Of the inhabitants of Lilliput; their learning, laws, and customs; the manner of educating their children. The author’s way of living in that country. His vindication1 of a great lady.
Although I intend to leave the description of this empire to a particular treatise3, yet, in the mean time, I am content to gratify the curious reader with some general ideas. As the common size of the natives is somewhat under six inches high, so there is an exact proportion in all other animals, as well as plants and trees: for instance, the tallest horses and oxen are between four and five inches in height, the sheep an inch and half, more or less: their geese about the bigness of a sparrow, and so the several gradations downwards4 till you come to the smallest, which to my sight, were almost invisible; but nature has adapted the eyes of the Lilliputians to all objects proper for their view: they see with great exactness, but at no great distance. And, to show the sharpness of their sight towards objects that are near, I have been much pleased with observing a cook pulling a lark5, which was not so large as a common fly; and a young girl threading an invisible needle with invisible silk. Their tallest trees are about seven feet high: I mean some of those in the great royal park, the tops whereof I could but just reach with my fist clenched6. The other vegetables are in the same proportion; but this I leave to the reader’s imagination.
I shall say but little at present of their learning, which, for many ages, has flourished in all its branches among them: but their manner of writing is very peculiar7, being neither from the left to the right, like the Europeans, nor from the right to the left, like the Arabians, nor from up to down, like the Chinese, but aslant8, from one corner of the paper to the other, like ladies in England.
They bury their dead with their heads directly downward, because they hold an opinion, that in eleven thousand moons they are all to rise again; in which period the earth (which they conceive to be flat) will turn upside down, and by this means they shall, at their resurrection, be found ready standing9 on their feet. The learned among them confess the absurdity10 of this doctrine11; but the practice still continues, in compliance12 to the vulgar.
There are some laws and customs in this empire very peculiar; and if they were not so directly contrary to those of my own dear country, I should be tempted13 to say a little in their justification14. It is only to be wished they were as well executed. The first I shall mention, relates to informers. All crimes against the state, are punished here with the utmost severity; but, if the person accused makes his innocence16 plainly to appear upon his trial, the accuser is immediately put to an ignominious17 death; and out of his goods or lands the innocent person is quadruply recompensed for the loss of his time, for the danger he underwent, for the hardship of his imprisonment18, and for all the charges he has been at in making his defence; or, if that fund be deficient19, it is largely supplied by the crown. The emperor also confers on him some public mark of his favour, and proclamation is made of his innocence through the whole city.
They look upon fraud as a greater crime than theft, and therefore seldom fail to punish it with death; for they allege20, that care and vigilance, with a very common understanding, may preserve a man’s goods from thieves, but honesty has no defence against superior cunning; and, since it is necessary that there should be a perpetual intercourse21 of buying and selling, and dealing22 upon credit, where fraud is permitted and connived23 at, or has no law to punish it, the honest dealer24 is always undone25, and the knave26 gets the advantage. I remember, when I was once interceding27 with the emperor for a criminal who had wronged his master of a great sum of money, which he had received by order and ran away with; and happening to tell his majesty28, by way of extenuation29, that it was only a breach30 of trust, the emperor thought it monstrous31 in me to offer as a defence the greatest aggravation32 of the crime; and truly I had little to say in return, farther than the common answer, that different nations had different customs; for, I confess, I was heartily33 ashamed. 2
Although we usually call reward and punishment the two hinges upon which all government turns, yet I could never observe this maxim34 to be put in practice by any nation except that of Lilliput. Whoever can there bring sufficient proof, that he has strictly35 observed the laws of his country for seventy-three moons, has a claim to certain privileges, according to his quality or condition of life, with a proportionable sum of money out of a fund appropriated for that use: he likewise acquires the title of snilpall, or legal, which is added to his name, but does not descend36 to his posterity37. And these people thought it a prodigious38 defect of policy among us, when I told them that our laws were enforced only by penalties, without any mention of reward. It is upon this account that the image of Justice, in their courts of judicature, is formed with six eyes, two before, as many behind, and on each side one, to signify circumspection39; with a bag of gold open in her right hand, and a sword sheathed40 in her left, to show she is more disposed to reward than to punish.
In choosing persons for all employments, they have more regard to good morals than to great abilities; for, since government is necessary to mankind, they believe, that the common size of human understanding is fitted to some station or other; and that Providence41 never intended to make the management of public affairs a mystery to be comprehended only by a few persons of sublime42 genius, of which there seldom are three born in an age: but they suppose truth, justice, temperance, and the like, to be in every man’s power; the practice of which virtues43, assisted by experience and a good intention, would qualify any man for the service of his country, except where a course of study is required. But they thought the want of moral virtues was so far from being supplied by superior endowments of the mind, that employments could never be put into such dangerous hands as those of persons so qualified45; and, at least, that the mistakes committed by ignorance, in a virtuous46 disposition47, would never be of such fatal consequence to the public weal, as the practices of a man, whose inclinations48 led him to be corrupt49, and who had great abilities to manage, to multiply, and defend his corruptions50.
In like manner, the disbelief of a Divine Providence renders a man incapable51 of holding any public station; for, since kings avow52 themselves to be the deputies of Providence, the Lilliputians think nothing can be more absurd than for a prince to employ such men as disown the authority under which he acts.
In relating these and the following laws, I would only be understood to mean the original institutions, and not the most scandalous corruptions, into which these people are fallen by the degenerate53 nature of man. For, as to that infamous54 practice of acquiring great employments by dancing on the ropes, or badges of favour and distinction by leaping over sticks and creeping under them, the reader is to observe, that they were first introduced by the grandfather of the emperor now reigning55, and grew to the present height by the gradual increase of party and faction56.
Ingratitude57 is among them a capital crime, as we read it to have been in some other countries: for they reason thus; that whoever makes ill returns to his benefactor59, must needs be a common enemy to the rest of mankind, from whom he has received no obligation, and therefore such a man is not fit to live.
Their notions relating to the duties of parents and children differ extremely from ours. For, since the conjunction of male and female is founded upon the great law of nature, in order to propagate and continue the species, the Lilliputians will needs have it, that men and women are joined together, like other animals, by the motives60 of concupiscence; and that their tenderness towards their young proceeds from the like natural principle: for which reason they will never allow that a child is under any obligation to his father for begetting61 him, or to his mother for bringing him into the world; which, considering the miseries62 of human life, was neither a benefit in itself, nor intended so by his parents, whose thoughts, in their love encounters, were otherwise employed. Upon these, and the like reasonings, their opinion is, that parents are the last of all others to be trusted with the education of their own children; and therefore they have in every town public nurseries, where all parents, except cottagers and labourers, are obliged to send their infants of both sexes to be reared and educated, when they come to the age of twenty moons, at which time they are supposed to have some rudiments63 of docility64. These schools are of several kinds, suited to different qualities, and both sexes. They have certain professors well skilled in preparing children for such a condition of life as befits the rank of their parents, and their own capacities, as well as inclinations. I shall first say something of the male nurseries, and then of the female.
The nurseries for males of noble or eminent65 birth, are provided with grave and learned professors, and their several deputies. The clothes and food of the children are plain and simple. They are bred up in the principles of honour, justice, courage, modesty66, clemency67, religion, and love of their country; they are always employed in some business, except in the times of eating and sleeping, which are very short, and two hours for diversions consisting of bodily exercises. They are dressed by men till four years of age, and then are obliged to dress themselves, although their quality be ever so great; and the women attendant, who are aged68 proportionably to ours at fifty, perform only the most menial offices. They are never suffered to converse69 with servants, but go together in smaller or greater numbers to take their diversions, and always in the presence of a professor, or one of his deputies; whereby they avoid those early bad impressions of folly70 and vice44, to which our children are subject. Their parents are suffered to see them only twice a year; the visit is to last but an hour; they are allowed to kiss the child at meeting and parting; but a professor, who always stands by on those occasions, will not suffer them to whisper, or use any fondling expressions, or bring any presents of toys, sweetmeats, and the like.
The pension from each family for the education and entertainment of a child, upon failure of due payment, is levied71 by the emperor’s officers.
The nurseries for children of ordinary gentlemen, merchants, traders, and handicrafts, are managed proportionably after the same manner; only those designed for trades are put out apprentices72 at eleven years old, whereas those of persons of quality continue in their exercises till fifteen, which answers to twenty-one with us: but the confinement73 is gradually lessened74 for the last three years.
In the female nurseries, the young girls of quality are educated much like the males, only they are dressed by orderly servants of their own sex; but always in the presence of a professor or deputy, till they come to dress themselves, which is at five years old. And if it be found that these nurses ever presume to entertain the girls with frightful75 or foolish stories, or the common follies76 practised by chambermaids among us, they are publicly whipped thrice about the city, imprisoned77 for a year, and banished78 for life to the most desolate79 part of the country. Thus the young ladies are as much ashamed of being cowards and fools as the men, and despise all personal ornaments80, beyond decency81 and cleanliness: neither did I perceive any difference in their education made by their difference of sex, only that the exercises of the females were not altogether so robust82; and that some rules were given them relating to domestic life, and a smaller compass of learning was enjoined83 them: for their maxim is, that among peoples of quality, a wife should be always a reasonable and agreeable companion, because she cannot always be young. When the girls are twelve years old, which among them is the marriageable age, their parents or guardians84 take them home, with great expressions of gratitude58 to the professors, and seldom without tears of the young lady and her companions.
In the nurseries of females of the meaner sort, the children are instructed in all kinds of works proper for their sex, and their several degrees: those intended for apprentices are dismissed at seven years old, the rest are kept to eleven.
The meaner families who have children at these nurseries, are obliged, besides their annual pension, which is as low as possible, to return to the steward85 of the nursery a small monthly share of their gettings, to be a portion for the child; and therefore all parents are limited in their expenses by the law. For the Lilliputians think nothing can be more unjust, than for people, in subservience86 to their own appetites, to bring children into the world, and leave the burthen of supporting them on the public. As to persons of quality, they give security to appropriate a certain sum for each child, suitable to their condition; and these funds are always managed with good husbandry and the most exact justice.
The cottagers and labourers keep their children at home, their business being only to till and cultivate the earth, and therefore their education is of little consequence to the public: but the old and diseased among them, are supported by hospitals; for begging is a trade unknown in this empire.
And here it may, perhaps, divert the curious reader, to give some account of my domestics, and my manner of living in this country, during a residence of nine months, and thirteen days. Having a head mechanically turned, and being likewise forced by necessity, I had made for myself a table and chair convenient enough, out of the largest trees in the royal park. Two hundred sempstresses were employed to make me shirts, and linen87 for my bed and table, all of the strongest and coarsest kind they could get; which, however, they were forced to quilt together in several folds, for the thickest was some degrees finer than lawn. Their linen is usually three inches wide, and three feet make a piece. The sempstresses took my measure as I lay on the ground, one standing at my neck, and another at my mid-leg, with a strong cord extended, that each held by the end, while a third measured the length of the cord with a rule of an inch long. Then they measured my right thumb, and desired no more; for by a mathematical computation, that twice round the thumb is once round the wrist, and so on to the neck and the waist, and by the help of my old shirt, which I displayed on the ground before them for a pattern, they fitted me exactly. Three hundred tailors were employed in the same manner to make me clothes; but they had another contrivance for taking my measure. I kneeled down, and they raised a ladder from the ground to my neck; upon this ladder one of them mounted, and let fall a plumb-line from my collar to the floor, which just answered the length of my coat: but my waist and arms I measured myself. When my clothes were finished, which was done in my house (for the largest of theirs would not have been able to hold them), they looked like the patch-work made by the ladies in England, only that mine were all of a colour.
I had three hundred cooks to dress my victuals88, in little convenient huts built about my house, where they and their families lived, and prepared me two dishes a-piece. I took up twenty waiters in my hand, and placed them on the table: a hundred more attended below on the ground, some with dishes of meat, and some with barrels of wine and other liquors slung89 on their shoulders; all which the waiters above drew up, as I wanted, in a very ingenious manner, by certain cords, as we draw the bucket up a well in Europe. A dish of their meat was a good mouthful, and a barrel of their liquor a reasonable draught90. Their mutton yields to ours, but their beef is excellent. I have had a sirloin so large, that I have been forced to make three bites of it; but this is rare. My servants were astonished to see me eat it, bones and all, as in our country we do the leg of a lark. Their geese and turkeys I usually ate at a mouthful, and I confess they far exceed ours. Of their smaller fowl91 I could take up twenty or thirty at the end of my knife.
One day his imperial majesty, being informed of my way of living, desired “that himself and his royal consort92, with the young princes of the blood of both sexes, might have the happiness,” as he was pleased to call it, “of dining with me.” They came accordingly, and I placed them in chairs of state, upon my table, just over against me, with their guards about them. Flimnap, the lord high treasurer93, attended there likewise with his white staff; and I observed he often looked on me with a sour countenance94, which I would not seem to regard, but ate more than usual, in honour to my dear country, as well as to fill the court with admiration95. I have some private reasons to believe, that this visit from his majesty gave Flimnap an opportunity of doing me ill offices to his master. That minister had always been my secret enemy, though he outwardly caressed96 me more than was usual to the moroseness97 of his nature. He represented to the emperor “the low condition of his treasury98; that he was forced to take up money at a great discount; that exchequer99 bills would not circulate under nine per cent. below par2; that I had cost his majesty above a million and a half of sprugs” (their greatest gold coin, about the bigness of a spangle) “and, upon the whole, that it would be advisable in the emperor to take the first fair occasion of dismissing me.”
I am here obliged to vindicate100 the reputation of an excellent lady, who was an innocent sufferer upon my account. The treasurer took a fancy to be jealous of his wife, from the malice101 of some evil tongues, who informed him that her grace had taken a violent affection for my person; and the court scandal ran for some time, that she once came privately102 to my lodging103. This I solemnly declare to be a most infamous falsehood, without any grounds, further than that her grace was pleased to treat me with all innocent marks of freedom and friendship. I own she came often to my house, but always publicly, nor ever without three more in the coach, who were usually her sister and young daughter, and some particular acquaintance; but this was common to many other ladies of the court. And I still appeal to my servants round, whether they at any time saw a coach at my door, without knowing what persons were in it. On those occasions, when a servant had given me notice, my custom was to go immediately to the door, and, after paying my respects, to take up the coach and two horses very carefully in my hands (for, if there were six horses, the postillion always unharnessed four,) and place them on a table, where I had fixed104 a movable rim15 quite round, of five inches high, to prevent accidents. And I have often had four coaches and horses at once on my table, full of company, while I sat in my chair, leaning my face towards them; and when I was engaged with one set, the coachmen would gently drive the others round my table. I have passed many an afternoon very agreeably in these conversations. But I defy the treasurer, or his two informers (I will name them, and let them make the best of it) Clustril and Drunlo, to prove that any person ever came to me incognito105, except the secretary Reldresal, who was sent by express command of his imperial majesty, as I have before related. I should not have dwelt so long upon this particular, if it had not been a point wherein the reputation of a great lady is so nearly concerned, to say nothing of my own; though I then had the honour to be a nardac, which the treasurer himself is not; for all the world knows, that he is only a glumglum, a title inferior by one degree, as that of a marquis is to a duke in England; yet I allow he preceded me in right of his post. These false informations, which I afterwards came to the knowledge of by an accident not proper to mention, made the treasurer show his lady for some time an ill countenance, and me a worse; and although he was at last undeceived and reconciled to her, yet I lost all credit with him, and found my interest decline very fast with the emperor himself, who was, indeed, too much governed by that favourite.
1 vindication | |
n.洗冤,证实 | |
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2 par | |
n.标准,票面价值,平均数量;adj.票面的,平常的,标准的 | |
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3 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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4 downwards | |
adj./adv.向下的(地),下行的(地) | |
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5 lark | |
n.云雀,百灵鸟;n.嬉戏,玩笑;vi.嬉戏 | |
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6 clenched | |
v.紧握,抓紧,咬紧( clench的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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7 peculiar | |
adj.古怪的,异常的;特殊的,特有的 | |
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8 aslant | |
adv.倾斜地;adj.斜的 | |
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9 standing | |
n.持续,地位;adj.永久的,不动的,直立的,不流动的 | |
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10 absurdity | |
n.荒谬,愚蠢;谬论 | |
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11 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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12 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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13 tempted | |
v.怂恿(某人)干不正当的事;冒…的险(tempt的过去分词) | |
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14 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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15 rim | |
n.(圆物的)边,轮缘;边界 | |
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16 innocence | |
n.无罪;天真;无害 | |
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17 ignominious | |
adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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18 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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19 deficient | |
adj.不足的,不充份的,有缺陷的 | |
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20 allege | |
vt.宣称,申述,主张,断言 | |
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21 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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22 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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23 connived | |
v.密谋 ( connive的过去式和过去分词 );搞阴谋;默许;纵容 | |
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24 dealer | |
n.商人,贩子 | |
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25 undone | |
a.未做完的,未完成的 | |
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26 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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27 interceding | |
v.斡旋,调解( intercede的现在分词 );说情 | |
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28 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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29 extenuation | |
n.减轻罪孽的借口;酌情减轻;细 | |
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30 breach | |
n.违反,不履行;破裂;vt.冲破,攻破 | |
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31 monstrous | |
adj.巨大的;恐怖的;可耻的,丢脸的 | |
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32 aggravation | |
n.烦恼,恼火 | |
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33 heartily | |
adv.衷心地,诚恳地,十分,很 | |
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34 maxim | |
n.格言,箴言 | |
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35 strictly | |
adv.严厉地,严格地;严密地 | |
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36 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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37 posterity | |
n.后裔,子孙,后代 | |
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38 prodigious | |
adj.惊人的,奇妙的;异常的;巨大的;庞大的 | |
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39 circumspection | |
n.细心,慎重 | |
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40 sheathed | |
adj.雕塑像下半身包在鞘中的;覆盖的;铠装的;装鞘了的v.将(刀、剑等)插入鞘( sheathe的过去式和过去分词 );包,覆盖 | |
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41 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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42 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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43 virtues | |
美德( virtue的名词复数 ); 德行; 优点; 长处 | |
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44 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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45 qualified | |
adj.合格的,有资格的,胜任的,有限制的 | |
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46 virtuous | |
adj.有品德的,善良的,贞洁的,有效力的 | |
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47 disposition | |
n.性情,性格;意向,倾向;排列,部署 | |
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48 inclinations | |
倾向( inclination的名词复数 ); 倾斜; 爱好; 斜坡 | |
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49 corrupt | |
v.贿赂,收买;adj.腐败的,贪污的 | |
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50 corruptions | |
n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 );腐化;腐败;贿赂 | |
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51 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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52 avow | |
v.承认,公开宣称 | |
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53 degenerate | |
v.退步,堕落;adj.退步的,堕落的;n.堕落者 | |
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54 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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55 reigning | |
adj.统治的,起支配作用的 | |
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56 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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57 ingratitude | |
n.忘恩负义 | |
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58 gratitude | |
adj.感激,感谢 | |
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59 benefactor | |
n. 恩人,行善的人,捐助人 | |
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60 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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61 begetting | |
v.为…之生父( beget的现在分词 );产生,引起 | |
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62 miseries | |
n.痛苦( misery的名词复数 );痛苦的事;穷困;常发牢骚的人 | |
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63 rudiments | |
n.基础知识,入门 | |
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64 docility | |
n.容易教,易驾驶,驯服 | |
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65 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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66 modesty | |
n.谦逊,虚心,端庄,稳重,羞怯,朴素 | |
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67 clemency | |
n.温和,仁慈,宽厚 | |
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68 aged | |
adj.年老的,陈年的 | |
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69 converse | |
vi.谈话,谈天,闲聊;adv.相反的,相反 | |
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70 folly | |
n.愚笨,愚蠢,蠢事,蠢行,傻话 | |
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71 levied | |
征(兵)( levy的过去式和过去分词 ); 索取; 发动(战争); 征税 | |
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72 apprentices | |
学徒,徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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73 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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74 lessened | |
减少的,减弱的 | |
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75 frightful | |
adj.可怕的;讨厌的 | |
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76 follies | |
罪恶,时事讽刺剧; 愚蠢,蠢笨,愚蠢的行为、思想或做法( folly的名词复数 ) | |
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77 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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78 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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79 desolate | |
adj.荒凉的,荒芜的;孤独的,凄凉的;v.使荒芜,使孤寂 | |
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80 ornaments | |
n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 );点缀;装饰品;首饰v.装饰,点缀,美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81 decency | |
n.体面,得体,合宜,正派,庄重 | |
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82 robust | |
adj.强壮的,强健的,粗野的,需要体力的,浓的 | |
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83 enjoined | |
v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84 guardians | |
监护人( guardian的名词复数 ); 保护者,维护者 | |
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85 steward | |
n.乘务员,服务员;看管人;膳食管理员 | |
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86 subservience | |
n.有利,有益;从属(地位),附属性;屈从,恭顺;媚态 | |
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87 linen | |
n.亚麻布,亚麻线,亚麻制品;adj.亚麻布制的,亚麻的 | |
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88 victuals | |
n.食物;食品 | |
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89 slung | |
抛( sling的过去式和过去分词 ); 吊挂; 遣送; 押往 | |
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90 draught | |
n.拉,牵引,拖;一网(饮,吸,阵);顿服药量,通风;v.起草,设计 | |
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91 fowl | |
n.家禽,鸡,禽肉 | |
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92 consort | |
v.相伴;结交 | |
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93 treasurer | |
n.司库,财务主管 | |
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94 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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95 admiration | |
n.钦佩,赞美,羡慕 | |
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96 caressed | |
爱抚或抚摸…( caress的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97 moroseness | |
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98 treasury | |
n.宝库;国库,金库;文库 | |
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99 exchequer | |
n.财政部;国库 | |
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100 vindicate | |
v.为…辩护或辩解,辩明;证明…正确 | |
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101 malice | |
n.恶意,怨恨,蓄意;[律]预谋 | |
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102 privately | |
adv.以私人的身份,悄悄地,私下地 | |
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103 lodging | |
n.寄宿,住所;(大学生的)校外宿舍 | |
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104 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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105 incognito | |
adv.匿名地;n.隐姓埋名;adj.化装的,用假名的,隐匿姓名身份的 | |
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