate35 repeal” of the existing corn laws which was preached by many as a panacea36, the effect would have been probably much the same. No doubt a tariff may aggravate37, or may mitigate38, such a condition of commercial depression as periodically visits a state of society like that of England, but it does not produce it. It was produced in 1842, as it had been produced at the present time, by an abuse of capital and credit, and by a degree of production which the wants of the world have not warranted.
And yet all this time, there were certain influences at work in the great body of the nation, neither foreseen, nor for some time recognised, by statesmen and those great capitalists on whose opinion statesmen much depend, which were stirring, as it were, like the unconscious power of the forces of nature, and which were destined39 to baffle all the calculations of persons in authority and the leading spirits of all parties, strengthen a perplexed administration, confound a sanguine40 opposition, render all the rhetoric41, statistics, and subscriptions42 of the Anti–Corn Law League fruitless, and absolutely make the Chartists forget the Charter.
“My friends will not assist themselves by resisting the government measures,” said Mr. Neuchatel, with his usual calm smile, half sceptical, half sympathetic. “The measures will do no good, but they will do no harm. There are no measures that will do any good at this moment. We do not want measures; what we want is a new channel.”
That is exactly what was wanted. There was abundant capital in the country and a mass of unemployed43 labour. But the markets on which they had of late depended, the American especially, were overworked and overstocked, and in some instances were not only overstocked, but disturbed by war, as the Chinese, for example—and capital and labour wanted “a new channel.”
The new channel came, and all the persons of authority, alike political and commercial, seemed quite surprised that it had arrived; but when a thing or a man is wanted, they generally appear. One or two lines of railway, which had been long sleepily in formation, about this time were finished, and one or two lines of railway, which had been finished for some time and were unnoticed, announced dividends44, and not contemptible45 ones. Suddenly there was a general feeling in the country, that its capital should be invested in railways; that the whole surface of the land should be transformed, and covered, as by a network, with these mighty46 means of communication. When the passions of the English, naturally an enthusiastic people, are excited on a subject of finance, their will, their determination, and resource, are irresistible47. This was signally proved in the present instance, for they never ceased subscribing48 their capital until the sum entrusted49 to this new form of investment reached an amount almost equal to the national debt; and this too in a very few years. The immediate effect on the condition of the country was absolutely prodigious50. The value of land rose, all the blast furnaces were relit, a stimulant51 was given to every branch of the home trade, the amount suddenly paid in wages exceeded that ever known in this country, and wages too at a high rate. Large portions of the labouring classes not only enjoyed comfort, but commanded luxury. All this of course soon acted on the revenue, and both customs and especially excise soon furnished an ample surplus.
It cannot be pretended that all this energy and enterprise were free in their operation from those evils which, it seems, must inevitably52 attend any extensive public speculation53, however well founded. Many of the scenes and circumstances recalled the days of the South Sea Scheme. The gambling54 in shares of companies which were formed only in name was without limit. The principal towns of the north established for that purpose stock exchanges of their own, and Leeds especially, one-fifth of whose population had been authoritatively55 described in the first session of the new parliament as dependent on the poor-rates, now boasted a stock exchange which in the extent of its transactions rivalled that of the metropolis56. And the gambling was universal, from the noble to the mechanic. It was confined to no class and to no sex. The scene which took place at the Board of Trade on the last day on which plans could be lodged57, and when midnight had arrived while crowds from the country were still filling the hall, and pressing at the doors, deserved and required for its adequate representation the genius of a Hogarth. This was the day on which it was announced that the total number of railway projects, on which deposits had been paid, had reached nearly to eight hundred.
What is remarkable58 in this vast movement in which so many millions were produced, and so many more promised, is, that the great leaders of the financial world took no part in it. The mighty loan-mongers, on whose fiat59 the fate of kings and empires sometimes depended, seemed like men who, witnessing some eccentricity60 of nature, watch it with mixed feelings of curiosity and alarm. Even Lombard Street, which never was more wanted, was inactive, and it was only by the irresistible pressure of circumstances that a banking61 firm which had an extensive country connection was ultimately forced to take the leading part that was required, and almost unconsciously lay the foundation of the vast fortunes which it has realised, and organise62 the varied63 connection which it now commands. All seemed to come from the provinces, and from unknown people in the provinces.
But in all affairs there must be a leader, and a leader appeared. He was more remarkable than the movement itself. He was a London tradesman, though a member of parliament returned for the first time to this House of Commons. This leader was Mr. Vigo.
Mr. Vigo had foreseen what was coming, and had prepared for it. He agreed with Mr. Neuchatel, what was wanted was “a new channel.” That channel he thought he had discovered, and he awaited it. He himself could command no inconsiderable amount of capital, and he had a following of obscure rich friends who believed in him, and did what he liked. His daily visits to the City, except when he was travelling over England, and especially the north and midland counties, had their purpose and bore fruit. He was a director, and soon the chairman and leading spirit, of a railway which was destined to be perhaps our most important one. He was master of all the details of the business; he had arrived at conclusions on the question of the gauges64, which then was a pons asinorum for the multitude, and understood all about rolling stock and permanent ways, and sleepers65 and branch lines, which were then cabalistic terms to the general. In his first session in parliament he had passed quietly and almost unnoticed several bills on these matters, and began to be recognised by the Committee of Selection as a member who ought to be “put on” for questions of this kind.
The great occasion had arrived, and Mr. Vigo was equal to it. He was one of those few men who awake one day and find themselves famous. Suddenly it would seem that the name of Mr. Vigo was in everybody’s mouth. There was only one subject which interested the country, and he was recognised as the man who best understood it. He was an oracle66, and, naturally, soon became an idol67. The tariff of the ministers was forgotten, the invectives of the League were disregarded, their motions for the repeal of the corn laws were invariably defeated by large and contemptuous majorities. The House of Commons did nothing but pass railway bills, measures which were welcomed with unanimity68 by the House of Lords, whose estates were in consequence daily increasing in value. People went to the gallery to see Mr. Vigo introduce bills, and could scarcely restrain their enthusiasm at the spectacle of so much patriotic70 energy, which secured for them premiums71 for shares, which they held in undertakings72 of which the first sod was not yet cut. On one morning, the Great Cloudland Company, of which he was chairman, gave their approval of twenty-six bills, which he immediately introduced into parliament. Next day, the Ebor and North Cloudland sanctioned six bills under his advice, and affirmed deeds and agreements which affected73 all the principal railway projects in Lancashire and Yorkshire. A quarter of an hour later, just time to hurry from one meeting to another, where he was always received with rampant74 enthusiasm, Newcastle and the extreme north accepted his dictatorship. During a portion of two days, he obtained the consent of shareholders75 to forty bills, involving an expenditure76 of ten millions; and the engagements for one session alone amounted to one hundred and thirty millions sterling77.
Mr. Neuchatel shrugged78 his shoulders, but no one would listen even to Mr. Neuchatel, when the prime minister himself, supposed to be the most wary79 of men, and especially on financial subjects, in the very white heat of all this speculation, himself raised the first sod on his own estate in a project of extent and importance.
Throughout these extraordinary scenes, Mr. Vigo, though not free from excitement, exhibited, on the whole, much self-control. He was faithful to his old friends, and no one profited more in this respect than Mr. Rodney. That gentleman became the director of several lines, and vice-chairman of one over which Mr. Vigo himself presided. No one was surprised that Mr. Rodney therefore should enter parliament. He came in by virtue80 of one of those petitions that Tadpole81 was always cooking, or baffling. Mr. Rodney was a supporter of the ministry, and Mr. Vigo was a Liberal, but Mr. Vigo returned Mr. Rodney to parliament all the same, and no one seemed astonished or complained. Political connection, political consistency82, political principle, all vanished before the fascination83 of premiums.
As for Endymion, the great man made him friendly and earnest overtures84, and offered, if he would give his time to business, which, as he was in opposition, would be no great sacrifice, to promote and secure his fortune. But Endymion, after due reflection, declined, though with gratitude85, these tempting86 proposals. Ferrars was an ambitious man, but not too imaginative a one. He had a main object in life, and that was to regain87 the position which had been forfeited88, not by his own fault. His grandfather and his father before him had both been privy89 councillors and ministers of state. There had, indeed, been more than the prospect90 of his father filling a very prominent position. All had been lost, but the secret purpose of the life of Endymion was that, from being a clerk in a public office, he should arrive by his own energies at the station to which he seemed, as it were, born. To accomplish this he felt that the entire devotion of his labour and thought was requisite91. His character was essentially92 tenacious93, and he had already realised no inconsiderable amount of political knowledge and official experience. His object seemed difficult and distant, but there was nothing wild or visionary in its pursuit. He had achieved some of the first steps, and he was yet very young. There were friends about him, however, who were not content with what they deemed his moderate ambition, and thought they discerned in him qualities which might enable him to mount to a higher stage. However this might be, his judgment94 was that he must resist the offers of Mr. Vigo, though they were sincerely kind, and so he felt them.
In the meantime, he frequently met that gentleman, and not merely in the House of Commons. Mr. St. Barbe would have been frantically95 envious96 could he have witnessed and perused97 the social invitations that fell like a continuous snow-storm on the favoured roof of Mr. Vigo. Mr. Vigo was not a party question. He dined with high patricians98 who forgot their political differences, while they agreed in courting the presence of this great benefactor99 of his country. The fine ladies were as eager in their homage100 to this real patriot69, and he might be seen between rival countesses, who emulated101 each other in their appreciation102 of his public services. These were Mr. Vigo’s dangerous suitors. He confessed to Endymion one day that he could not manage the great ladies. “Male swells,” he would say laughingly, “I have measured physically103 and intellectually.” The golden youth of the country seemed fascinated by his society, repeated his sententious bons-mot, and applied104 for shares in every company which he launched into prosperous existence.
Mr. Vigo purchased a splendid mansion105 in St. James’ Square, where invitations to his banquets were looked upon almost as commands. His chief cook was one of the celebrities106 of Europe, and though he had served emperors, the salary he received from Mr. Vigo exceeded any one he had hitherto condescended107 to pocket. Mr. Vigo bought estates, hired moors108, lavished109 his money, not only with profusion110, but with generosity111. Everything was placed at his command, and it appeared that there was nothing that he refused. “When this excitement is over,” said Mr. Bertie Tremaine, “I hope to induce him to take India.”
In the midst of this commanding effulgence112, the calmer beam of Mr. Rodney might naturally pass unnoticed, yet its brightness was clear and sustained. The Rodneys engaged a dwelling of no mean proportion in that favoured district of South Kensington, which was then beginning to assume the high character it has since obtained. Their equipages were distinguished, and when Mrs. Rodney entered the Park, driving her matchless ponies113, and attended by outriders, and herself bright as Diana, the world leaning over its palings witnessed her appearance with equal delight and admiration114.
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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passionate
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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intimidation
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| n.恐吓，威胁 | |
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harassing
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| v.侵扰，骚扰( harass的现在分词 )；不断攻击（敌人） | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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enlisting
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| v.（使）入伍， （使）参军( enlist的现在分词 )；获得（帮助或支持） | |
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enlist
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| vt.谋取(支持等)，赢得；征募；vi.入伍 | |
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alienation
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| n.疏远；离间；异化 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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advisers
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| 顾问，劝告者( adviser的名词复数 )； （指导大学新生学科问题等的）指导教授 | |
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sketched
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| v.草拟（sketch的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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diminution
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| n.减少；变小 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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excise
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| n.(国产)货物税；vt.切除，删去 | |
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narratives
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| 记叙文( narrative的名词复数 )； 故事； 叙述； 叙述部分 | |
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heyday
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| n.全盛时期，青春期 | |
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embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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ministry
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| n.(政府的)部；牧师 | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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perplexed
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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tariff
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| n.关税，税率；(旅馆、饭店等)价目表，收费表 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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panacea
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| n.万灵药；治百病的灵药 | |
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aggravate
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| vt.加重(剧)，使恶化；激怒，使恼火 | |
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mitigate
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| vt.（使）减轻，（使）缓和 | |
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destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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subscriptions
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| n.（报刊等的）订阅费( subscription的名词复数 )；捐款；（俱乐部的）会员费；捐助 | |
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unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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dividends
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| 红利( dividend的名词复数 )； 股息； 被除数； （足球彩票的）彩金 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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subscribing
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| v.捐助( subscribe的现在分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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entrusted
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prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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stimulant
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| n.刺激物，兴奋剂 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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gambling
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| n.赌博；投机 | |
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authoritatively
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| 命令式地，有权威地，可信地 | |
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metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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lodged
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| v.存放( lodge的过去式和过去分词 )；暂住；埋入；（权利、权威等）归属 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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fiat
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| n.命令，法令，批准；vt.批准，颁布 | |
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eccentricity
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| n.古怪，反常，怪癖 | |
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banking
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| n.银行业，银行学，金融业 | |
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organise
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| vt.组织，安排，筹办 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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gauges
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| n.规格( gauge的名词复数 )；厚度；宽度；标准尺寸v.（用仪器）测量( gauge的第三人称单数 )；估计；计量；划分 | |
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sleepers
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| n.卧铺（通常以复数形式出现）；卧车( sleeper的名词复数 )；轨枕；睡觉（呈某种状态）的人；小耳环 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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idol
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| n.偶像，红人，宠儿 | |
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68
unanimity
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| n.全体一致，一致同意 | |
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69
patriot
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| n.爱国者，爱国主义者 | |
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patriotic
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| adj.爱国的，有爱国心的 | |
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71
premiums
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| n.费用( premium的名词复数 )；保险费；额外费用；（商品定价、贷款利息等以外的）加价 | |
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72
undertakings
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| 企业( undertaking的名词复数 )； 保证； 殡仪业； 任务 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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rampant
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| adj.(植物)蔓生的；狂暴的，无约束的 | |
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shareholders
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| n.股东( shareholder的名词复数 ) | |
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expenditure
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| n.(时间、劳力、金钱等)支出；使用，消耗 | |
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sterling
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| adj.英币的(纯粹的，货真价实的)；n.英国货币(英镑) | |
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78
shrugged
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| vt.耸肩（shrug的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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81
tadpole
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| n.[动]蝌蚪 | |
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82
consistency
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| n.一贯性，前后一致，稳定性；(液体的)浓度 | |
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83
fascination
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| n.令人着迷的事物，魅力，迷恋 | |
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84
overtures
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| n.主动的表示，提议；（向某人做出的）友好表示、姿态或提议( overture的名词复数 )；（歌剧、芭蕾舞、音乐剧等的）序曲，前奏曲 | |
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85
gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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86
tempting
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| a.诱人的, 吸引人的 | |
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87
regain
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| vt.重新获得，收复，恢复 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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privy
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| adj.私用的；隐密的 | |
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90
prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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requisite
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| adj.需要的，必不可少的；n.必需品 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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93
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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frantically
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| ad.发狂地, 发疯地 | |
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envious
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| adj.嫉妒的，羡慕的 | |
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perused
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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98
patricians
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| n.（古罗马的）统治阶层成员( patrician的名词复数 )；贵族，显贵 | |
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benefactor
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| n. 恩人，行善的人，捐助人 | |
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100
homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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101
emulated
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| v.与…竞争( emulate的过去式和过去分词 )；努力赶上；计算机程序等仿真；模仿 | |
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102
appreciation
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| n.评价；欣赏；感谢；领会，理解；价格上涨 | |
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103
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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104
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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105
mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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106
celebrities
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| n.（尤指娱乐界的）名人( celebrity的名词复数 )；名流；名声；名誉 | |
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107
condescended
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| 屈尊，俯就( condescend的过去式和过去分词 )； 故意表示和蔼可亲 | |
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108
moors
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| v.停泊，系泊（船只）( moor的第三人称单数 ) | |
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109
lavished
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| v.过分给予，滥施( lavish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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110
profusion
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| n.挥霍；丰富 | |
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111
generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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112
effulgence
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| n.光辉 | |
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113
ponies
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| 矮种马，小型马( pony的名词复数 )； ￡25 25 英镑 | |
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114
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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