B.C. 369. In the following year636 plenipotentiary ambassadors637 from the Lacedaemonians and their allies arrived at Athens to consider and take counsel in what way the alliance between Athens and Lacedaemon might be best cemented. It was urged by many speakers, foreigners and Athenians also, that the alliance ought to be based on the principle of absolute equality,638 “share and share alike,” when Procles of Phlius put forward the following argument:
“Since you have already decided2, men of Athens, that it is good to secure the friendship of Lacedaemon, the point, as it appears to me, which you ought now to consider is, by what means this friendship may be made to last as long as possible. The probability is, that we shall hold together best by making a treaty which shall suit the best interests of both parties. On most points we have, I believe, a tolerable unanimity4, but there remains5 the question of leadership. The preliminary decree of your senate anticipates a division of the hegemony, crediting you with the chief maritime6 power, Lacedaemon with the chief power on land; and to me, personally, I confess, that seems a division not more established by human invention than preordained by some divine naturalness or happy fortune. For, in the first place, you have a geographical7 position pre-eminently adapted for naval9 supremacy10; most of the states to whom the sea is important are massed round your own, and all of these are inferior to you in strength. Besides, you have harbours and roadsteads, without which it is not possible to turn a naval power to account. Again, you have many ships of war. To extend your naval empire is a traditional policy; all the arts and sciences connected with these matters you possess as home products, and, what is more, in skill and experience of nautical11 affairs you are far ahead of the rest of the world. The majority of you derive12 your livelihood13 from the sea, or things connected with it; so that in the very act of minding your own affairs you are training yourselves to enter the lists of naval combat.639 Again, no other power in the world can send out a larger collective fleet, and that is no insignificant14 point in reference to the question of leadership. The nucleus15 of strength first gained becomes a rallying-point, round which the rest of the world will gladly congregate16. Furthermore, your good fortune in this department must be looked upon as a definite gift of God: for, consider among the numberless great sea-fights which you have fought how few you have lost, how many you have won. It is only rational, then, that your allies should much prefer to share this particular risk with you. Indeed, to show you how natural and vital to you is this maritime study, the following reflection may serve. For several years the Lacedaemonians, when at war with you in old days, dominated your territory, but they made no progress towards destroying you. At last God granted them one day to push forward their dominion17 on the sea, and then in an instant you completely succumbed18 to them.640 Is it not self-evident that your safety altogether depends upon the sea? The sea is your natural element — your birthright; it would be base indeed to entrust19 the hegemony of it to the Lacedaemonians, and the more so, since, as they themselves admit, they are far less acquained with this business than yourselves; and, secondly20, your risk in naval battles would not be for equal stakes — theirs involving only the loss of the men on board their ships, but yours, that of your children and your wives and the entire state.
“And if this is a fair statement of your position, turn, now, and consider that of the Lacedaemonians. The first point to notice is, that they are an inland power; as long as they are dominant21 on land it does not matter how much they are cut off from the sea — they can carry on existence happily enough. This they so fully22 recognise, that from boyhood they devote themselves to training for a soldier’s life. The keystone of this training is obedience23 to command,641 and in this they hold the same pre-eminence on land which you hold on the sea. Just as you with your fleets, so they on land can, at a moment’s notice, put the largest army in the field; and with the like consequence, that their allies, as is only rational, attach themselves to them with undying courage.642 Further, God has granted them to enjoy on land a like good fortune to that vouchsafed24 to you on sea. Among all the many contests they have entered into, it is surprising in how few they have failed, in how many they have been successful. The same unflagging attention which you pay to maritime affairs is required from them on land, and, as the facts of history reveal, it is no less indispensable to them. Thus, although you were at war with them for several years and gained many a naval victory over them, you never advanced a step nearer to reducing them. But once worsted on land, in an instant they were confronted with a danger affecting the very lives of child and wife, and vital to the interests of the entire state. We may very well understand, then, the strangeness, not to say monstrosity, in their eyes, of surrendering to others the military leadership on land, in matters which they have made their special study for so long and with such eminent8 success. I end where I began. I agree absolutely with the preliminary decrees of your own senate, which I consider the solution most advantageous25 to both parties. My prayer643 is that you may be guided in your deliberations to that conclusion which is best for each and all of us.”
Such were the words of the orator26, and the sentiments of his speech were vehemently27 applauded by the Athenians no less than by the Lacedaemonians who were present. Then Cephisodotus644 stepped forward and addressed the assembly. He said, “Men of Athens, do you not see how you are being deluded28? Lend me your ears, and I will prove it to you in a moment. There is no doubt about your leadership by sea: it is already secured. But suppose the Lacedaemonians in alliance with you: it is plain they will send you admirals and captains, and possibly marines, of Laconian breed; but who will the sailors be? Helots obviously, or mercenaries of some sort. These are the folk over whom you will exercise your leadership. Reverse the case. The Lacedaemonians have issued a general order summoning you to join them in the field; it is plain again, you will be sending your heavy infantry29 and your cavalry30. You see what follows. You have invented a pretty machine, by which they become leders of your very selves, and you become the leaders either of their slaves or of the dregs of their state. I should like to put a question to the Lacedaemonian Timocrates seated yonder. Did you not say just now, Sir, that you came to make an alliance on terms of absolute equality, ‘share and share alike’? Answer me.” “I did say so.” “Well, then, here is a plan by which you get the perfection of equality. I cannot conceive of anything more fair and impartial31 than that ‘turn and turn about’ each of us should command the navy, each the army; whereby whatever advantage there may be in maritime or military command we may each of us share.”
These arguments were successful. The Athenians were converted, and passed a decree vesting the command in either state645 for periods of five days alternately.
B.C. 369.646 The campaign was commenced by both Athenians and Lacedaemonians with their allies, marching upon Corinth, where it was resolved to keep watch and ward1 over Oneion jointly32. On the advance of the Thebans and their allies the troops were drawn34 out to defend the pass. They were posted in detachments at different points, the most assailable35 of which was assigned to the Lacedaemonians and the men of Pellene.647
The Thebans and their allies, finding themselves within three or four miles648 of the troops guarding the pass, encamped in the flat ground below; but presently, after a careful calculation of the time it would take to start and reach the goal in the gloaming, they advanced against the Lacedaemonian outposts. In spite of the difficulty they timed their movements to a nicety, and fell upon the Lacedaemonians and Pellenians just at the interval36 when the night pickets37 were turning in and the men were leaving their shakedowns and retiring for necessary purposes.649 This was the instant for the Thebans to fling themselves upon them; they plied38 their weapons with good effect, blow upon blow. Order was pitted against disorder39, preparation against disarray40. When, however, those who escaped from the thick of the business had retired41 to the nearest rising ground, the Lacedaemonian polemarch, who might have taken as many heavy, or light, infantry of the allies as he wanted, and thus have held the position (no bad one, since it enabled him to get his supplies safely enough from Cenchreae), failed to do so. On the contrary, and in spite of the great perplexity of the Thebans as to how they were to get down from the high level facing Sicyon or else retire the way they came, the Spartan42 general made a truce43, which in the opinion of the majority, seemed more in favour of the Thebans than himself, and so he withdrew his division and fell back.
The Thebans were now free to descend44 without hindrance45, which they did; and, effecting a junction46 with their allies the Arcadians, Argives, and Eleians, at once attacked650 Sicyon and Pellene, and, marching on Epidaurus, laid waste the whole territory of that people. Returning from that exploit with a consummate47 disdain48 for all their opponents, when they found themselves near the city of Corinth they advanced at the double against the gate facing towards Phlius; intending if they found it open to rush in. However, a body of light troops sallied out of the city to the rescue, and met the advance of the Theban picked corps651 not one hundred and fifty yards652 from the walls. Mounting on the monuments and commanding eminences50, with volleys of sling51 stones and arrows they laid low a pretty large number in the van of the attack, and routing them, gave chase for three or four furlongs’653 distance. After this incident the Corinthians dragged the corpses52 of the slain53 to the wall, and finally gave them up under a flag of truce, erecting54 a trophy55 to record the victory. As a result of this occurrence the allies of the Lacedaemonians took fresh heart.
At the date of the above transactions the Lacedeamonians were cheered by the arrival of a naval reinforcement from Dionysius, consisting of more than twenty warships56, which conveyed a body of Celts and Iberians and about fifty cavalry. The day following, the Thebans and the rest of the allies, posted, at intervals57, in battle order, and completely filling the flat land down to the sea on one side, and up to the knolls58 on the other which form the buttresses59 of the city, proceeded to destroy everything precious they could lay their hands on in the plain. The Athenian and Corinthian cavalry, eyeing the strength, physical and numerical, of their antagonists60, kept at a safe distance from their armament. But the little body of cavalry lately arrived from Dionysius spread out in a long thin line, and one at one point and one at another galloped61 along the front, discharging their missiles as they dashed forward, and when the enemy rushed against them, retired, and again wheeling about, showered another volley. Even while so engaged they would dismount from their horses and take breath; and if their foemen galloped up while they were so dismounted, in an instant they had leapt on their horses’ backs and were in full retreat. Or if, again, a party pursued them some distance from the main body, as soon as they turned to retire, they would press upon them, and discharging volleys of missiles, made terrible work, forcing the whole army to advance and retire, merely to keep pace with the movements of fifty horsemen.
B.C. 369-368. After this the Thebans remained only a few more days and then turned back homewards; and the rest likewise to their several homes. Thereupon the troops sent by Dionysius attacked Sicyon. Engaging the Sicyonians in the flat country, they defeated them, killing62 about seventy men and capturing by assault the fortres of Derae.654 After these achievements this first reinforcement from Dionysius re-embarked and set sail for Syracuse.
Up to this time the Thebans and all the states which had revolted from Lacedaemon had acted together in perfect harmony, and were content to campaign under the leadership of Thebes; but now a certain Lycomedes,655 a Mantinean, broke the spell. Inferior in birth and position to none, while in wealth superior, he was for the rest a man of high ambition. This man was able to inspire the Arcadians with high thoughts by reminding them that to Arcadians alone the Peloponnese was in a literal sense a fatherland; since they and they alone were the indigenous63 inhabitants of its sacred soil, and the Arcadian stock the largest among the Hellenic tribes — a good stock, moreover, and of incomparable physique. And then he set himself to panegyrise them as the bravest of the brave, adducing as evidence, if evidence were needed, the patent fact, that every one in need of help invariably turned to the Arcadians.656 Never in old days had the Lacedaemonians yet invaded Athens without the Arcadians. “If then,” he added, “you are wise, you will be somewhat chary64 of following at the beck and call of anybody, or it will be the old story again. As when you marched in the train of Sparta you only enhanced her power, so today, if you follow Theban guidance without thought or purpose instead of claiming a division of the headship, you will speedily find, perhaps, in her only a second edition of Lacedaemon.”657
These words uttered in the ears of the Arcadians were sufficient to puff65 them up with pride. They were lavish66 in their love of Lycomedes, and thought there was no one his equal. He became their hero; he had only to give his orders, and they appointed their magistrates658 at his bidding. But, indeed, a series of brilliant exploits entitled the Arcadians to magnify themselves. The first of these arose out of an invasion of Epidaurus by the Argives, which seemed likely to end in their finding their escape barred by Chabrias and his foreign brigade with the Athenians and Corinthians. Only, at the critical moment the Arcadians came to the rescue and extricated68 the Argives, who were closely besieged69, and this in spite not only of the enemy, but of the savage70 nature of the ground itself. Again they marched on Asine659 in Laconian territory, and defeated the Lacedaemonian garrison71, putting the polemarch Geranor, who was a Spartan, to the sword, and sacking the suburbs of the town. Indeed, whenever or wherever they had a mind to send an invading force, neither night nor wintry weather, nor length of road nor mountain barrier could stay their march. So that at this date they regarded their prowess as invincible72.660 The Thebans, it will be understood, could not but feel a touch of jealousy73 at these pretensions74, and their former friendship to the Arcadians lost its ardour. With the Eleians, indeed, matters were worse. The revelation came to them when they demanded back from the Arcadians certain cities661 of which the Lacedaemonians had deprived them. They discovered that their views were held of no account, but that the Triphylians and the rest who had revolted from them were to be made much of, because they claimed to be Arcadians.662 Hence, as contrasted with the Thebans, the Eleians cherished feelings towards their late friends which were positively75 hostile.
B.C. 368. Self-esteem amounting to arrogance76 — such was the spirit which animated77 each section of the allies, when a new phase was introduced by the arrival of Philiscus663 of Abydos on an embassy from Ariobarzanes664 with large sums of money. This agent’s first step was to assemble a congress of Thebans, allies, and Lacedaemonians at Delphi to treat of peace. On their arrival, without attempting to communicate or take counsel with the god as to how peace might be re-established, they fell to deliberating unassisted; and when the Thebans refused to acquiesce78 in the dependency of Messene665 upon Lacedaemon, Philiscus set about collecting a large foreign brigade to side with Lacedaemon and to prosecute79 the war.
Whilst these matters were still pending80, the second reinforcements from Dionysius666 arrived. There was a difference of opinion as to where the troops should be employed, the Athenians insisting that they ought to march into Thessaly to oppose the Thebans, the Lacedaemonians being in favour of Laconia; and among the allies this latter opinion carried the day. The reinforcement from Dionysius accordingly sailed round to Laconia, where Archidamus incorporated them with the state troops and opened the campaign. Caryae he took by storm, and put every one captured to the sword, and from this point marching straight upon the Parrhasians of Arcadia, he set about ravaging81 the country along with his Syracusan supporters.
Presently when the Arcadians and Argives arrived with succours, he retreated and encamped on the knolls above Medea.667 While he was there, Cissidas, the officer in charge of the reinforcement from Dionysius, made the announcement that the period for his stay abroad had elapsed; and the words were no sooner out of his lips than off he set on the road to Sparta. The march itself, however, was not effected without delays, for he was met and cut off by a body of Messenians at a narrow pass, and was forced in these straits to send to Archidamus and beg for assistance, which the latter tendered. When they had got as far as the bend668 on the road to Eutresia, there were the Arcadians and Argives advancing upon Laconia and apparently82 intending, like the Messenians, to shut the Spartan off from the homeward road.
Archidamus, debouching upon a flat space of ground where the roads to Eutresia and Medea converge83, drew up his troops and offered battle. When happened then is thus told:— He passed in front of the regiments84 and addressed them in terms of encouragement thus: “Fellow-citizens, the day has come which calls upon us to prove ourselves brave men and look the world in the face with level eyes.669 Now are we to deliver to those who come after us our fatherland intact as we received it from our fathers; now will we cease hanging our heads in shame before our children and wives, our old men and our foreign friends, in sight of whom in days of old we shone forth85 conspicuous86 beyond all other Hellenes.”
The words were scarcely uttered (so runs the tale), when out of the clear sky came lightnings and thunderings,670 with propitious87 manifestation88 to him; and it so happened that on his right wing there stood a sacred enclosure and a statue of Heracles, his great ancestor. As the result of all these things, so deep a strength and courage came into the hearts of his soldiers, as they tell, that the generals had hard work to restrain their men as they pushed forward to the front. Presently, when Archidamus led the advance, a few only of the enemy cared to await them at the spear’s point, and were slain; the mass of them fled, and fleeing fell. Many were cut down by the cavalry, many by the Celts. When the battle ceased and a trophy had been erected89, the Spartan at once despatched home Demoteles, the herald90, with the news. He had to announce not only the greatness of the victory, but the startling fact that, while the enemy’s dead were numerous, not one single Lacedaemonian had been slain.671 Those in Sparta to whom the news was brought, as says the story, when they heard it, one and all, beginning with Agesilaus, and, after him, the elders and the ephors, wept for joy — so close akin3 are tears to joy and pain alike. There were others hardly less pleased than the Lacedaemonians themselves at the misfortune which had overtaken the Arcadians: these were the Thebans and Eleians — so offensive to them had the boastful behaviour of these men become.
The problem perpetually working in the minds of the Thebans was how they were to compass the headship of Hellas; and they persuaded themselves that, if they sent an embassy to the King of Persia, they could not but gain some advantage by his help. Accordingly they did not delay, but called together the allies, on the plea that Euthycles the Lacedaemonian was already at the Persian court. The commissioners91 sent up were, on the part of the Thebans, Pelopidas;672 on the part of the Arcadians, Antiochus, the pancratiast; and on that of the Eleians, Archidamus. There was also an Argive in attendance. The Athenians on their side, getting wind of the matter, sent up two commissioners, Timagoras and Leon.
When they arrived at the Persian court the influence of Pelopidas was preponderant with the Persian. He could point out that, besides the fact that the Thebans alone among all the Hellenes had fought on the king’s side at Plataeae,673 they had never subsequently engaged in military service against the Persians; nay92, the very ground of Lacedaemonian hostility93 to them was that they had refused to march against the Persian king with Agesilaus,674 and would not even suffer him to sacrifice to Artemis at Aulis (where Agamemnon sacrificed before he set sail for Asia and captured Troy). In addition, there were two things which contributed to raise the prestige of Thebes, and redounded94 to the honour of Pelopidas. These were the victory of the Thebans at Leuctra, and the indisputable fact that they had invaded and laid waste the territory of Laconia. Pelopidas went on to point out that the Argives and Arcadians had lately been defeated in battle by the Lacedaemonians, when his own countrymen were not there to assist. The Athenian Timagoras supported all these statements of the Theban by independent testimony95, and stood second in honour after Pelopidas.
At this point of the proceedings96 Pelopidas was asked by the king, what special clause he desired inserted in the royal rescript. He replied as follows: “Messene to be independent of Lacedaemon, and the Athenians to lay up their ships of war. Should either power refuse compliance97 in these respects, such refusal to be a casus belli; and any state refusing to take part in the military proceedings consequent, to be herself the first object of attack.” These clauses were drawn up and read to the ambassadors, when Leon, in the hearing of the king, exclaimed: “Upon my word! Athenians, it strikes me it is high time you looked for some other friend than the great king.” The secretary reported the comment of the Athenian envoy98, and produced presently an altered copy of the document, with a clause inserted: “If the Athenians have any better and juster views to propound99, let them come to the Persian court and explain them.”675
Thus the ambassadors returned each to his own home and were variously received. Timagoras, on the indictment100 of Leon, who proved that his fellow-commissioner not only refused to lodge101 with him at the king’s court, but in every way played into the hands of Pelopidas, was put to death. Of the other joint33 commissioners, the Eleian, Archidamus, was loud in his praises of the king and his policy, because he had shown a preference to Elis over the Arcadians; while for a converse102 reason, because the Arcadian league was slighted, Antiochus not only refused to accept any gift, but brought back as his report to the general assembly of the Ten Thousand,676 that the king appeared to have a large army of confectioners and pastry-cooks, butlers and doorkeepers; but as for men capable of doing battle with Hellenes, he had looked carefully, and could not discover any. Besides all which, even the report of his wealth seemed to him, he said, bombastic103 nonsense. “Why, the golden plane-tree that is so belauded is not big enough to furnish shade to a single grasshopper104.”677
At Thebes a conference of the states had been convened105 to listen to the great king’s letter. The Persian who bore the missive merely pointed67 to the royal seal, and read the document; whereupon the Thebans invited all, who wished to be their friends, to take an oath to what they had just heard, as binding107 on the king and on themselves. To which the ambassadors from the states replied that they had been sent to listen to a report, not to take oaths; if oaths were wanted, they recommended the Thebans to send ambassadors to the several states. The Arcadian Lycomedes, moreover, added that the congress ought not to be held at Thebes at all, but at the seat of war, wherever that might be. This remark brought down the wrath108 of the Thebans on the speaker; they exclaimed that he was bent109 on breaking up the alliance. Whereupon the Arcadian refused to take a seat in the congress at all, and got up and betook himself off there and then, accompanied by all the Arcadian envoys110. Since, therefore, the assembled representatives refused to take the oaths at Thebes, the Thebans sent to the different states, one by one in turn, urging each to undertake solemnly to act in accordance with the great king’s rescript. They were persuaded that no individual state would venture to quarrel with themselves and the Persian monarch111 at once. As a matter of fact, however, when they arrived at Corinth — which was the first stated visted — the Corinthians stood out and gave as their answer, that they had no desire for any common oath or undertaking112 with the king. The rest of the states followed suit, giving answers of a similar tenor113, so that this striving after empire on the part of Pelopidas and the Thebans melted like a cloud-castle into air.
B.C. 367.678 But Epaminondas was bent on one more effort. With a view to forcing the Arcadians and the rest of the allies to pay better heed114 to Thebes, he desired first to secure the adhesion of the Achaeans, and decided to march an army into Achaea. Accordingly, he persuaded the Argive Peisias, who was at the head of military affairs in Argos, to seize and occupy Oneion in advance. Persias, having ascertained115 that only a sorry guard was maintained over Oneion by Naucles, the general commanding the Lacedaemonian foreign brigade, and by Timomachus the Athenian, under cover of night seized and occupied with two thousand heavy infantry the rising ground above Cenchreae, taking with him provisions for seven days. Within the interval the Thebans arrived and surmounted116 the pass of Oneion; whereupon the allied49 troops with Epaminondas at their head, advanced into Achaea. The result of the campaign was that the better classes of Achaea gave in their adhesion to him; and on his personal authority Epaminondas insisted that there should be no driving of the aristocrats117 into exile, nor any modification118 of the constitution. He was content to take a pledge of fealty119 from the Achaeans to this effect: “Verily and indeed we will be your allies, and follow whithersoever the Thebans lead.”679
So he departed home. The Arcadians, however, and the partisans120 of the opposite faction121 in Thebes were ready with an indictment against him: “Epaminondas,” they said, “had merely swept and garnished122 Achaea for the Lacedaemonians, and then gone off.” The Thebans accordingly resolved to send governors680 into the states of Achaea; and those officers on arrival joined with the commonalty and drove out the better folk, and set up democracies throughout Achaea. On their side, these exiles coalesced123, and, marching upon each separate state in turn, for they were pretty numerous, speedily won their restoration and dominated the states. As the party thus reinstated no longer steered124 a middle course, but went heart and soul into an alliance with Lacedaemon, the Arcadians found themselves between the upper and the nether125 millstone — that is to say, the Lacedaemonians and the Achaeans.
At Sicyon, hitherto,681 the constitution was based on the ancient laws; but at this date Euphron (who during the Lacedaemonian days had been the greatest man in Sicyon, and whose ambition it was to hold a like pre-eminence under their opponents) addressed himself to the Argives and Arcadians as follows: “If the wealthiest classes should ever come into power in Sicyon, without a doubt the city would take the first opportunity of readopting a Laconian policy; whereas, if a democracy be set up,” he added, “you may rest assured Sicyon will hold fast by you. All I ask you is to stand by me; I will do the rest. It is I who will call a meeting of the people; and by that selfsame act I shall give you a pledge of my good faith and present you with a state firm in its alliance. All this, be assured,” he added, “I do because, like yourselves, I have long ill brooked126 the pride of Lacedaemon, and shall be glad to escape the yoke127 of bondage128.”
These proposals found favour with the Arcadians and the Argives, who gladly gave the assistance demanded. Euphron straightway, in the market-place, in the presence of the two powers concerned,682 proceeded to convene106 the Demos, as if there were to be a new constitution, based on the principle of equality.683 When the convention met, he bade them appoint generals: they might choose whom they liked. Whereupon they elected Euphron himself, Hippodamus, Cleander, Acrisius, and Lysander. When these matters were arranged he appointed Adeas, his own son, over the foreign brigade, in place of the former commander, Lysimenes, whom he removed. His next step was promptly129 to secure the fidelity130 of the foreign mercenaries by various acts of kindness, and to attach others; and he spared neither the public nor the sacred moneys for this object. He had, to aid him, further, the property of all the citizens whom he exiled on the ground of Laconism131, and of this without scruple132 he in every case availed himself. As for his colleagues in office, some he treacherously133 put to death, others he exiled, by which means he got everything under his own power, and was now a tyrant134 without disguise. The method by which he got the allies to connive135 at his doings was twofold. Partly he worked on them by pecuniary136 aid, partly by the readiness with which he lent the support of his foreign troops on any campaign to which they might invite him.
1 ward | |
n.守卫,监护,病房,行政区,由监护人或法院保护的人(尤指儿童);vt.守护,躲开 | |
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2 decided | |
adj.决定了的,坚决的;明显的,明确的 | |
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3 akin | |
adj.同族的,类似的 | |
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4 unanimity | |
n.全体一致,一致同意 | |
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5 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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6 maritime | |
adj.海的,海事的,航海的,近海的,沿海的 | |
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7 geographical | |
adj.地理的;地区(性)的 | |
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8 eminent | |
adj.显赫的,杰出的,有名的,优良的 | |
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9 naval | |
adj.海军的,军舰的,船的 | |
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10 supremacy | |
n.至上;至高权力 | |
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11 nautical | |
adj.海上的,航海的,船员的 | |
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12 derive | |
v.取得;导出;引申;来自;源自;出自 | |
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13 livelihood | |
n.生计,谋生之道 | |
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14 insignificant | |
adj.无关紧要的,可忽略的,无意义的 | |
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15 nucleus | |
n.核,核心,原子核 | |
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16 congregate | |
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17 dominion | |
n.统治,管辖,支配权;领土,版图 | |
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18 succumbed | |
不再抵抗(诱惑、疾病、攻击等)( succumb的过去式和过去分词 ); 屈从; 被压垮; 死 | |
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19 entrust | |
v.信赖,信托,交托 | |
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20 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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21 dominant | |
adj.支配的,统治的;占优势的;显性的;n.主因,要素,主要的人(或物);显性基因 | |
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22 fully | |
adv.完全地,全部地,彻底地;充分地 | |
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23 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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24 vouchsafed | |
v.给予,赐予( vouchsafe的过去式和过去分词 );允诺 | |
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25 advantageous | |
adj.有利的;有帮助的 | |
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26 orator | |
n.演说者,演讲者,雄辩家 | |
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27 vehemently | |
adv. 热烈地 | |
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28 deluded | |
v.欺骗,哄骗( delude的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 infantry | |
n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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30 cavalry | |
n.骑兵;轻装甲部队 | |
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31 impartial | |
adj.(in,to)公正的,无偏见的 | |
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32 jointly | |
ad.联合地,共同地 | |
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33 joint | |
adj.联合的,共同的;n.关节,接合处;v.连接,贴合 | |
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34 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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35 assailable | |
adj.可攻击的,易攻击的 | |
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36 interval | |
n.间隔,间距;幕间休息,中场休息 | |
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37 pickets | |
罢工纠察员( picket的名词复数 ) | |
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38 plied | |
v.使用(工具)( ply的过去式和过去分词 );经常供应(食物、饮料);固定往来;经营生意 | |
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39 disorder | |
n.紊乱,混乱;骚动,骚乱;疾病,失调 | |
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40 disarray | |
n.混乱,紊乱,凌乱 | |
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41 retired | |
adj.隐退的,退休的,退役的 | |
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42 spartan | |
adj.简朴的,刻苦的;n.斯巴达;斯巴达式的人 | |
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43 truce | |
n.休战,(争执,烦恼等的)缓和;v.以停战结束 | |
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44 descend | |
vt./vi.传下来,下来,下降 | |
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45 hindrance | |
n.妨碍,障碍 | |
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46 junction | |
n.连接,接合;交叉点,接合处,枢纽站 | |
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47 consummate | |
adj.完美的;v.成婚;使完美 [反]baffle | |
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48 disdain | |
n.鄙视,轻视;v.轻视,鄙视,不屑 | |
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49 allied | |
adj.协约国的;同盟国的 | |
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50 eminences | |
卓越( eminence的名词复数 ); 著名; 高地; 山丘 | |
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51 sling | |
vt.扔;悬挂;n.挂带;吊索,吊兜;弹弓 | |
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52 corpses | |
n.死尸,尸体( corpse的名词复数 ) | |
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53 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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54 erecting | |
v.使直立,竖起( erect的现在分词 );建立 | |
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55 trophy | |
n.优胜旗,奖品,奖杯,战胜品,纪念品 | |
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56 warships | |
军舰,战舰( warship的名词复数 ); 舰只 | |
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57 intervals | |
n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 );间隔时间;[数学]区间;(戏剧、电影或音乐会的)幕间休息 | |
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58 knolls | |
n.小圆丘,小土墩( knoll的名词复数 ) | |
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59 buttresses | |
n.扶壁,扶垛( buttress的名词复数 )v.用扶壁支撑,加固( buttress的第三人称单数 ) | |
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60 antagonists | |
对立[对抗] 者,对手,敌手( antagonist的名词复数 ); 对抗肌; 对抗药 | |
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61 galloped | |
(使马)飞奔,奔驰( gallop的过去式和过去分词 ); 快速做[说]某事 | |
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62 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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63 indigenous | |
adj.土产的,土生土长的,本地的 | |
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64 chary | |
adj.谨慎的,细心的 | |
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65 puff | |
n.一口(气);一阵(风);v.喷气,喘气 | |
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66 lavish | |
adj.无节制的;浪费的;vt.慷慨地给予,挥霍 | |
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67 pointed | |
adj.尖的,直截了当的 | |
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68 extricated | |
v.使摆脱困难,脱身( extricate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69 besieged | |
包围,围困,围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70 savage | |
adj.野蛮的;凶恶的,残暴的;n.未开化的人 | |
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71 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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72 invincible | |
adj.不可征服的,难以制服的 | |
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73 jealousy | |
n.妒忌,嫉妒,猜忌 | |
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74 pretensions | |
自称( pretension的名词复数 ); 自命不凡; 要求; 权力 | |
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75 positively | |
adv.明确地,断然,坚决地;实在,确实 | |
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76 arrogance | |
n.傲慢,自大 | |
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77 animated | |
adj.生气勃勃的,活跃的,愉快的 | |
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78 acquiesce | |
vi.默许,顺从,同意 | |
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79 prosecute | |
vt.告发;进行;vi.告发,起诉,作检察官 | |
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80 pending | |
prep.直到,等待…期间;adj.待定的;迫近的 | |
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81 ravaging | |
毁坏( ravage的现在分词 ); 蹂躏; 劫掠; 抢劫 | |
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82 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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83 converge | |
vi.会合;聚集,集中;(思想、观点等)趋近 | |
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84 regiments | |
(军队的)团( regiment的名词复数 ); 大量的人或物 | |
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85 forth | |
adv.向前;向外,往外 | |
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86 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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87 propitious | |
adj.吉利的;顺利的 | |
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88 manifestation | |
n.表现形式;表明;现象 | |
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89 ERECTED | |
adj. 直立的,竖立的,笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立,建立 | |
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90 herald | |
vt.预示...的来临,预告,宣布,欢迎 | |
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91 commissioners | |
n.专员( commissioner的名词复数 );长官;委员;政府部门的长官 | |
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92 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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93 hostility | |
n.敌对,敌意;抵制[pl.]交战,战争 | |
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94 redounded | |
v.有助益( redound的过去式和过去分词 );及于;报偿;报应 | |
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95 testimony | |
n.证词;见证,证明 | |
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96 proceedings | |
n.进程,过程,议程;诉讼(程序);公报 | |
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97 compliance | |
n.顺从;服从;附和;屈从 | |
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98 envoy | |
n.使节,使者,代表,公使 | |
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99 propound | |
v.提出 | |
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100 indictment | |
n.起诉;诉状 | |
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101 lodge | |
v.临时住宿,寄宿,寄存,容纳;n.传达室,小旅馆 | |
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102 converse | |
vi.谈话,谈天,闲聊;adv.相反的,相反 | |
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103 bombastic | |
adj.夸夸其谈的,言过其实的 | |
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104 grasshopper | |
n.蚱蜢,蝗虫,蚂蚱 | |
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105 convened | |
召开( convene的过去式 ); 召集; (为正式会议而)聚集; 集合 | |
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106 convene | |
v.集合,召集,召唤,聚集,集合 | |
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107 binding | |
有约束力的,有效的,应遵守的 | |
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108 wrath | |
n.愤怒,愤慨,暴怒 | |
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109 bent | |
n.爱好,癖好;adj.弯的;决心的,一心的 | |
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110 envoys | |
使节( envoy的名词复数 ); 公使; 谈判代表; 使节身份 | |
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111 monarch | |
n.帝王,君主,最高统治者 | |
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112 undertaking | |
n.保证,许诺,事业 | |
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113 tenor | |
n.男高音(歌手),次中音(乐器),要旨,大意 | |
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114 heed | |
v.注意,留意;n.注意,留心 | |
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115 ascertained | |
v.弄清,确定,查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116 surmounted | |
战胜( surmount的过去式和过去分词 ); 克服(困难); 居于…之上; 在…顶上 | |
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117 aristocrats | |
n.贵族( aristocrat的名词复数 ) | |
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118 modification | |
n.修改,改进,缓和,减轻 | |
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119 fealty | |
n.忠贞,忠节 | |
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120 partisans | |
游击队员( partisan的名词复数 ); 党人; 党羽; 帮伙 | |
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121 faction | |
n.宗派,小集团;派别;派系斗争 | |
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122 garnished | |
v.给(上餐桌的食物)加装饰( garnish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123 coalesced | |
v.联合,合并( coalesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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124 steered | |
v.驾驶( steer的过去式和过去分词 );操纵;控制;引导 | |
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125 nether | |
adj.下部的,下面的;n.阴间;下层社会 | |
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126 brooked | |
容忍,忍受(brook的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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127 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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128 bondage | |
n.奴役,束缚 | |
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129 promptly | |
adv.及时地,敏捷地 | |
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130 fidelity | |
n.忠诚,忠实;精确 | |
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131 laconism | |
n.(说话)简洁;简练的格言,精辟的警句 | |
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132 scruple | |
n./v.顾忌,迟疑 | |
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133 treacherously | |
背信弃义地; 背叛地; 靠不住地; 危险地 | |
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134 tyrant | |
n.暴君,专制的君主,残暴的人 | |
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135 connive | |
v.纵容;密谋 | |
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136 pecuniary | |
adj.金钱的;金钱上的 | |
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