In consequence of the peace the Athenians proceeded to withdraw their garrisons1 from the different sates, and sent to recall Iphicrates with his fleet; besides which they forced him to restore eveything captured subsequently to the late solemn undertaking2 at Lacedaemon. The Lacedaemonians acted differently. Although they withdrew their governors and garrisons from the other states, in Phocis they did not do so. Here Cleombrotus was quartered with his army, and had sent to ask directions from the home authorities. A speaker, Prothous, maintained that their business was to disband the army in accordance with their oaths, and then to send round invitations to the states to contribute what each felt individually disposed, and lay such sum in the temple of Apollo; after which, if any attempt to hinder the independence of the states on any side were manifested, it would be time enough then again to invite all who cared to protect the principle of autonomy to march against its opponents. “In this way,” he added, “I think the goodwill4 of heaven will be secured, and the states will suffer least annoyance5.” But the Assembly, on hearing these views, agreed that this man was talking nonsense. Puppets in the hands of fate!552 An unseen power, it would seem, was already driving them onwards; so they sent instructions to Cleombrotus not to disband the army, but to march straight against the Thebans if they refused to recognise the autonomy of the states. [Cleombrotus, it is understood, had, on hearing the news of the establishment of peace, sent to the ephorate to ask for guidance; and then they sent him the above instructions, bidding him under the circumstances named to march upon Thebes.553]
The Spartan6 king soon perceived that, so far from leaving the Boeotian states their autonomy, the Thebans were not even preparing to disband their army, clearly in view of a general engagement; he therefore felt justified7 in marching his troops into Boeotia. The point of ingress which he adopted was not that which the Thebans anticipated from Phocis, and where they were keeping guard at a defile8; but, marching through Thisbae by a mountainous and unsuspected route, he arrived before Creusis, taking that fortress9 and capturing twelve Theban war-vessels10 besides. After this achievement he advanced from the seaboard and encamped in Leuctra on Thespian11 territory. The Thebans encamped in a rising ground immediately opposite at no great distance, and were supported by no allies except the Boeotians.
At this juncture13 the friends of Cleombrotus came to him and urged upon him strong reasons for delivering battle. “If you let the Thebans escape without a battle,” they said, “you will run great risks of suffering the extreme penalty at the hands of the state. People will call to mind against you the time when you reached Cynoscephelae and did not ravage14 a square foot of Theban territory; and again, a subsequent expedition when you were driven back foiled in your attempt to make an entry into the enemy’s country — while Agesilaus on each occasion found his entry by Mount Cithaeron. If then you have any care for yourself, or any attachment15 to your fatherland, march you against the enemy.” That was what his friends urged. As to his opponents, what they said was, “Now our fine friend will show whether he really is so concerned on behalf of the Thebans as he is said to be.”
Cleombrotus, with these words ringing in his ears, felt driven554 to join battle. On their side the leaders of Thebes calculated that, if they did not fight, their provincial16 cities555 would hold aloof17 from them and Thebes itself would be besieged18; while, if the commonalty of Thebes failed to get supplies, there was every prospect19 that the city itself would turn against them; and, seeing that many of them had already tasted the bitterness of exile, they came to the conclusion that it was better for them to die on the field of battle than to renew that experience. Besides this they were somewhat encouraged by the recital20 of an oracle21 which predicted that the Lacedaemonians would be defeated on the spot where the monument of the maidens22 stood, who, as the story goes, being violated by certain Lacedaemonians, had slain23 themselves.556 This sepulchral24 monument the Thebans decked with ornaments25 before the battle. Furthermore, tidings were brought them from the city that all the temples had opened of their own accord; and the priestesses asserted that the gods revealed victory. Again, from the Heracleion men said that the arms had disappeared, as though Heracles himself had sallied forth26 to battle. It is true that another interpretation557 of these marvels27 made them out to be one and all the artifices28 of the leaders of Thebes. However this may be, everything in the battle turned out adverse29 to the Lacedaemonians; while fortune herself lent aid to the Thebans and crowned their efforts with success. Cleombrotus held his last council “whether to fight or not,” after the morning meal. In the heat of noon a little goes a long way; and the people said that it took a somewhat provocative30 effect on their spirits.558
Both sides were now arming, and there was the unmistakeable signs of approaching battle, when, as the first incident, there issued from the Boeotian lines a long train bent31 on departure — these were the furnishers of the market, a detachment of baggage bearers, and in general such people as had no inclination32 to join in the fight. These were met on their retreat and attacked by the mercenary troops under Hiero, who got round them by a circular movement.559 The mercenaries were supported by the Phocian light infantry33 and some squadrons of Heracleot and Phliasian cavalry34, who fell upon the retiring train and turned them back, pursuing them and driving them into the camp of the Boeotians. The immediate12 effect was to make the Boeotian portion of the army more numerous and closer packed than before. The next feature of the combat was that in consequence of the flat space of plain560 between the opposing armies, the Lacedaemonians posted their cavalry in front of their squares of infantry, and the Thebans followed suit. Only there was this difference — the Theban cavalry was in a high state of training and efficiency, owing to their war with the Orchomenians and again their war with Thespiae, whilst the cavalry of the Lacedaemonians was at its worst at this period.561 The horses were reared and kept by the wealthiest members of the state; but whenever the ban was called out, an appointed trooper appeared who took the horse with any sort of arms which might be presented to him, and set off on the expedition at a moment’s notice. Moreover, these troopers were the least able-bodied of the men: raw recruits set simply astride their horses, and devoid35 of soldierly ambition. Such was the cavalry of either antagonist36.
The heavy infantry of the Lacedaemonians, it is said, advanced by sections three files abreast,562 allowing a total depth to the whole line of not more than twelve. The Thebans were formed in close order of not less than fifty shields deep, calculating that victory gained over the king’s division of the army implied the easy conquest of the rest.
Cleombrotus had hardly begun to lead his division against the foe37 when, before in fact the troops with him were aware of his advance, the cavalry had already come into collision, and that of the Lacedaemonians was speedily worsted. In their flight they became involved with their own heavy infantry; and to make matters worse, the Theban regiments38 were already attacking vigorously. Still strong evidence exists for supposing that Cleombrotus and his division were, in the first instance, victorious39 in the battle, if we consider the fact that they could never have picked him up and brought him back alive unless his vanguard had been masters of the situation for the moment.
When, however, Deinon the polemarch and Sphodrias, a member of the king’s council, with his son Cleonymus,563 had fallen, then it was that the cavalry and the polemarch’s adjutants,564 as they are called, with the rest, under pressure of the mass against them, began retreating; and the left wing of the Lacedaemonians, seeing the right borne down in this way, also swerved40. Still, in spite of the numbers slain, and broken as they were, as soon as they had crossed the trench41 which protected their camp in front, they grounded arms on the spot565 whence they had rushed to battle. This camp, it must be borne in mind, did not lie at all on the level, but was pitched on a somewhat steep incline. At this juncture there were some of the Lacedaemonians who, looking upon such a disaster as intolerable, maintained that they ought to prevent the enemy from erecting42 a trophy43, and try to recover the dead not under a flag of truce44 but by another battle. The polemarchs, however, seeing that nearly a thousand men of the total Lacedaemonian troops were slain; seeing also that of the seven hundred Spartans45 themselves who were on the field something like four hundred lay dead;566 aware, further, of the despondency which reigned46 among the allies, and the general disinclination on their parts to fight longer (a frame of mind not far removed in some instances from positive satisfaction at what had taken place)— under the circumstances, I say, the polemarchs called a council of the ablest representatives of the shattered army567 and deliberated as to what should be done. Finally the unanimous opinion was to pick up the dead under a flag of truce, and they sent a herald47 to treat for terms. The Thebans after that set up a trophy and gave back the bodies under a truce.
After these events, a messenger was despatched to Lacedaemon with news of the calamity49. He reached his destination on the last day of the gymnopaediae,568 just when the chorus of grown men had entered the theatre. The ephors heard the mournful tidings not without grief and pain, as needs they must, I take it; but for all that they did not dismiss the chorus, but allowed the contest to run out its natural course. What they did was to deliver the names of those who had fallen to their friends and families, with a word of warning to the women not to make any loud lamentations but to bear their sorrow in silence; and the next day it was a striking spectacle to see those who had relations among the slain moving to and fro in public with bright and radiant looks, whilst of those whose friends were reported to be living barely a man was to be seen, and these flitted by with lowered heads and scowling50 brows, as if in humiliation51.
After this the ephors proceeded to call out the ban, including the forty-years-service men of the two remaining regiments;569 and they proceeded further to despatch48 the reservces of the same age belonging to the six regiments already on foreign service. Hitherto the Phocian campaign had only drawn52 upon the thirty-five-years-service list. Besides these they now ordered out on active service the troops retained at the beginning of the campaign in attendance on the magistrates53 at the government offices. Agesilaus being still disabled by his infirmity, the city imposed the duty of command upon his son Archidamus. The new general found eager co-operators in the men of Tegea. The friends of Stasippus at this date were still living,570 and they were stanch54 in their Lacedaemonian proclivities55, and wielded56 considerable power in their state. Not less stoutly57 did the Mantineans from their villages under their aristocratic form of government flock to the Spartan standard. Besides Tegea and Mantinea, the Corinthians and Sicyonians, the Phliasians and Achaeans were equally enthusiastic to joining the campaign, whilst other states sent out soldiers. Then came the fitting out and manning of ships of war on the part of the Lacedaemonians themselves and of the Corinthians, whilst the Sicyonians were requested to furnish a supply of vessels on board of which it was proposed to transport the army across the gulf58. And so, finally, Archidamus was able to offer the sacrifices usual at the moment of crossing the frontier. But to return to Thebes.
Imediately after the battle the Thebans sent a messenger to Athens wearing a chaplet. Whilst insisting on the magnitude of the victory they at the same time called upon the Athenians to send them aid, for now the opportunity had come to wreak59 vengeance60 on the Lacedaemonians for all the evil they had done to Athens. As it chanced, the senate of the Athenians was holding a session on the Acropolis. As soon as the news was reported, the annoyance caused by its announcement was unmistakeable. They neither invited the herald to accept of hospitality nor sent back one word in reply to the request for assistance. And so the herald turned his back on Athens and departed.
But there was Jason still to look to, and he was their ally. To him then the Thebans sent, and earnestly besought61 his aid, their thoughts running on the possible turn which events might take. Jason on his side at once proceeded to man a fleet, with the apparent intention of sending assistance by sea, besides which he got together his foreign brigade and his own cavalry; and although the Phocians and he were implacable enemies,571 he marched through their territory to Boeotia. Appearing like a vision to many of the states before his approach was even announced — at any rate before levies62 could be mustered64 from a dozen different points — he had stolen a march upon them and was a long way ahead, giving proof that expedition is sometimes a better tool to work with than sheer force.
When he arrived in Boeotia the Thebans urged upon him that now was the right moment to attack the Lacedaemonians: he with his foreign brigade from the upper ground, they face to face in front; but Jason dissuaded65 them from their intention. He reminded them that after a noble achievement won it was not worth their while to play for so high a stake, involving a still greater achievement or else the loss of victory already gained. “Do you not see,” he urged, “that your success followed close on the heels of necessity? You ought then to reflect that the Lacedaemonians in their distress66, with a choice between life and death, will fight it out with reckless desperation. Providence67, as it seems, ofttimes delights to make the little ones great and the great ones small.”572
By such arguments he diverted the Thebans from the desperate adventure. But for the Lacedaemonians also he had words of advice, insisting on the difference between an army defeated and an army flushed with victory. “If you are minded,” he said, “to forget this disaster, my advice to you is to take time to recover breath and recruit your energies. When you have grown stronger then give battle to these unconquered veterans.573 At present,” he continued, “you know without my telling you that among your own allies there are some who are already discussing terms of friendship with your foes68. My advice is this: by all means endeavour to obtain a truce. This,” he added, “is my own ambition: I want to save you, on the ground of my father’s friendship with yourselves, and as being myself your representative.”574 Such was the tenor69 of his speech, but the secret of action was perhaps to be found in a desire to make these mutual70 antagonists71 put their dependence3 on himself alone. Whatever his motive72, the Lacedaemonians took his advice, and commissioned him to procure73 a truce.
As soon as the news arrived that the terms were arranged, the polemarchs passed an order round: the troops were to take their evening meal, get their kit74 together, and be ready to set off that night, so as to scale the passes of Cithaeron by next morning. After supper, before the hour of sleep, the order to march was given, and with the generals at their head the troops advanced as the shades of evening fell, along the road to Creusis, trusting rather to the chance of their escaping notice, than to the truce itself. It was weary marching in the dead of night, making their retreat in fear, and along a difficult road, until they fell in with Archidamus’s army of relief. At this point, then, Archidamus waited till all the allies had arrived, and so led the whole of the united armies back to Corinth, from which point he dismissed the allies and led his fellow-citizens home.
Jason took his departure from Boeotia through Phocis, where he captured the suburbs of Hyampolis575 and ravaged75 the country districts, putting many to the sword. Content with this, he traversed the rest of Phocis without meddling76 or making. Arrived at Heraclea,576 he knocked down the fortress of the Heracleots, showing that he was not troubled by any apprehension77 lest when the pass was thrown open somebody or other might march against his own power at some future date. Rather was he haunted by the notion that some one or other might one day seize Heraclea, which commanded the pass, and bar his passage into Hellas — should Hellas ever be his goal.577 At the moment of his return to Thessaly he had reached the zenith of his greatness. He was the lawfully78 constituted Prince578 of Thessaly, and he had under him a large mercenary force of infantry and cavalry, and all in the highest perfection of training. For this twofold reason he might claim the title great. But he was still greater as the head of a vast alliance. Those who were prepared to fight his battles were numerous, and he might still count upon the help of many more eager to do so; but I call Jason greatest among his contemporaries, because not one among them could afford to look down upon him.579
B.C. 370. The Pythian games were now approaching, and an order went round the cities from Jason to make preparation for the solemn sacrifice of oxen, sheep and goats, and swine. It was reported that although the requisitions upon the several cities were moderate, the number of beeves did not fall short of a thousand, while the rest of the sacrificial beasts exceeded ten times that number. He issued a proclamation also to this effect: a golden wreath of victory should be given to whichever city could produce the best-bred bull to head the procession in honour of the god. And lastly there was an order issued to all the Thessalians to be ready for a campaign at the date of the Pythian games. His intention, as people said, was to act as manager of the solemn assembly and games in person. What the thought was that passed through his mind with reference to the sacred money, remains79 to this day uncertain; only, a tale is rife80 to the effect that in answer to the inquiry81 of the Delphians, “What ought we to do, if he takes any of the treasures of the god?” the god made answer, “He would see to that himself.” This great man, his brain teeming82 with vast designs of this high sort, came now to his end. He had ordered a military inspection83. The cavalry of the Pheraeans were to pass muster63 before him. He was already seated, delivering answers to all petitioners84, when seven striplings approached, quarrelling, as it seemed, about some matter. Suddenly by these seven the Prince was despatched; his throat gashed85, his body gored86 with wounds. Stoutly his guard rushed to the rescue with their long spears, and one of the seven, while still in the act of aiming a blow at Jason, was thrust through with a lance and died; a second, in the act of mounting his horse, was caught, and dropped dead, the recipient87 of many wounds. The rest leaped on the horses which they had ready waiting and escaped. To whatever city of Hellas they came honours were almost universally accorded them. The whole incident proves clearly that the Hellenes stood in much alarm of Jason. They looked upon him as a tyrant88 in embryo89.
So Jason was dead; and his brothers Polydorus and Polyphron were appointed princes580 in his place. But of these twain, as they journeyed together to Larissa, Polydorus was slain in the night, as he slept, by his brother Polyphron, it was thought; since a death so sudden, without obvious cause, could hardly be otherwise accounted for.
Polyphron governed for a year, and by the year’s end he had refashioned his princedom into the likeness90 of a tyranny. In Pharsalus he put to death Polydamas581 and eight other of the best citizens; and from Larissa he drove many into exile. But while he was thus employed, he, in his turn, was done to death by Alexander, who slew91 him to avenge92 Polydorus and to destroy the tyranny. This man now assumed the reins93 of office, and had no sooner done so than he showed himself a harsh prince to the Thessalians: harsh too and hostile to the Thebans and Athenians,582 and an unprincipled freebooter everywhere by land and by sea. But if that was his character, he too was doomed94 to perish shortly. The perpetrators of the deed were his wife’s brothers.583 The counsellor of it and the inspiring soul was the wife herself. She it was who reported to them that Alexander had designs against them; who hid them within the house a whole day; who welcomed home her husband deep in his cups and laid him to rest, and then while the lamp still burned brought out the prince’s sword. It was she also who, perceiving her brothers shrank bank, fearing to go in and attack Alexander, said to them, “If you do not be quick and do the deed, I will wake him up!” After they had gone in, she, too, it was who caught and pulled to the door, clinging fast to the knocker till the breath was out of her husband’s body.584 Her fierce hatred95 against the man is variously explained. By some it was said to date from the day when Alexander, having imprisoned96 his own favourite — who was a fair young stripling — when his wife supplicated97 him to release the boy, brought him forth and stabbed him in the throat. Others say it originated through his sending to Thebes and seeking the hand of the wife of Jason in marriage, because his own wife bore him no children. These are the various causes assigned to explain the treason of his wife against him. Of the brothers who executed it, the eldest98, Tisiphonus, in virtue99 of his seniority accepted, and up to the date of this history585 succeeded in holding, the government.
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garrisons
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| 守备部队，卫戍部队( garrison的名词复数 ) | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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dependence
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| n.依靠，依赖；信任，信赖；隶属 | |
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goodwill
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| n.善意，亲善，信誉，声誉 | |
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annoyance
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| n.恼怒，生气，烦恼 | |
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spartan
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| adj.简朴的，刻苦的；n.斯巴达；斯巴达式的人 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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defile
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| v.弄污，弄脏；n.(山间)小道 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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thespian
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| adj.戏曲的；n.演员；悲剧演员 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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juncture
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| n.时刻，关键时刻，紧要关头 | |
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ravage
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| vt.使...荒废，破坏...；n.破坏，掠夺，荒废 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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recital
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| n.朗诵，独奏会，独唱会 | |
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oracle
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| n.神谕，神谕处，预言 | |
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maidens
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| 处女( maiden的名词复数 )； 少女； 未婚女子； （板球运动）未得分的一轮投球 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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sepulchral
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| adj.坟墓的，阴深的 | |
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ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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marvels
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| n.奇迹( marvel的名词复数 )；令人惊奇的事物（或事例）；不平凡的成果；成就v.惊奇，对…感到惊奇( marvel的第三人称单数 ) | |
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artifices
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| n.灵巧( artifice的名词复数 )；诡计；巧妙办法；虚伪行为 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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provocative
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| adj.挑衅的，煽动的，刺激的，挑逗的 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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devoid
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| adj.全无的，缺乏的 | |
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antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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foe
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| n.敌人，仇敌 | |
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regiments
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| （军队的）团( regiment的名词复数 )； 大量的人或物 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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swerved
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| v.（使）改变方向，改变目的( swerve的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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erecting
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| v.使直立，竖起( erect的现在分词 )；建立 | |
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trophy
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| n.优胜旗，奖品，奖杯，战胜品，纪念品 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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spartans
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| n.斯巴达（spartan的复数形式） | |
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reigned
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| vi.当政，统治（reign的过去式形式） | |
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herald
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| vt.预示...的来临，预告，宣布，欢迎 | |
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despatch
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| n./v.(dispatch)派遣；发送；n.急件；新闻报道 | |
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calamity
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| n.灾害，祸患，不幸事件 | |
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scowling
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| 怒视，生气地皱眉( scowl的现在分词 ) | |
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humiliation
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| n.羞辱 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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stanch
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| v.止住（血等）；adj.坚固的；坚定的 | |
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proclivities
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| n.倾向，癖性( proclivity的名词复数 ) | |
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wielded
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| 手持着使用（武器、工具等）( wield的过去式和过去分词 )； 具有； 运用（权力）； 施加（影响） | |
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stoutly
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| adv.牢固地，粗壮的 | |
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gulf
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| n.海湾；深渊，鸿沟；分歧，隔阂 | |
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wreak
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| v.发泄；报复 | |
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vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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besought
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| v.恳求，乞求（某事物）( beseech的过去式和过去分词 )；(beseech的过去式与过去分词) | |
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levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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muster
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| v.集合，收集，鼓起，激起；n.集合，检阅，集合人员，点名册 | |
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mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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dissuaded
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| 劝（某人）勿做某事，劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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foes
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| 敌人，仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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tenor
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| n.男高音（歌手），次中音（乐器），要旨，大意 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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antagonists
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| 对立[对抗] 者，对手，敌手( antagonist的名词复数 )； 对抗肌； 对抗药 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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kit
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| n.用具包，成套工具；随身携带物 | |
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ravaged
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| 毁坏( ravage的过去式和过去分词 )； 蹂躏； 劫掠； 抢劫 | |
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meddling
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| v.干涉，干预（他人事务）( meddle的现在分词 ) | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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rife
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| adj.(指坏事情)充斥的，流行的，普遍的 | |
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inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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teeming
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| adj.丰富的v.充满( teem的现在分词 )；到处都是；（指水、雨等）暴降；倾注 | |
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inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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petitioners
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| n.请求人，请愿人( petitioner的名词复数 )；离婚案原告 | |
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gashed
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| v.划伤，割破( gash的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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gored
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| v.（动物）用角撞伤，用牙刺破( gore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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recipient
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| a.接受的,感受性强的 n.接受者,感受者,容器 | |
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tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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embryo
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| n.胚胎，萌芽的事物 | |
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likeness
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| n.相像，相似（之处） | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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reins
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| 感情，激情； 缰( rein的名词复数 )； 控制手段； 掌管； （成人带着幼儿走路以防其走失时用的）保护带 | |
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doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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supplicated
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| v.祈求，哀求，恳求( supplicate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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