The Spaniards Land At Tumbez. — Pizarro Reconnoitres The Country. — Foundation Of San Miguel. — March Into The Interior. — Embassy From The Inca. — Adventures On The March — Reach The Foot Of The Andes.
1532.
We left the Spaniards at the island of Puna, preparing to make their descent on the neighbouring continent at Tumbez. This port was but a few leagues distant, and Pizarro, with the greater part of his followers3, passed over in the ships, while a few others were to transport the commander’s baggage and the military stores on some of the Indian balsas. One of the latter vessels4 which first touched the shore was surrounded, and three persons who were on the raft were carried off by the natives to the adjacent woods and there massacred. The Indians then got possession of another of the balsas, containing Pizarro’s wardrobe; but, as the men who defended it raised loud cries for help, they reached the ears of Hernando Pizarro, who, with a small body of horse, had effected a landing some way farther down the shore. A broad tract5 of miry ground, overflowed6 at high water, lay between him and the party thus rudely assailed7 by the natives. The tide was out, and the bottom was soft and dangerous. With little regard to the danger, however, the bold cavalier spurred his horse into the slimy depths, and followed by his men, with the mud up to their saddle-girths, they plunged8 forward until they came into the midst of the marauders, who, terrified by the strange apparition9 of the horsemen, fled precipitately10, without show of fight, to the neighbouring forests.
This conduct of the natives of Tumbez is not easy to be explained; considering the friendly relations maintained with the Spaniards on their preceding visit, and lately renewed in the island of Puna. But Pizarro was still more astonished, on entering their town, to find it not only deserted11, but, with the exception of a few buildings, entirely12 demolished13. Four or five of the most substantial private dwellings14, the great temple, and the fortress15 — and these greatly damaged, and wholly despoiled16 of their interior decorations — alone survived to mark the site of the city, and attest17 its former splendor18. 1 The scene of desolation filled the conquerors19 with dismay; for even the raw recruits, who had never visited the coast before, had heard the marvelous stories of the golden treasures of Tumbez, and they had confidently looked forward to them as an easy spoil after all their fatigues21. But the gold of Peru seemed only like a deceitful phantom22, which, after beckoning23 them on through toil24 and danger, vanished the moment they attempted to grasp it.
1 Xerez, Conq del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 185. “Aunque lo del templo del Sol en quien ellos adoran era cosa de ver, porque tenian grandes edificios, y todo el por de dentro y de fuera pintado de grandes pinturas y ricos matizes de colores, porque los hay en aquella tierra.” Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
Pizarro despatched a small body of troops in pursuit of the fugitives25; and, after some slight skirmishing, they got possession of several of the natives, and among them, as it chanced, the curaca of the place. When brought before the Spanish commander, he exonerated26 himself from any share in the violence offered to the white men, saying that it was done by a lawless party of his people, without his knowledge at the time; and he expressed his willingness to deliver them up to punishment, if they could be detected. He explained the dilapidated condition of the town by the long wars carried on with the fierce tribes of Puna, who had at length succeeded in getting possession of the place, and driving the inhabitants into the neighbouring woods and mountains. The Inca, to whose cause they were attached, was too much occupied with his own feuds27 to protect them against their enemies.
Whether Pizarro gave any credit to the cacique’s exculpation28 of himself may be doubted. He dissembled his suspicions, however, and, as the Indian lord promised obedience29 in his own name, and that of his vassals30, the Spanish general consented to take no further notice of the affair. He seems now to have felt for the first time, in its full force, that it was his policy to gain the good-will of the people among whom he had thrown himself in the face of such tremendous odds31. It was, perhaps, the excesses of which his men had been guilty in the earlier stages of the expedition that had shaken the confidence of the people of Tumbez, and incited32 them to this treacherous33 retaliation34.
Pizarro inquired of the natives who now, under promise of impunity35, came into the camp, what had become of his two followers that remained with them in the former expedition. The answers they gave were obscure and contradictory36. Some said, they had died of an epidemic37; others, that they had died of an epidemic; others, that they had perished in the war with Puna; and others intimated, that they had lost their lives in consequence of some outrage38 attempted on the Indian women. It was impossible to arrive at the truth. The last account was not the least probable. But, whatever might be the cause, there was no doubt they had both perished.
This intelligence spread an additional gloom over the Spaniards; which was not dispelled39 by the flaming pictures now given by the natives of the riches of the land, and of the state and magnificence of the monarch40 in his distant capital among the mountains. Nor did they credit the authenticity41 of a scroll42 of paper, which Pizarro had obtained from an Indian, to whom it had been delivered by one of the white men left in the country. “Know, whoever you may be,” said the writing, “that may chance to set foot in this country, that it contains more gold and silver than there is iron in Biscay.” This paper, when shown to the soldiers, excited only their ridicule43, as a device of their captain to keep alive their chimerical44 hopes. 2
2 For the account of the transactions in Tumbez, see Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 1. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 4, lib. 9 cap. 1, 2. — Xerez, Conq. de Peru, ap Barcia tom. III. p. 185.]
Pizarro now saw that it was not politic45 to protract46 his stay in his present quarters, where a spirit of disaffection would soon creep into the ranks of his followers, unless their spirits were stimulated48 by novelty or a life of incessant49 action. Yet he felt deeply anxious to obtain more particulars than he had hitherto gathered of the actual condition of the Peruvian empire, of its strength and resources, of the monarch who ruled over it, and of his present situation. He was also desirous, before taking any decisive step for penetrating50 the country, to seek out some commodious51 place for a settlement, which might afford him the means of a regular communication with the colonies, and a place of strength, on which he himself might retreat in case of disaster.
[See Peruvian Settlement: pizarro was desirous of seeking out some commodius place for a settlement.]
He decided52, therefore, to leave part of his company at Tumbez, including those who, from the state of their health, were least able to take the field, and with the remainder to make an excursion into the interior, and reconnoitre the land, before deciding on any plan of operations. He set out early in May, 1532; and, keeping along the more level regions himself, sent a small detachment under the command of Hernando de Soto to explore the skirts of the vast sierra.
He maintained a rigid53 discipline on the march, commanding his soldiers to abstain54 from all acts of violence, and punishing disobedience in the most prompt and resolute55 manner. 3 The natives rarely offered resistance. When they did so, they were soon reduced, and Pizarro, far from vindictive56 measures, was open to the first demonstrations57 of submission58. By this lenient59 and liberal policy, he soon acquired a name among the inhabitants which effaced60 the unfavorable impressions made of him in the earlier part of the campaign. The natives, as he marched through the thick-settled hamlets which sprinkled the level region of between the Cordilleras and the ocean, welcomed him with rustic61 hospitality, providing good quarters for his troops, and abundant supplies, which cost but little in the prolific62 soil of the tierra caliente. Everywhere Pizarro made proclamation that he came in the name of the Holy Vicar of God and of the sovereign of Spain, requiring the obedience of the inhabitants as true children of the Church, and vassals of his lord and master. And as the simple people made no opposition63 to a formula, of which they could not comprehend a syllable64, they were admitted as good subjects of the Crown of Castile, and their act of homage65 — or what was readily interpreted as such — was duly recorded and attested66 by the notary67. 4
3 “Mando el Gobernador por eregon e so graves penas que no le fuese hecha fuerza ni descortesia e que se les hiciese muv buen tratamiento por los Espanoles e sus criados.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 2.]
4 “E mandabales notificar o dar a entender con1 las lenguas el requerimiento que su Magestad manda que se les haga a los Indios para traellos en conocimiento de nuestra Santa fe catolica, y requiriendoles con la paz, e que obedezcan a la Iglesia e Apostolica de Roma, e en lo temporal den20 la obediencia a su Magestad e a los Reyes sus succesores en los regnos de Castilla i de Leon; respondieron que asi lo querian e harian, guardarian e cumplirian enteramente; e el Gobernador los recibio por tales vasallos de sus Magestades por auto68 publico de notarios.’ Ibid., Ms., ubi supra.
At the expiration69 of some three or four weeks spent in reconnoitring the country, Pizarro came to the conclusion that the most eligible70 site for his new settlement was in the rich valley of Tangarala, thirty leagues south of Tumbez, traversed by more than one stream that opens a communication with the ocean. To this spot, accordingly, he ordered the men left at Tumbez to repair at once in their vessels; and no sooner had they arrived, than busy preparations were made for building up the town in a manner suited to the wants of the colony. Timber was procured71 from the neighbouring woods. Stones were dragged from their quarries72, and edifices73 gradually rose, some of which made pretensions74 to strength, if not to elegance75. Among them were a church, a magazine for public stores, a hall of justice, and a fortress. A municipal government was organized, consisting of regidores, alcaldes, and the usual civic76 functionaries77. The adjacent territory was parcelled out among the residents, and each colonist78 had a certain number of the natives allotted79 to assist him in his labors81; for, as Pizarro’s secretary remarks, “it being evident that the colonists82 could not support themselves without the services of the Indians, the ecclesiastics83 and the leaders of the expedition all agreed that a repartimiento of the natives would serve the cause of religion, and tend greatly to their spiritual welfare, since they would thus have the opportunity of being initiated84 in the true faith.” 5
5 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y. Conq., Ms. — Conq. i. Pob. del Peru, Ms. — Cieza de Leon, Cronica, cap. 55. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.
“Porque los Vecinos, sin aiuda i servicios de los Naturales no se podian sostener, ni poblarse el Pueblo85 . . . . . . A esta causa, con acuerdo de el Religioso, i de los Oficiales que les parecio convenir asi al servicio de Dios, i bien de los Naturales, el Governador deposito los Caciques, i Indios en los Vecinos de este Pueblo, porque los aiudasen a sostener, i los Christianos los doctrinasen en nuestra Santa Fe, conforme a los Mandamientos de su Magestad.” Xerez Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 187.
Having made these arrangements with such conscientious86 regard to the welfare of the benighted87 heathen, Pizarro gave his infant city the name of San Miguel, in acknowledgment of the service rendered him by that saint in his battles with the Indians of Puna. The site originally occupied by the settlement was afterward88 found to be so unhealthy, that it was abandoned for another on the banks of the beautiful Piura. The town is still of some note for its manufactures, though dwindled89 from its ancient importance; but the name of San Miguel de Piura, which it bears, still commemorates90 the foundation of the first European colony in the empire of the Incas.
Before quitting the new settlement, Pizarro caused the gold and silver ornaments91 which he had obtained in different parts of the country to be melted down into one mass, and a fifth to be deducted92 for the Crown. The remainder, which belonged to the troops, he persuaded them to relinquish93 for the present; under the assurance of being repaid from the first spoils that fell into their hands. 6 With these funds, and other articles collected in the course of the campaign, he sent back the vessels to Panama. The gold was applied94 to paying off the ship-owners, and those who had furnished the stores for the expedition. That he should so easily have persuaded his men to resign present possession for a future contingency95 is proof that the spirit of enterprise was renewed in their bosoms96 in all its former vigor97, and that they looked forward with the same buoyant confidence to the results.
6 “E sacado el quinto para su Magestad, lo restante que pertenecio al Egercito de la Conquista, el Gobernador le tomo prestado de los companeros para se lo pagal del primer oro que se obiese.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms. Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 2.]
In his late tour of observation, the Spanish commander had gathered much important intelligence in regard to the state of the kingdom. He had ascertained98 the result of the struggle between the Inca brothers, and that the victor now lay with his army encamped at the distance of only ten or twelve days’ journey from San Miguel. The accounts he heard of the opulence99 and power of that monarch, and of his great southern capital, perfectly100 corresponded with the general rumors101 before received; and contained, therefore, something to stagger the confidence, as well as to stimulate47 the cupidity102, of the invaders103.
Pizarro would gladly have seen his little army strengthened by reinforcements, however small the amount; and on that account postponed104 his departure for several weeks. But no reinforcement arrived; and, as he received no further tidings from his associates, he judged that longer delay would, probably, be attended with evils greater than those to be encountered on the march; that discontents would inevitably106 spring up in a life of inaction, and the strength and spirits of the soldier sink under the enervating107 influence of a tropical climate. Yet the force at his command, amounting to less than two hundred soldiers in all, after reserving fifty for the protection of the new settlement, seemed but a small one for the conquest of an empire. He might, indeed, instead of marching against the Inca, take a southerly direction towards the rich capital of Cuzco. But this would only be to postpone105 the hour of reckoning. For in what quarter of the empire could he hope to set his foot, where the arm of its master would not reach him? By such a course, moreover, he would show his own distrust of himself. He would shake that opinion of his invincible108 prowess, which he had hitherto endeavoured to impress on the natives, and which constituted a great secret of his strength; which, in short, held sterner sway over the mind than the display of numbers and mere109 physical force. Worse than all, such a course would impair110 the confidence of his troops in themselves and their reliance on himself. This would be to palsy the arm of enterprise at once. It was not to be thought of.
But while Pizarro decided to march into the interior, it is doubtful whether he had formed any more definite plan of action. We have no means of knowing his intentions, at this distance of time, otherwise than as they are shown by his actions. Unfortunately, he could not write, and he has left no record, like the inestimable Commentaries of Cortes, to enlighten us as to his motives111. His secretary, and some of his companions in arms, have recited his actions in detail; but the motives which led to them they were not always so competent to disclose.
It is possible that the Spanish general, even so early as the period of his residence at San Miguel, may have meditated112 some daring stroke, some effective coup-demain, which, like that of Cortes, when he carried off the Aztec monarch to his quarters, might strike terror into the hearts of the people, and at once decide the fortunes of the day. It is more probable, however, that he now only proposed to present himself before the Inca, as the peaceful representative of a brother monarch, and, by these friendly demonstrations, disarm113 any feeling of hostility114, or even of suspicion. When once in communication with the Indian prince, he could regulate his future course by circumstances.
On the 24th of September, 1532, five months after landing at Tumbez, Pizarro marched out at the head of his little body of adventurers from the gates of San Miguel, having enjoined115 it on the colonists to treat their Indian vassals with humanity, and to conduct themselves in such a manner as would secure the good-will of the surrounding tribes. Their own existence, and with it the safety of the army and the success of the undertaking116, depended on this course. In the place were to remain the royal treasurer117, the veedor, or inspector118 of metals, and other officers of the crown; and the command of the garrison119 was intrusted to the contador, Antonio Navarro. 7 Then putting himself at the head of his troops, the chief struck boldly into the heart of the country in the direction where, as he was informed, lay the camp of the Inca. It was a daring enterprise, thus to venture with a handful of followers into the heart of a powerful empire, to present himself, face to face, before the Indian monarch in his own camp, encompassed120 by the flower of his victorious121 army! Pizarro had already experienced more than once the difficulty of maintaining his ground against the rude tribes of the north, so much inferior in strength and numbers to the warlike legions of Peru. But the hazard of the game, as I have already more than once had occasion to remark, constituted its great charm with the Spaniard. The brilliant achievements of his countrymen, on the like occasions, with means so inadequate122, inspired him with confidence in his own good star, and this confidence was one source of his success. Had he faltered123 for a moment, had he stopped to calculate chances, he must inevitably have failed; for the odds were too great to be combated by sober reason. They were only to be met triumphantly124 by the spirit of the knight-errant.
7 Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Barcia, tom. III. p. 187. — Pedro Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 10. Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — ]
After crossing the smooth waters of the Piura, the little army continued to advance over a level district intersected by streams that descended125 from the neighbouring Cordilleras. The face of the country was shagged over with forests of gigantic growth, and occasionally traversed by ridges126 of barren land, that seemed like shoots of the adjacent Andes, breaking up the surface of the region into little sequestered127 valleys of singular loveliness. The soil, though rarely watered by the rains of heaven, was naturally rich, and wherever it was refreshed with moisture, as on the margins128 of the streams, it was enamelled with the brightest verdure. The industry of the inhabitants, moreover, had turned these streams to the best account, and canals and aqueducts were seen crossing the low lands in all directions, and spreading over the country, like a vast network, diffusing129 fertility and beauty around them. The air was scented130 with the sweet odors of flowers, and everywhere the eye was refreshed by the sight of orchards131 laden132 with unknown fruits, and of fields waving with yellow grain and rich in luscious133 vegetables of every description that teem134 in the sunny clime of the equator. The Spaniards were among a people who had carried the refinements135 of husbandry to a greater extent than any yet found on the American continent; and, as they journeyed through this paradise of plenty, their condition formed a pleasing contrast to what they had before endured in the dreary136 wilderness137 of the mangroves.
Everywhere, too, they were received with confiding138 hospitality by the simple people; for which they were no doubt indebted, in a great measure, to their own inoffensive deportment. Every Spaniard seemed to be aware, that his only chance of success lay in conciliating the good opinion of the inhabitants, among whom he had so recklessly cast his fortunes. In most of the hamlets, and in every place of considerable size, some fortress was to be found, or royal caravansary, destined139 for the Inca on his progresses, the ample halls of which furnished abundant accommodations for the Spaniards; who were thus provided with quarters along their route at the charge of the very government which they were preparing to overturn. 8
8 Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 4. — Naharro, Relacion Sumaria, Ms. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.]
On the fifth day after leaving San Miguel, Pizarro halted in one of these delicious valleys, to give his troops repose140, and to make a more complete inspection141 of them. Their number amounted in all to one hundred and seventy-seven, of which sixty-seven were cavalry142. He mustered143 only three arquebusiers in his whole company, and a few crossbow-men, altogether not exceeding twenty. 9 The troops were tolerably well equipped, and in good condition. But the watchful144 eye of their commander noticed with uneasiness, that, notwithstanding the general heartiness145 in the cause manifested by his followers, there were some among them whose countenances146 lowered with discontent, and who, although they did not give vent2 to it in open murmurs147, were far from moving with their wonted alacrity148. He was aware, that, if this spirit became contagious149, it would be the ruin of the enterprise; and he thought it best to exterminate150 the gangrene at once, and at whatever cost, than to wait until it had infected the whole system. He came to an extraordinary resolution.
9 There is less discrepancy151 in the estimate of the Spanish force here than usual. The paucity152 of numbers gave less room for it. No account carries them as high as two hundred. I have adopted that of the Secretary Xerez, (Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 187,) who has been followed by Oviedo, (Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 1, cap 3,) and by the judicious153 Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 1, cap 2.]
Calling his men together, he told them that “a crisis had now arrived in their affairs, which it demanded all their courage to meet. No man should think of going forward in the expedition, who could not do so with his whole heart, or who had the least misgiving154 as to its success. If any repented155 of his share in it, it was not too late to turn back. San Miguel was but poorly garrisoned156, and he should be glad to see it in greater strength. Those who chose might return to this place, and they should be entitled to the same proportion of lands and Indian vassals as the present residents. With the rest, were they few or many, who chose to take their chance with him, he should pursue the adventure to the end.” 10
10 “Que todos los que quiriesen bolverse a la ciudad de San Miguel y avecindarse alli demas de los vecinos que alli quedaban el los depositaria repartimientos de Indios con que se sortubiesen como lo habia hecho con los otros vecinos; e que con los Espanoles quedasen, pocos o muchos, iria a conquistar e pacificar la tierra en demanda y persecucion del camino que llevaba.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias. Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 3.]
It was certainly a remarkable157 proposal for a commander, who was ignorant of the amount of disaffection in his ranks, and who could not safely spare a single man from his force, already far too feeble for the undertaking. Yet, by insisting on the wants of the little colony of San Miguel, he afforded a decent pretext158 for the secession of the malecontents, and swept away the barrier of shame which might have still held them in the camp. Notwithstanding the fair opening thus afforded, there were but few, nine in all, who availed themselves of the general’s permission. Four of these belonged to the infantry159, and five to the horse. The rest loudly declared their resolve to go forward with their brave leader; and, if there were some whose voices were faint amidst the general acclamation, they, at least, relinquished160 the right of complaining hereafter, since they had voluntarily rejected the permission to return. 11 This stroke of policy in their sagacious captain was attended with the best effects. He had winnowed161 out the few grains of discontent, which, if left to themselves, might have fermented162 in secret till the whole mass had swelled164 into mutiny. Cortes had compelled his men to go forward heartily165 in his enterprise, by burning their vessels, and thus cutting off the only means of retreat. Pizarro, on the other hand, threw open the gates to the disaffected166 and facilitated their departure. Both judged right, under their peculiar167 circumstances, and both were perfectly successful.
11 Ibid., Ms., loc. cit. — Herrera, Hist. General, dec. 5, lib. 1. cap. 2. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 187.]
Feeling himself strengthened, instead of weakened, by his loss, Pizarro now resumed his march, and, on the second day, arrived before a place called Zaran, situated168 in a fruitful valley among the mountains. Some of the inhabitants had been drawn169 off to swell163 the levies170 of Atahuallpa. The Spaniards had repeated experience on their march of the oppressive exactions of the Inca, who had almost depopulated some of the valleys to obtain reinforcements for his army. The curaca of the Indian town, where Pizarro now arrived, received him with kindness and hospitality, and the troops were quartered as usual in one of the royal tambos or caravansaries, which were found in all the principal places. 12
12 Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms.]
Yet the Spaniards saw no signs of their approach to the royal encampment, though more time had already elapsed than was originally allowed for reaching it. Shortly before entering Zaran, Pizarro had heard that a Peruvian garrison was established in a place called Caxas, lying among the hills, at no great distance from his present quarters. He immediately despatched a small party under Hernando de Soto in that direction, to reconnoitre the ground, and bring him intelligence of the actual state of things, at Zaran, where he would halt until his officer’s return.
Day after day passed on, and a week had elapsed before tidings were received of his companions, and Pizarro was becoming seriously alarmed for their fate, when on the eighth morning Soto appeared, bringing with him an envoy171 from the Inca himself. He was a person of rank, and was attended by several followers of inferior condition. He had met the Spaniards at Caxas, and now accompanied them on their return, to deliver his sovereign’s message, with a present to the Spanish commander. The present consisted of two fountains, made of stone, in the form of fortresses172; some fine stuffs of woollen embroidered173 with gold and silver; and a quantity of goose-flesh, dried and seasoned in a peculiar manner, and much used as a perfume, in a pulverized174 state, by the Peruvian nobles. 13 The Indian ambassador came charged also with his master’s greeting to the strangers, whom Atahu allpa welcomed to his country, and invited to visit him in his camp among the mountains. 14
13 “Dos Fortalecas a manera de Fuente, figuradas en Piedra, con que beba, i dos cargas de Patos secos, desollados, para que hechos polvos, se sahume con ellos, porque asi se usa entre los Senores de su Tierra: i que le embiaba a decir, que el tiene voluntad de ser su Amigo, i esperalle de Paz en Caxamalca.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 189.]
14 Pedro Pizarro, Descub. y Conq., Ms. — Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 3. — Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 189.
Garcilasso de la Vega tells us that Atahuallpa’s envoy addressed the Spanish commander in the most humble175 and deprecatory manner, as Son of the Sun and of the great God Viracocha. He adds, that he was loaded with a prodigious176 present of all kinds of game, living and dead, gold and silver vases, emeralds, turquoises177, &c., &c, enough to furnish out the finest chapter of the Arabian Nights. (Com. Real., Parte 2, lib. 1, cap. 19.) It is extraordinary that none of the Conquerors who had a quick eye for these dainties, should allude178 to them. One cannot but suspect that the “old uncle” was amusing himself at his young nephew’s expense; and, as it has proved, at the expense of most of his readers, who receive the Inca’s fairy tales as historic facts.]
Pizarro well understood that the Inca’s object in this diplomatic visit was less to do him courtesy, than to inform himself of the strength and condition of the invaders. But he was well pleased with the embassy, and dissembled his consciousness of its real purpose. He caused the Peruvian to be entertained in the best manner the camp could afford, and paid him the respect, says one of the Conquerors, due to the ambassador of so great a monarch. 15 Pizarro urged him to prolong his visit for some days, which the Indian envoy declined, but made the most of his time while there, by gleaning179 all the information he could in respect to the uses of every strange article which he saw, as well as the object of the white men’s visit to the land, and the quarter whence they came.
15 “I mando, que le diesen de comer a el, i a los que con el venian, i todo lo que huviesen menester, i fuesen bien aposentados, como Embajadores de tan Gran Senor.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, tom. III. p. 189.]
The Spanish captain satisfied his curiosity in all these particulars. The intercourse180 with the natives, it may be here remarked, was maintained by means of two of the youths who had accompanied the Conquerors on their return home from their preceding voyage. They had been taken by Pizarro to Spain, and, as much pains had been bestowed181 on teaching them the Castilian, they now filled the office of interpreters, and opened an easy communication with their countrymen. It was of inestimable service; and well did the Spanish commander reap the fruits of his forecast. 16
16 “Los Indios de la tierra se entendian muy bien con los Espanoles, porque aquellos mochachos Indios que en el decubrimiento de la tierra Pizarro truxo a Espana, entendian muy bien nuestra lengua, y los tenia alli, con los cuales se entendia muy bien con todos los naturales de la tierra. (Relacion del Primer. Descub., Ms.) Yet it is a proof of the ludicrous blunders into which the Conquerors were perpetually falling, that Pizarro’s secretary constantly confounds the Inca’s name with that of his capital. Huayna Capac, he always styles “old Cuzco,” and his son Huasca. “young Cuzco.”]
On the departure of the Peruvian messenger, Pizarro presented him with a cap of crimson182 cloth, some cheap but showy ornaments of glass, and other toys, which he had brought for the purpose from Castile. He charged the envoy to tell his master, that the Spaniards came from a powerful prince, who dwelt far beyond the waters; that they had heard much of the fame of Atahuallpa’s victories, and were come to pay their respects to him, and to offer their services by aiding him with their arms against his enemies; and he might be assured, they would not halt on the road, longer than was necessary, before presenting themselves before him.
Pizarro now received from Soto a full account of his late expedition. That chief, on entering Caxas, found the inhabitants mustered in hostile array, as if to dispute his passage. But the cavalier soon convinced them of his pacific intentions, and, laying aside their menacing attitude, they received the Spaniards with the same courtesy which had been shown them in most places on their march.
Here Soto found one of the royal officers, employed in collecting the tribute for the government. From this functionary183 he learned that the Inca was quartered with a large army at Caxamalca, a place of considerable size on the other side of the Cordillera, where he was enjoying the luxury of the warm baths, supplied by natural springs, for which it was then famous, as it is at the present day. The cavalier gathered, also, much important information in regard to the resources and the general policy of government, the state maintained by the Inca, and the stern severity with which obedience to the law was everywhere enforced. He had some opportunity of observing this for himself, as, on entering the village, he saw several Indians hanging dead by their heels, having been executed for some violence offered to the Virgins184 of the Sun, of whom there was a convent in the neighbourhood. 17
17 “A la entrada del Pueblo havia ciertos Indios ahorcados de los pies: i supo de este Principal, que Atabalipa los mando matar, porque uno de ellos entro en la Casa de las Mugeres a dormir con una: al qual, i a todos los Porteros que consintieron, ahorco.” Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap. Barcia, ton. III. p. 188.]
From Caxas, De Soto had passed to the adjacent town of Guancabamba, much larger, more populous185, and better built than the preceding. The houses, instead of being made of clay baked in the sun, were many of them constructed of solid stone, so nicely put together, that it was impossible to detect the line of junction186. A river, which passed through the town, was traversed by a bridge, and the high road of the Incas, which crossed this district, was far superior to that which the Spaniards had seen on the sea-board. It was raised in many places, like a causeway, paved with heavy stone flags, and bordered by trees that afforded a grateful shade to the passenger, while streams of water were conducted through aqueducts along the sides to slake187 his thirst. At certain distances, also, they noticed small houses, which, they were told, were for the accommodation of the traveller, who might thus pass, without inconvenience, from one end of the kingdom to the other. 18 In another quarter they beheld188 one of those magazines destined for the army, filled with grain, and with articles of clothing; and at the entrance of the town was a stone building, occupied by a public officer, whose business it was to collect the tolls189 or duties on various commodities brought into the place, or carried out of it. 19 — These accounts of De Soto not only confirmed all that the Spaniards had heard of the Indian empire, but greatly raised their ideas of its resources and domestic policy. They might well have shaken the confidence of hearts less courageous190.
18 “Van por este camino canos de agua de donde los caminantes beben, traidos de sus nacimientos de otras partes, y a cada jornada una Casa a manera de Venta donde se aposentan los que van e vienen.’ Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms. Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 3.]
19 “A la entrada de este Camino en el Pueblo de Cajas esta una casa al principio de una puente donde reside una guarda que recibe el Portazgo de todos los que van e vienen, e paganlo en la misma cosa que llevan, y ninguno puede sacar carga del Pueblo sino la mete191, y esta costumbre es alli antigua.” Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms, ubi supra.]
Pizarro, before leaving his present quarters, despatched a messenger to San Miguel with particulars of his movements, sending, at the same time, the articles received from the Inca, as well as those obtained at different places on the route. The skill shown in the execution of some of these fabrics192 excited great admiration193, when sent to Castile. The fine woollen cloths, especially, with their rich embroidery194, were pronounced equal to silk, from which it was not easy to distinguish them. It was probably the delicate wool of the vicuna, none of which had then been seen in Europe. 20
20 “Piezas de lana de la tierra, que era cosa mucho de ver segun su primer e gentileza, e no se sabian determinar si era seda o lana segun su fineza con muchas labores i figuras de oro de martillo de tal manera asentado en la ropa que era cosa de marabillar.” Oviendo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3 lib. 8, cap. 4.]
Pizarro, having now acquainted himself with the most direct route to Caxamalca, — the Caxamalca of the present day, — resumed his march, taking a direction nearly south. The first place of any size at which he halted was Motupe, pleasantly situated in a fruitful valley, among hills of no great elevation195, which cluster round the base of the Cordilleras. The place was deserted by its curaca, who, with three hundred of its warriors196, had gone to join the standard of their Inca. Here the general, notwithstanding his avowed197 purpose to push forward without delay, halted four days. The tardiness198 of his movements can be explained only by the hope, which he may have still entertained, of being joined by further reinforcements before crossing the Cordilleras. None such appeared, however; and advancing across a country in which tracts199 of sandy plain were occasionally relieved by a broad expanse of verdant200 meadow, watered by natural streams and still more abundantly by those brought through artificial channels, the troops at length arrived at the borders of a river. It was broad and deep, and the rapidity of the current opposed more than ordinary difficulty to the passage. Pizarro, apprehensive201 lest this might be disputed by the natives on the opposite bank, ordered his brother Hernando to cross over with a small detachment under cover of night, and secure a safe landing for the rest of the troops. At break of day Pizarro made preparations for his own passage, by hewing202 timber in the neighboring woods, and constructing a sort of floating bridge, on which before nightfall the whole company passed in safety, the horses swimming, being led by the bridle203. It was a day of severe labor80, and Pizarro took his own share in it freely, like a common soldier, having ever a word of encouragement to say to his followers.
On reaching the opposite side, they learned from their comrades that the people of the country, instead of offering resistance, had fled in dismay. One of them, having been taken and brought before Hernando Pizarro, refused to answer the questions put to him respecting the Inca and his army; till, being put to the torture, he stated that Atahuallpa was encamped, with his whole force, in three separate divisions, occupying the high grounds and plains of Caxamalca. He further stated, that the Inca was aware of the approach of the white men and of their small number, and that he was purposely decoying them into his own quarters, that he might have them more completely in his power.
This account, when reported by Hernando to his brother, caused the latter much anxiety. As the timidity of the peasantry, however, gradually wore off, some of them mingled204 with the troops, and among them the curaca or principal person of the village. He had himself visited the royal camp, and he informed the general that Atahuallpa lay at the strong town of Guamachucho, twenty leagues or more south of Caxamalca, with an army of at least fifty thousand men.
These contradictory statements greatly perplexed205 the chieftain; and he proposed to one of the Indians who had borne him company during a great part of the march, to go as a spy into the Inca’s quarters, and bring him intelligence of his actual position, and, as far as he could learn them, of his intentions towards the Spaniards. But the man positively206 declined this dangerous service, though he professed207 his willingness to go as an authorized208 messenger of the Spanish commander.
Pizarro acquiesced209 in this proposal, and instructed his envoy to assure the Inca that he was advancing with all convenient speed to meet him. He was to acquaint the monarch with the uniformly considerate monarch with the uniformly considerate conduct of the Spaniards towards his subjects, in their progress through the land, and to assure him that they were now coming in full confidence of finding in him the same amicable210 feelings towards themselves. The emissary was particularly instructed to observe if the strong passes on the road were defended, or if any preparations of a hostile character were to be discerned. This last intelligence he was to communicate to the general by means of two or three nimble-footed attendants, who were to accompany him on his mission. 21
21 Oviedo, Hist. de las Indias, Ms. Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 4. — Conq. i Pob. del Piru, Ms. — Relacion del Primer, Descub., Ms. — Xerez, Conq. del Peru, ap Barcia, tom. III. p. 190]
Having taken this precaution, the wary211 commander again resumed his march, and at the end of three days reached the base of the mountain rampart, behind which lay the ancient town of Caxamalca. Before him rose the stupendous Andes, rock piled upon rock, their skirts below dark with evergreen212 forests, varied213 here and there by terraced patches of cultivated garden, with the peasant’s cottage clinging to their shaggy sides, and their crests214 of snow glittering high in the heavens, — presenting altogether such a wild chaos215 of magnificence and beauty as no other mountain scenery in the world can show. Across this tremendous rampart, through a labyrinth216 of passes, easily capable of defence by a handful of men against an army, the troops were now to march. To the right ran a broad and level road, with its border of friendly shades, and wide enough for two carriages to pass abreast217. It was one of the great routes leading to Cuzco, and seemed by its pleasant and easy access to invite the wayworn soldier to choose it in preference to the dangerous mountain defiles218. Many were accordingly of opinion that the army should take this course, and abandon the original destination of Caxamalca. But such was not the decision of Pizarro.
The Spaniards had everywhere proclaimed their purpose, he said, to visit the Inca in his camp. This purpose had been communicated to the Inca himself. To take an opposite direction now would only be to draw on them the imputation219 of cowardice220, and to incur221 Atahuallpa’s contempt. No alternative remained but to march straight across the sierra to his quarters. “Let every one of you,” said the bold cavalier, “take heart and go forward like a good soldier, nothing daunted222 by the smallness of your numbers. For in the greatest extremity223 God ever fights for his own; and doubt not he will humble the pride of the heathen, and bring him to the knowledge of the true faith, the great end and object of the Conquest.” 22
22 “Que todos se animasen y esforzasen a hacer como de ellos esperaba y como buenos espanoles lo suelen hacer, e que no les pusiese temor la multitud que se decia que habia de gente ni el poco numero de los cristianos, que aunque menos fuesen e mayor el egercito contrario, la ayuda de Dios es mucho mayor, y en las mayores necesidades socorre y faborece a los suyos para desbaratar y abajar la soberbia de los infieles e traerlos en conocimiento de nuestra Sta fe catolica.” Ovieda, Hist. de las Indias, Ms., Parte 3, lib. 8, cap. 4.]
Pizarro, like Cortes, possessed224 a good share of that frank and manly225 eloquence226 which touches the heart of the soldier more than the parade of rhetoric227 or the finest flow of elocution. He was a soldier himself, and partook in all the feelings of the soldier, his joys, his hopes, and his disappointments. He was not raised by rank and education above sympathy with the humblest of his followers. Every chord in their bosoms vibrated with the same pulsations as his own, and the conviction of this gave him a mastery over them. “Lead on,” they shouted, as he finished his brief but animating228 address, “lead on wherever you think best. We will follow with good-will, and you shall see that we can do our duty in the cause of God and the King!” 23 There was no longer hesitation229. All thoughts were now bent230 on the instant passage of the Cordilleras.
23 ‘Todos digeron que fuese por el Camino que quisiese i viese que mas convenia, que todos le seguirian con buena voluntad e obra al tiempo del efecto, y veria lo que cada uno de ellos haria en servicio de Dios e de su Magestad.” Ibid., Ms, loc. cit.]
收听单词发音 |
1
con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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overflowed
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| 溢出的 | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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apparition
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| n.幽灵，神奇的现象 | |
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precipitately
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| adv.猛进地 | |
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deserted
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| adj.荒芜的，荒废的，无人的，被遗弃的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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13
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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dwellings
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| n.住处，处所( dwelling的名词复数 ) | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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despoiled
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| v.掠夺，抢劫( despoil的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attest
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| vt.证明，证实；表明 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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conquerors
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| 征服者，占领者( conqueror的名词复数 ) | |
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den
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| n.兽穴；秘密地方；安静的小房间，私室 | |
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fatigues
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| n.疲劳( fatigue的名词复数 )；杂役；厌倦；（士兵穿的）工作服 | |
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phantom
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| n.幻影，虚位，幽灵；adj.错觉的，幻影的，幽灵的 | |
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beckoning
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| adj.引诱人的，令人心动的v.（用头或手的动作）示意，召唤( beckon的现在分词 ) | |
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toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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fugitives
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| n.亡命者，逃命者( fugitive的名词复数 ) | |
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exonerated
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| v.使免罪，免除( exonerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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feuds
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| n.长期不和，世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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exculpation
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| n.使无罪，辩解 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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incited
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| 刺激，激励，煽动( incite的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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treacherous
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| adj.不可靠的，有暗藏的危险的；adj.背叛的，背信弃义的 | |
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retaliation
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| n.报复，反击 | |
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impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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contradictory
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| adj.反驳的，反对的，抗辩的；n.正反对，矛盾对立 | |
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epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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outrage
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| n.暴行，侮辱，愤怒；vt.凌辱，激怒 | |
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dispelled
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| v.驱散，赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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authenticity
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| n.真实性 | |
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scroll
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| n.卷轴，纸卷；(石刻上的)漩涡 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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chimerical
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| adj.荒诞不经的，梦幻的 | |
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politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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protract
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| v.延长，拖长 | |
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stimulate
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| vt.刺激，使兴奋；激励，使…振奋 | |
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stimulated
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| a.刺激的 | |
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incessant
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| adj.不停的，连续的 | |
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50
penetrating
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| adj.（声音）响亮的，尖锐的adj.（气味）刺激的adj.（思想）敏锐的，有洞察力的 | |
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51
commodious
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| adj.宽敞的；使用方便的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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rigid
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| adj.严格的，死板的；刚硬的，僵硬的 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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58
submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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lenient
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| adj.宽大的，仁慈的 | |
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effaced
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| v.擦掉( efface的过去式和过去分词 )；抹去；超越；使黯然失色 | |
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rustic
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| adj.乡村的，有乡村特色的；n.乡下人，乡巴佬 | |
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prolific
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| adj.丰富的，大量的；多产的，富有创造力的 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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syllable
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| n.音节；vt.分音节 | |
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homage
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| n.尊敬，敬意，崇敬 | |
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attested
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| adj.经检验证明无病的，经检验证明无菌的v.证明( attest的过去式和过去分词 )；证实；声称…属实；使宣誓 | |
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notary
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| n.公证人，公证员 | |
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auto
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| n.(=automobile)(口语)汽车 | |
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expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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eligible
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| adj.有条件被选中的；(尤指婚姻等)合适(意)的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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quarries
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| n.（采）石场( quarry的名词复数 )；猎物（指鸟，兽等）；方形石；（格窗等的）方形玻璃v.从采石场采得( quarry的第三人称单数 )；从（书本等中）努力发掘（资料等）；在采石场采石 | |
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edifices
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| n.大建筑物( edifice的名词复数 ) | |
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pretensions
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| 自称( pretension的名词复数 )； 自命不凡； 要求； 权力 | |
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elegance
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| n.优雅；优美，雅致；精致，巧妙 | |
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civic
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| adj.城市的，都市的，市民的，公民的 | |
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functionaries
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| n.公职人员，官员( functionary的名词复数 ) | |
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colonist
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| n.殖民者，移民 | |
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allotted
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| 分配，拨给，摊派( allot的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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80
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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81
labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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82
colonists
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| n.殖民地开拓者，移民，殖民地居民( colonist的名词复数 ) | |
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83
ecclesiastics
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| n.神职者，教会，牧师( ecclesiastic的名词复数 ) | |
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84
initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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85
pueblo
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| n.（美国西南部或墨西哥等）印第安人的村庄 | |
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86
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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87
benighted
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| adj.蒙昧的 | |
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88
afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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89
dwindled
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| v.逐渐变少或变小( dwindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
commemorates
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| n.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的名词复数 )v.纪念，庆祝( commemorate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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91
ornaments
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| n.装饰( ornament的名词复数 )；点缀；装饰品；首饰v.装饰，点缀，美化( ornament的第三人称单数 ) | |
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92
deducted
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| v.扣除，减去( deduct的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
relinquish
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| v.放弃，撤回，让与，放手 | |
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94
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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95
contingency
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| n.意外事件，可能性 | |
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96
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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97
vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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98
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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99
opulence
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| n.财富，富裕 | |
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100
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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101
rumors
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| n.传闻( rumor的名词复数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷v.传闻( rumor的第三人称单数 )；[古]名誉；咕哝；[古]喧嚷 | |
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102
cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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103
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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104
postponed
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| vt.& vi.延期，缓办，（使）延迟vt.把…放在次要地位；[语]把…放在后面（或句尾）vi.（疟疾等）延缓发作（或复发） | |
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105
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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106
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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107
enervating
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| v.使衰弱，使失去活力( enervate的现在分词 ) | |
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108
invincible
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| adj.不可征服的，难以制服的 | |
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109
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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110
impair
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| v.损害，损伤；削弱，减少 | |
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111
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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112
meditated
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| 深思，沉思，冥想( meditate的过去式和过去分词 )； 内心策划，考虑 | |
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113
disarm
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| v.解除武装，回复平常的编制，缓和 | |
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114
hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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115
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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117
treasurer
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| n.司库，财务主管 | |
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118
inspector
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| n.检查员，监察员，视察员 | |
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119
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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120
encompassed
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| v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 )；包围；包含；包括 | |
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121
victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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122
inadequate
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| adj.(for,to)不充足的，不适当的 | |
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123
faltered
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| （嗓音）颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 )； 支吾其词； 蹒跚； 摇晃 | |
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124
triumphantly
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| ad.得意洋洋地；得胜地；成功地 | |
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125
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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126
ridges
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| n.脊( ridge的名词复数 )；山脊；脊状突起；大气层的)高压脊 | |
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127
sequestered
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| adj.扣押的；隐退的；幽静的；偏僻的v.使隔绝，使隔离( sequester的过去式和过去分词 )；扣押 | |
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128
margins
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| 边( margin的名词复数 )； 利润； 页边空白； 差数 | |
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129
diffusing
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| （使光）模糊，漫射，漫散( diffuse的现在分词 )； （使）扩散； （使）弥漫； （使）传播 | |
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130
scented
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| adj.有香味的；洒香水的；有气味的v.嗅到(scent的过去分词) | |
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131
orchards
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| （通常指围起来的）果园( orchard的名词复数 ) | |
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132
laden
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| adj.装满了的；充满了的；负了重担的；苦恼的 | |
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133
luscious
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| adj.美味的；芬芳的；肉感的，引与性欲的 | |
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134
teem
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| vi.(with)充满，多产 | |
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135
refinements
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| n.（生活）风雅；精炼( refinement的名词复数 )；改良品；细微的改良；优雅或高贵的动作 | |
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136
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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137
wilderness
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| n.杳无人烟的一片陆地、水等，荒漠 | |
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138
confiding
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| adj.相信人的，易于相信的v.吐露（秘密，心事等）( confide的现在分词 )；（向某人）吐露（隐私、秘密等） | |
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139
destined
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| adj.命中注定的；(for)以…为目的地的 | |
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140
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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141
inspection
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| n.检查，审查，检阅 | |
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142
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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143
mustered
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| v.集合，召集，集结（尤指部队）( muster的过去式和过去分词 )；（自他人处）搜集某事物；聚集；激发 | |
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144
watchful
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| adj.注意的，警惕的 | |
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145
heartiness
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| 诚实，热心 | |
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146
countenances
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| n.面容( countenance的名词复数 )；表情；镇静；道义支持 | |
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147
murmurs
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| n.低沉、连续而不清的声音( murmur的名词复数 )；低语声；怨言；嘀咕 | |
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148
alacrity
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| n.敏捷，轻快，乐意 | |
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149
contagious
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| adj.传染性的，有感染力的 | |
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150
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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151
discrepancy
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| n.不同；不符；差异；矛盾 | |
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152
paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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153
judicious
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| adj.明智的，明断的，能作出明智决定的 | |
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154
misgiving
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| n.疑虑，担忧，害怕 | |
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155
repented
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| 对（自己的所为）感到懊悔或忏悔( repent的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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156
garrisoned
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| 卫戍部队守备( garrison的过去式和过去分词 )； 派部队驻防 | |
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157
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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158
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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159
infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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160
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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161
winnowed
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| adj.扬净的，风选的v.扬( winnow的过去式和过去分词 )；辨别；选择；除去 | |
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162
fermented
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| v.（使）发酵( ferment的过去式和过去分词 )；（使）激动；骚动；骚扰 | |
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163
swell
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| vi.膨胀，肿胀；增长，增强 | |
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164
swelled
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| 增强( swell的过去式和过去分词 )； 肿胀； （使）凸出； 充满（激情） | |
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165
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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166
disaffected
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| adj.（政治上）不满的，叛离的 | |
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167
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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168
situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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169
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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170
levies
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| （部队）征兵( levy的名词复数 )； 募捐； 被征募的军队 | |
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171
envoy
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| n.使节，使者，代表，公使 | |
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172
fortresses
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| 堡垒，要塞( fortress的名词复数 ) | |
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173
embroidered
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| adj．绣花的 | |
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174
pulverized
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| adj.[医]雾化的，粉末状的v.将…弄碎( pulverize的过去式和过去分词 )；将…弄成粉末或尘埃；摧毁；粉碎 | |
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175
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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176
prodigious
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| adj.惊人的，奇妙的；异常的；巨大的；庞大的 | |
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177
turquoises
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| n.绿松石( turquoise的名词复数 )；青绿色 | |
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178
allude
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| v.提及，暗指 | |
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179
gleaning
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| n.拾落穗，拾遗，落穗v.一点点地收集（资料、事实）( glean的现在分词 )；（收割后）拾穗 | |
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180
intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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181
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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182
crimson
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| n./adj.深(绯)红色(的)；vi.脸变绯红色 | |
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183
functionary
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| n.官员；公职人员 | |
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184
virgins
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| 处女，童男( virgin的名词复数 )； 童贞玛利亚（耶稣之母） | |
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185
populous
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| adj.人口稠密的，人口众多的 | |
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186
junction
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| n.连接，接合；交叉点，接合处，枢纽站 | |
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187
slake
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| v.解渴，使平息 | |
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188
beheld
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| v.看，注视( behold的过去式和过去分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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189
tolls
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| （缓慢而有规律的）钟声( toll的名词复数 )； 通行费； 损耗； （战争、灾难等造成的）毁坏 | |
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190
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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191
mete
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| v.分配；给予 | |
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192
fabrics
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| 织物( fabric的名词复数 )； 布； 构造； （建筑物的）结构（如墙、地面、屋顶）：质地 | |
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193
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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194
embroidery
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| n.绣花，刺绣；绣制品 | |
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195
elevation
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| n.高度；海拔；高地；上升；提高 | |
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196
warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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197
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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198
tardiness
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| n.缓慢；迟延；拖拉 | |
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199
tracts
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| 大片土地( tract的名词复数 )； 地带； （体内的）道； （尤指宣扬宗教、伦理或政治的）短文 | |
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verdant
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| adj.翠绿的，青翠的，生疏的，不老练的 | |
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apprehensive
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| adj.担心的，恐惧的，善于领会的 | |
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202
hewing
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| v.（用斧、刀等）砍、劈( hew的现在分词 )；砍成；劈出；开辟 | |
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bridle
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| n.笼头，束缚；vt.抑制，约束；动怒 | |
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204
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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amicable
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| adj.和平的，友好的；友善的 | |
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wary
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| adj.谨慎的，机警的，小心的 | |
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evergreen
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| n.常青树；adj.四季常青的 | |
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varied
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| adj.多样的，多变化的 | |
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214
crests
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| v.到达山顶（或浪峰）( crest的第三人称单数 )；到达洪峰，达到顶点 | |
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chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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labyrinth
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| n.迷宫；难解的事物；迷路 | |
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abreast
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| adv.并排地；跟上(时代)的步伐，与…并进地 | |
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defiles
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| v.玷污( defile的第三人称单数 )；污染；弄脏；纵列行进 | |
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219
imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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cowardice
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| n.胆小，怯懦 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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daunted
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| 使（某人）气馁，威吓( daunt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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extremity
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| n.末端，尽头；尽力；终极；极度 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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manly
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| adj.有男子气概的；adv.男子般地，果断地 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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228
animating
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| v.使有生气( animate的现在分词 )；驱动；使栩栩如生地动作；赋予…以生命 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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