Titus Livius, the illustrious author of the Roman History, descended1 from a noble family in Rome, and was born at Patavium, now called Padua, in Italy, in the 694th year of Rome, fifty-eight years before the commencement of the Christian2 ?ra.
Like many other literary men, his life was contemplative, rather than active; very few particulars, therefore, concerning him, have come down to us. He resided at Rome for a considerable time, where he was much noticed, and highly honoured, by Augustus; to whom he was previously3 known, it is said, by some writings which he had dedicated4 to him. Seneca, however, is silent upon the subject of this supposed dedication5, though he mentions the work itself, which, he says, consisted of moral and philosophical6 dialogues.
He appears to have conceived the project of writing his history, immediately upon his settling at Rome; or, perhaps, he came thither7 for the purpose of collecting the necessary materials for that great work.
Augustus appointed him preceptor to his grandson Claudius, afterwards emperor. But he seems not much to have attended to the advantage which might have resulted from so advantageous8 a connection, and to have occupied himself, entirely9, in the composition of his history; parts of which, as they were finished, he read to Augustus and Mac?nas.
Distracted with the tumult10, and disgusted, it may be, with the intrigues11 and cabals12 of Rome, he sought retirement13 and tranquillity14 in the beautiful country, and delightful15 climate, of Naples. Here, enjoying uninterrupted literary ease and quiet, he continued his labour, and finished his work, comprising, in an hundred and forty-two books, the history of Rome, from the foundation of that city to the death of Drusus, containing a period of seven hundred and forty-three years, ending nine years before the birth of our Saviour16. Having completed this great work, he returned to pass the remainder of his days in his native country, where he died, 17, at the age of seventy-five years.
What family he left behind him, is not known. Quintilian, however, mentions that he had a son, for whose instruction he drew up some excellent observations on rhetoric17; and there is also reason to suppose that he had a daughter, married to Lucius Magius, an orator18, who is advantageously spoken of by Seneca.
How highly his works were esteemed19, and himself personally honoured and respected, may be gathered from the manner in which he is mentioned by many ancient authors. Tacitus tells us,* that “T. Livius, that admirable historian, not more distinguished21 by his eloquence22 than by his fidelity23, was so lavish24 in his praise of Pompey, that Augustus called him the Pompeian: and yet his friendship for him was unalterable.” The younger Pliny informs us,* that “a certain inhabitant of the city of Cadiz was so struck with the illustrious character of Livy, that he travelled to Rome on purpose to see that great genius; and as soon as he had satisfied his curiosity, returned home.”
Of the hundred and forty-two books, of which the history of Rome originally consisted, thirty-five only have come down to us. The contents of the whole, the hundred and thirty-seventh and eighth excepted, have been preserved; compiled, as some, without any good reason, have supposed, by Livy himself; while others, with equal improbability, have asserted them to be the work of Lucius Florus, author of a portion of Roman history. Whoever may have been the compiler, a fact as useless, as it is now impossible to ascertain25, they are highly curious; and although they contain but a faint outline, yet they serve to convey some idea of the original, and greatly excite regret at the loss of so large a portion of this valuable work.
The parts of this history which we now possess, are, the first decade: for it appears, from his having prefixed separate prefatory introductions to each portion, that the author had divided his work into distinct parts, consisting each of ten books. The first decade commences with the foundation of the city of Rome, and rapidly runs over the affairs of four hundred and sixty years. The second decade is lost: it comprised a period of seventy-five years; the principal occurrence in it was the first Punic war, in which the Romans, after a long and arduous26 struggle, were finally victorious27. The third decade is extant: it contains a particular and well-detailed account of the second Punic war; the longest, as our author himself observes, and the most hazardous28 war, the Romans had ever been engaged in; in the course of which they gained so many advantages, and acquired so much military experience, that no nation was ever able, afterwards, to withstand them. The fourth decade contains the Macedonian war against Philip, and the Asiatic against Antiochus. These are related at considerable length, insomuch that the ten books comprise a space of twenty-three years only. Of the fifth decade, the first five books only remain, and these very imperfect. They give an account of the war with Perseus king of Macedonia, who gains several advantages against the Romans, but is at length subdued29, and his kingdom reduced to the form of a Roman province; of the corruption30 of several Roman governors in the administration of the provinces, and their punishment; and of the third Punic war, which lasted only five years.
Of the remaining books, it has been already said, that the contents only have been preserved; and they serve to show us the greatness of our loss, the greatest literary loss, perhaps, owing to the ravages31 of the time. Livy had employed forty-five books in the history of six centuries; but so many, so various, and so interesting were the events, which he had before him for selection, in the latter period of the Republic, that it took him above double that number to relate the occurrences of little more than an hundred and twenty years. From the admirable manner in which he has written the former part of his History, we may judge of what must have been the merit of this latter part, which fails us, unfortunately, at a most remarkable32 period, when rational curiosity is raised to the highest pitch. Nor can we doubt the excellence33 of its execution, when we consider how much better, and how much more copious34 his materials must have been; for, besides what he could draw from his own personal knowledge, having lived among, and conversed36 familiarly with, the most considerable men in the empire, who were themselves principal actors in the important transactions which he relates, he had access to the best possible written materials; to the memoirs38 of Sylla, C?sar, Labienus, Pollio, Augustus, and many others which were then extant. What would we not give for the picture, finished by so able a hand, from the sketches39 of such masters? What delight would it not afford us, to see the whole progress of a government from liberty to servitude?—the whole series of causes and effects, apparent and real, public and private?—those which all men saw, and all good men opposed and lamented40, at the time; and those which were so disguised to the prejudices, to the partialities, of a divided people, and even to the corruption of mankind, that many did not, and that many could pretend they did not, discern them, till it was too late to resist them? I own, says a noble author,* I should be glad to exchange what we have of this History, for what we have not.
Much as our historian was admired, and highly as he was respected, yet he was not without his detractors. He was charged with patavinity in his writings. The first person who brought this charge against him, seems to have been Asinius Pollio, a polite and elegant writer, and a distinguished ornament41 of the age of Augustus.*
In what this patavinity consisted, no ancient author having defined it, it is not now easy to say; and, accordingly, it is a matter which has been much disputed. Some will have it, that it was a political term, and that it signified an attachment42 to the Pompeian party: others contend that it meant a hatred43 to the Gauls; that it was symbolical44 of some blameable particularity, they know not what. The more probable opinion, however, seems, from the term itself, to be, that it signified some provincial45 peculiarity46 of dialect. Ancient Italy, like modern Italy, had its differences, not of idiom merely, but of language, in every different province. In proportion as their language varies, at this day, from the purity of the Tuscan dialect, they become almost unintelligible48 to each other: with difficulty can a Venetian and a Neapolitan converse37 together; that is, the people: for the well-educated in every country learn to speak and write the dialect of the metropolis50; although, if brought up in their own provinces, however nearly their language may approach the purity of that of the capital, yet it will ever retain some tincture of provinciality51.
If this supposition of the meaning of the word patavinity be right, the fact, upon such authority as that of Pollio, must be admitted; although in what, precisely52, it consisted, it is not, at present, perhaps, possible to determine. Much has been written upon the subject, which in reality seems now to be an idle inquiry53; and, as a dissertation54 upon this matter could afford neither instruction nor entertainment to the mere47 English reader, for whose use the following translation is principally intended, we shall dismiss the subject with observing, that what Quintilian has not told us, no modern scholar will ever, it is probable, have penetration55 enough to discover: and we may be also allowed to suppose that, whatever these peculiarities56 may have been, as that great critic has not thought them worth pointing out, they cannot have been either very numerous, or of very material consequence.
Nor will, perhaps, another objection, made by modern critics, be deemed of much greater weight. They dislike, it seems, the plan of his History, and they found that dislike, chiefly on the speeches which he so frequently introduces, which, they contend, it is not probable could have been spoken upon the occasions alleged57; and therefore they pronounce them to be violations58 of truth. That many of them were not spoken by the persons to whom they are ascribed, nor upon the occasions alleged, must be admitted: but they do not, upon that account, violate the truth of history. Nobody can suppose that our author ever meant to impose upon his readers, and to make them believe that what he has given us, as said by the different persons whom he introduces, was really said by them: the supposition is absurd. He could only mean to vary his style; and to enliven and embellish60 matter, which, if continued in the even and unvaried tone of narration61, would be sometimes heavy and tedious; making these supposed speeches a vehicle for conveying, and that in a very lively manner, the arguments for and against a proposed measure; and he thus often brings into them a relation of facts, chiefly facts of remoter times, and much more agreeably than he could have interwoven them into his narrative62, which should always be progressive. Modern historians, it is true, have rejected this plan: but Livy is not reprehensible63, because his ideas of historic structure were different from theirs. He chose rather to conform himself to a custom which prevailed very generally before his time, and which succeeding writers, of great taste and judgment64, have approved and adopted. The conduct of Livy, in this respect, if necessary, might be justified65 by the example of Herodotus, Xenophon, Polybius, Sallust, Tacitus, and others, whose histories abound66 with speeches. These speeches frequently give a more perfect idea of the character of the supposed speaker, than could easily have been done by mere description; and it must be acknowledged, that the facts which they sometimes contain, would, if thrown into formal narrative, with episodes and digressions, lose much of their animation67 and force, and consequently much of their grace and beauty.
When we consider the use of such speeches, we shall not perhaps feel inclined to give them up, although many are to be held as mere fictions; contrived68, however, with much ingenuity69, and for the laudable purpose of conveying useful reflections and salutary admonitions. But though it be admitted, that several of them are fictitious70, yet it may be contended that they are not all so. Many of those delivered in the senate, in popular assemblies, in conventions of ambassadors, and other the like occasions, are most probably genuine; and, if they are so, they furnish us with very curious specimens71 of ancient eloquence. Public speakers among the Romans were in the habit of publishing their speeches upon particular occasions; and others, delivered upon important occurrences, would, doubtless, be noted72 down, and circulated, by those who were curious about, and probably interested in, the subjects of them. We know that, in our own times, the substance of speeches in the British parliament, and other assemblies, has often been accurately73 collected, and carefully preserved; and we may, therefore, reasonably suppose that speeches in the Roman senate, upon matters in which the whole community were deeply interested, would be heard with equal attention, and preserved with equal care.
A charge, of a very heavy nature, has been brought against our author, which, were it well founded, would utterly75 disqualify him from writing a credible76 history. He is accused of superstitious77 credulity. That he was of a serious and religious turn of mind is sufficiently78 apparent from many passages in his history, in which he severely79 reprehends80 the licentiousness81 and profligacy82 of the times he lived in, and applauds the simplicity83 of conduct, and sanctity of manners, of ancient days, when “that disregard of the gods, which prevails in the present age, had not taken place; nor did every one, by his own interpretations84, accommodate oaths and the laws to his particular views, but rather adapted his practice to them.”* Again, speaking of Spurius Papirius, he describes him as a “youth, born in an age when that sort of learning which inculcates contempt of the gods was yet unknown.”? Numberless passages, to this effect, might be cited; suffice it, however, to observe, that, while reprehending85, with strong indignation, the profane86, the impious, and the immoral87 among his countrymen, he omits no opportunity of applauding the virtuous88 and the good.
But, to be religious is one thing; to be superstitious is another. He has certainly recorded many and monstrous89 prodigies90; to enumerate91 which would be both tedious and disgusting. As, however, they were not merely the subject of popular tales and vulgar conversation, but the objects of particular attention, noticed always by the magistrates93, and even by the senate, whom we frequently find ordering expiations of them, it was his duty, as an historian, to relate them, since they thus made a part of the public transactions of the times. And this he does with great caution; apparently95 anxious lest he should be supposed to believe in such absurdities96, and protesting, as it were, against the imputation97 of superstition98. Thus, upon an occasion where he relates extraordinary prodigies, (more extraordinary, indeed, than in any other part of his history,) he introduces his account of them by saying,—“Numerous prodigies were reported to have happened this year; and the more they were credited by simple and superstitious people, the more such stories multiplied.”* He generally prefaces the mention of all such, with a reserve as to his own belief of them:—“Many prodigies were reported.”? “It was believed that crows had not only torn with their beaks99 some gold in the capitol, but had even eaten it.”? And again; “Fires from heaven, breaking out in various places, had, as was said,”§ &c. Nor is he at all scrupulous100 in declaring these numerous prodigies to derive101 their origin from superstitious weakness; thus,—“So apt is superstitious weakness to introduce the deities102 into the most trivial occurrences”∥ “The mention of one prodigy103 was, as usual, followed by reports of others.”? “From this cause arose abundance of superstitious notions; and the minds of the people became disposed both to believe and to propagate accounts of prodigies, of which a very great number were reported.”** “The consuls104 expiated106 several prodigies which had been reported.”?? “Several deceptions107 of the eyes and ears were credited.”?? One is almost tempted108 to think, that those who charge our author with credulity, had never read him; otherwise, how could they overlook such passages as these, and especially the following, in which he seems aware that such a charge might be brought against him, and labours to obviate109 it?—“In proportion as the war was protracted110 to a greater length, and successes and disappointments produced various alterations111, not only in the situations, but in the sentiments of men, superstitious observances, and these mostly introduced from abroad, gained such ground among the people in general, that it seemed as if either mankind, or the deities, had undergone some sudden change.”*
From the passages here adduced, and very many others to the same purport112 might be quoted, it may be confidently pronounced, that our author was not the dupe of those vulgar rumours113, those “deceptions of the eyes and ears,” which yet he has thought it his duty to record. And, in truth, it seems as if the people themselves, at least the more enlightened of them, were equally inclined, if established custom would have allowed, to disregard them: “They grew weary,” we are told, “not only of the thing itself, but of the religious rites114 enjoined115 in consequence; for neither could the senate be convened116, nor the business of the public be transacted117, the consuls were so constantly employed in sacrifices and expiations.”? And accordingly, with a view to diminish the reports of these miracles, and the troublesome ceremonies consequent thereupon, the consuls, by direction of the senate, published an edict, that when “on any day public worship should be ordered, in consequence of the report of an earthquake, no person should report another earthquake on that day.”* Indeed, how very little faith the senate really had in omens118, prodigies, and auspices119, we may learn from a remarkable order made by them, upon receiving from a consul105 the report of unfavourable omens, in no less than three victims successively sacrificed; “they ordered him,” says the Historian, “to continue sacrificing the larger victims, until the omens should prove favourable120.”?
It may be asked,—if Livy, the senate, and very many, perhaps the greater number, of the people, disbelieved these omens and prodigies, why relate them? He answers the question himself; “I am well aware,” he says, “that, through the same disregard to religion, which has led men into the present prevailing121 opinion, of the gods never giving portents122 of any future events, no prodigies are now either reported to government, or recorded in histories. But, for my part, while I am writing the transactions of ancient times, my sentiments, I know not how, become antique; and I feel a kind of religious awe123, which compels me to consider that events, which the men of those times, renowned124 for wisdom, judged deserving of the attention of government, and of public expiation94, must certainly be worthy126 of a place in my History.”? And, in truth, it must be allowed, that an account of the religious ceremonies, and the superstitious observances, of different nations at different periods, forms not the least curious chapter in the history of the human mind.
A still heavier charge hath been brought against our author; indeed, the heaviest that can be alleged against an historian; namely, the violation59 of the first great law of history; which is, not to dare to assert any thing false, and not to suppress any truth.* He who could not be warped127 by views of private interest, has yet been supposed, from an excess of zeal128 for the honour and glory of his country, in some instances to have gone beyond the truth, in others to have suppressed it.
It has been already mentioned how highly he was esteemed by Augustus, and that he had even received no inconsiderable marks of favour from him. Yet he does not seem to have courted this esteem20, or those favours, by any particular attention on his part; nor to have endeavoured to repay them, by the only return which authors can make, the loading their patrons with perhaps undeserved praises. Although, at the time when he wrote his History, Augustus was in complete possession of the Roman empire, yet he names him but three times, and then but in a slight and cursory129 manner; not availing himself of the opportunity to heap adulation upon him, but simply giving him that praise to which he was unquestionably entitled. On occasion of shutting the temple of Janus, he takes the opportunity of mentioning, that it had been but twice shut since the reign130 of Numa; the first time in the consulship131 of Titus Manlius, on the termination of the first Punic war, and that “the happiness of seeing it shut again, the gods granted to our own times, when, after the battle of Actium, the emperor, C?sar Augustus, established universal peace on land and sea.”* As Augustus was highly vain of this circumstance, had our author’s disposition132 led him to flatter this master of the world, it would have afforded him an excellent opportunity; as would another occasion, where, speaking of spolia opima, deposited by Cossus in one of the temples, he appeals to the testimony133 of Augustus C?sar, whom he styles “the founder134 or restorer of all our temples.”? But above all, he might have found a niche135 for him, as well as others of his family, when he mentions the distinguished victory gained by Livius and Nero over Hasdrubal.? He relates the affair itself in very splendid terms, and bestows136 the most exalted137 praises on the admirable conduct of those victorious generals. He who was thus rigidly138 tenacious139, when private motives140, friendship, or interest might have swayed him, is, nevertheless, accused, from national vanity, of having written with partiality; and of having sometimes exaggerated, and sometimes concealed141, the truth.
It must be acknowledged that, when the grandeur142 of the Roman empire presents itself to his mind, he is not always sufficiently reserved in the terms which he uses. Thus, speaking of Cincinnatus,§ so early as the 296th year of Rome, he calls him “the sole hope of the empire of Rome,” at a time when we know that this thus pompously143 announced empire extended not more than twenty miles beyond the city. And again, not many years after,* he introduces Canuleius boasting of its “eternal duration and immense magnitude.”? When we find him applying such magnificent terms to the Roman state, then in its infancy144, we must suppose him to have forgot the period of which he was writing, and to have had present to his mind the splendor145 and extent to which it had attained146 at the time when he himself lived and wrote. He even puts the same language into the mouths of foreigners, and of enemies: he makes Hannibal call Rome “the capital of the world,”? at a time when the Romans had not even the whole of Italy in subjection, and no possessions whatever out of Italy, except a part of Sicily and Sardinia. In the same vainglorious147 boasting strain he tells us,§ that the Romans “were never worsted by the enemy’s cavalry148, never by their infantry149, never in open fight, never on equal ground.” He seems here not to have recollected150, what he afterwards acknowledges,∥ that, in the first battle with Hannibal, “it manifestly appeared that the Carthaginian was superior in cavalry; and, consequently, that open plains, such as those between the Po and the Alps, were unfavourable to the Romans.” Although he thus asserts, in unqualified terms, that the Romans were never worsted in the open field, yet he gives very just and candid151 accounts, not only of this battle with Hannibal, but of another also against the same commander, and of that of the Allia, against the Gauls, in every one of which the Romans were completely overthrown152.
But these, it is probable, should rather be considered as inadvertencies than falsehoods; and, however inclined we may be to overlook or excuse them, we shall not, perhaps, find it so easy to justify153 some other omissions154, or changes, which he has made in his narrative, respecting facts which, if fairly and fully74 related, would do no honour to his country; or would tend, in some degree, to tarnish156 the lustre157 of those celebrated158 characters which he holds up to our admiration159.
Polybius is allowed to be an author of consummate160 judgment, indefatigable161 industry, and strict veracity162. Livy himself admits that he is entitled to entire credit. He takes extraordinary pains to investigate the causes of the second Punic war, and to determine which of the two nations had incurred163 the guilt164 of breach165 of treaty. He discusses the matter at considerable length;* stating accurately, and carefully examining, the facts and arguments urged on both sides; and brings the matter to this issue,—that, if the war is to be considered as taking its rise from the destruction of Saguntum, the Carthaginians were in the wrong; but by no means so, if the matter be taken up somewhat higher, and the taking of Sardinia by the Romans, and the imposing166 a tribute upon that island, be included in the account: for that, then, the Carthaginians did no more than take occasion to avenge167 an injury done them.
Now, how stands the account of this affair, according to Livy?* From this disquisition of Polybius, he carefully selects, and strongly states, every thing which tends to favour the cause of the Romans; but passes over in silence every fact, and every argument, urged by the Greek historian in favour of the Carthaginians; and thus he makes the worse appear the better cause.
It has been urged in defence of Livy, that, in his twelfth book, he gave the account of the affair of Sardinia: and that, if that book had not been lost, it might from thence have appeared, that the conduct of the Romans in that transaction was perfectly168 justifiable169; and that, consequently, what he has suppressed of Polybius’s argument, he has omitted, not so much to favour the cause of his own countrymen, as because he knew the allegations therein to be false. It must, however, be observed, that Polybius was neither a Roman nor a Carthaginian; that he has always been held to be an historian of the highest credit, and the strictest impartiality171; that he lived nearer the times he writes of than Livy, and was a most diligent172 inquirer into the truth of the facts which he relates in his history; that he was by no means unfriendly to the Romans, but the contrary, taking all opportunities to speak of them with the highest praise.
It is not meant here to detract from the merit of Livy as an historian, by the mention of such particulars as these. It may be assumed as a maxim173, that no historian of his own country can be, strictly174 speaking, impartial170: he may intend to be so; but the mind will be under an involuntary bias175, influenced by some secret inclination176, of which he himself may be unconscious; he may believe what he asserts, and yet it may not be true.
Another instance of his partiality to his countrymen may be found in his account of the murder of Brachyllas,* who, he tells us, was made B?otarch, or chief magistrate92 of the B?otians, “for no other reason, than because he had been commander of the B?otians serving in the army of Philip; passing by Zeuxippus, Pisistratus, and the others who had promoted the alliance with Rome.” That these men, offended at present, and alarmed about future consequences, resolved to take off Brachyllas, and accordingly procured177 six assassins, who put him to death. In these, and other circumstances, our author perfectly agrees with Polybius, whose account of this whole affair he seems to have almost literally178 copied; with the omission155, however, out of tenderness for the character of Quintius, of a very material circumstance; which is, that the project of murdering Brachyllas was first opened in a conference between Zeuxis, Pisistratus, and Quintius, who told them, that he would not himself do any thing to promote it; but that, if they were disposed to the execution of such a plan, he would do nothing to obstruct179 it: and he adds, that he directed them to confer upon the matter with Alexamenes, the ?tolian, who was the person, he says, that procured the assassins.
Another, and a very remarkable instance of partiality to the character of his countrymen, we have in his celebrated account of Scipio Africanus; who seems, above all others mentioned in his History, to have engaged his fondest, and, as he himself admits, his partial attention: for when he first introduces him, he does it in the most advantageous manner, as a youth who had scarcely attained to manhood, rescuing his father, who was wounded in a battle with Hannibal. “This,” says he,* “is the same youth who is, hereafter, to enjoy the renown125 of terminating this war, and to receive the title of Africanus, on account of his glorious victory over Hannibal and the Carthaginians.” He then, in a manner, avows180 his partiality; for he tells us, that C?lius attributes the honour of saving the consul to a slave, by nation a Ligurian: “but I rather wish the account to be true which gives it to his son; and so the fact is represented by most authors, and generally believed.”
That Scipio was a most accomplished181 character, eminently182 distinguished by his military talents, valour, coolness, patience under difficulties, and moderation in victory, of most gentle manners, and a most generous temper, never has been, nor ever will be denied. But, if other writers knew the truth, and have spoken it, he was not that model of absolute perfection which Livy paints him: and perhaps, had he been the cold and unimpassioned stoic183, which he describes him to have been, he had deserved less praise than is undoubtedly184 due to him, when considered, as other authors represent him, of a very different temperament185.
That he generously restored a beautiful captive to her parents, and to her intended spouse186, Livy and Polybius are agreed; but they differ somewhat in the account of that affair. Polybius tells us,* that a party of Roman youth, having taken captive a damsel of exquisite187 beauty, brought her to Scipio, whom they knew to be much attached to the sex; and he makes Scipio say to them, that “a more acceptable gift could not have been presented to him, were he in a private station: but that, in his situation of general, he could by no means accept of it.” Livy suppresses entirely the circumstance of his favourite’s amorous188 disposition: and yet, what he represents him as saying to Allucius, bears so strong a resemblance to his answer, recorded by Polybius, though he gives it a different turn, to accommodate it to his purpose, that we cannot doubt his having had this passage in his eye: “If my thoughts were not totally employed by the affairs of the public, and if I were at liberty to indulge in the pleasurable pursuits adapted to my time of life,”? &c.
That Scipio, with all his perfections, was not that mirror of chastity which Livy is desirous of representing him, we learn, also, from an anecdote189 related by Valerius Maximus,? who highly praises the amiable190 temper and patient forbearance of his wife ?milia, “who,” he tells us, “knew of his attachment to a female slave, and yet concealed the fact, that there might be no stain upon so illustrious a character.”
Such are the principal facts alleged to prove our historian’s neglect of veracity in his narration: rigorous, and, it may be, invidious scrutiny191, has noted some few more; but they are of little importance: and, as it is not improbable, so it is not unfair to suppose, that the paucity192 of cotemporary historians may have induced those, who were also predisposed, to believe that to be false, which fuller information might perhaps have proved to be true. Why may we not believe that he had better opportunities of knowing the truth than the Greek historian? He admits Polybius to be an author of credit, and yet he differs from him without scruple193: he cannot, then, surely, be thought to mean more than that he was a writer of integrity, who compiled his history with fidelity, according to the best information he was able to obtain: that he did not wilfully194 falsify any fact, rather than that every fact he relates is strictly and absolutely true. He acknowledges him for his master, but does not conceive himself bound to swear to his words.
Besides, it is but doing justice to our author to observe, that if, in some few, and those not very material instances, he may have deviated195 from the truth, if he has done so, it is never with an ill-design: if he palliates a fault, or suppresses a fact, it is not so much for the purpose of lessening196 the reputation, or tarnishing197 the glory of others, whether nations or individuals, as to aggrandize198 the character of his own nation. He allows himself in a practice which some of his countrymen have, since his time, carried to a much greater, as well as a more blameable extent, and which has received the name of pious35 fraud.
But, whatever may be the case, whether our author must lie under the reproach of softening199 facts in some instances, or even of suppressing them in others, yet will his genius and talents, as an historian, ever be respected. He cannot be denied the merit of having furnished us with a perfect model of historical composition, in the purest and most elegant style; more remarkable for perspicuity200 of narration, and neatness of expression, than for depth of reasoning, or pomp of diction. Although he seldom digresses, and but rarely indulges in moral observations or philosophical reflections, yet he never loses sight of what he himself lays down in his preface as the great object of history: the furnishing “clear and distinct examples of every line of conduct; that we may select for ourselves, and for the state to which we belong, such as are worthy of imitation; and carefully noting such, as, being dishonourable in their principles, are equally so in their effects, learn to avoid them.”
All that the present writer feels it necessary to say, upon delivering to the public a new translation of so esteemed a work as Livy’s History, is, that it has been the employment, and amusement, of many years,—a very laborious201, but not unuseful, occupation: and that, if he be not deceived by self-love, and the partiality of a few friends, who have taken the trouble of looking into the work, it will be found not altogether unworthy of public acceptance.
The translator had intended a much more copious commentary, than that which now accompanies this work; and, in that view, he had prepared several dissertations202 upon the manners and customs of the Romans; their senate; their laws; their religious rites; their arts of war, navigation, and commerce, &c. But he acknowledges, with much pleasure, that he has since found his labour, upon those subjects, rendered unnecessary by the publication of Dr. Adam’s Koman Antiquities203: a work so excellent in its kind, that whoever has the instruction of youth committed to his care, will do them injustice204, if he omits to recommend it to their perusal205. The notes, therefore, which are added, and which the translator now thinks it his duty to make as few, and as short as possible, are such only as were deemed more immediately necessary to render some passages intelligible49 to the mere English reader.
It hath been an usual practice, in prefaces to works of this kind, for the authors of them to load the labours of their predecessors206 with abuse: a practice, of which the present translator acknowledges he neither sees the necessity, nor the utility. For, should he succeed in disparaging207 the works of others in the humble208 walk of translation; should he be able to prove them ever so wretchedly executed, it will by no means follow from thence, that his is better. That he thinks it so, is clear from his presuming to publish it. But, as the public has an undoubted right to judge for itself, and will most assuredly exercise that right, the success of every work, of whatever kind, must ultimately depend upon its own merit.
To the public judgment, therefore, he submits his labour; knowing that every endeavour of his, except that of rendering209 it worthy of acceptance, would be useless; and that, in spite of his utmost exertions210, his book will stand or fall by its own merit or demerit, whichever shall be found to preponderate211. The public candour he has no reason to doubt; and he awaits its decision with tranquillity, but not without anxiety.
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1
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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dedicated
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| adj.一心一意的；献身的；热诚的 | |
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dedication
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| n.奉献，献身，致力，题献，献辞 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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advantageous
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| adj.有利的；有帮助的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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cabals
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| n.（政治）阴谋小集团，（尤指政治上的）阴谋( cabal的名词复数 ) | |
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retirement
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| n.退休，退职 | |
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tranquillity
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| n. 平静, 安静 | |
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delightful
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| adj.令人高兴的，使人快乐的 | |
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saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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rhetoric
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| n.修辞学，浮夸之言语 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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lavish
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| adj.无节制的；浪费的；vt.慷慨地给予，挥霍 | |
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ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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victorious
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| adj.胜利的，得胜的 | |
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hazardous
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| adj.(有)危险的，冒险的；碰运气的 | |
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subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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ravages
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| 劫掠后的残迹，破坏的结果，毁坏后的残迹 | |
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32
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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copious
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| adj.丰富的，大量的 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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conversed
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的过去式 ) | |
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converse
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| vi.谈话，谈天，闲聊；adv.相反的，相反 | |
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38
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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lamented
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| adj.被哀悼的，令人遗憾的v.（为…）哀悼，痛哭，悲伤( lament的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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41
ornament
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| v.装饰，美化；n.装饰，装饰物 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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43
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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44
symbolical
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| a.象征性的 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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peculiarity
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| n.独特性，特色；特殊的东西；怪癖 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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unintelligible
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| adj.无法了解的，难解的，莫明其妙的 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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50
metropolis
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| n.首府；大城市 | |
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provinciality
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| n.乡下习气，粗鄙；偏狭 | |
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52
precisely
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| adv.恰好，正好，精确地，细致地 | |
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53
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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dissertation
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| n.（博士学位）论文，学术演讲，专题论文 | |
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penetration
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| n.穿透，穿人，渗透 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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alleged
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| a.被指控的，嫌疑的 | |
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58
violations
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| 违反( violation的名词复数 )； 冒犯； 违反（行为、事例）； 强奸 | |
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59
violation
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| n.违反(行为)，违背(行为)，侵犯 | |
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60
embellish
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| v.装饰，布置；给…添加细节，润饰 | |
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narration
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| n.讲述，叙述；故事；记叙体 | |
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narrative
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| n.叙述，故事；adj.叙事的，故事体的 | |
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reprehensible
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| adj.该受责备的 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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abound
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| vi.大量存在；(in，with)充满，富于 | |
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animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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71
specimens
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| n.样品( specimen的名词复数 )；范例；（化验的）抽样；某种类型的人 | |
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72
noted
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| adj.著名的，知名的 | |
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accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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credible
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| adj.可信任的，可靠的 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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severely
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| adv.严格地；严厉地；非常恶劣地 | |
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reprehends
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| v.斥责，指摘，责备( reprehend的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81
licentiousness
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| n.放肆，无法无天 | |
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82
profligacy
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| n.放荡，不检点，肆意挥霍 | |
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83
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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84
interpretations
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| n.解释( interpretation的名词复数 )；表演；演绎；理解 | |
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85
reprehending
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| v.斥责，指摘，责备( reprehend的现在分词 ) | |
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86
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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prodigies
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| n.奇才，天才（尤指神童）( prodigy的名词复数 ) | |
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enumerate
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| v.列举，计算，枚举，数 | |
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magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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expiation
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| n.赎罪，补偿 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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absurdities
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| n.极端无理性( absurdity的名词复数 )；荒谬；谬论；荒谬的行为 | |
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imputation
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| n.归罪，责难 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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99
beaks
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| n.鸟嘴( beak的名词复数 )；鹰钩嘴；尖鼻子；掌权者 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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101
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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102
deities
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| n.神，女神( deity的名词复数 )；神祗；神灵；神明 | |
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103
prodigy
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| n.惊人的事物，奇迹，神童，天才，预兆 | |
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104
consuls
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| 领事( consul的名词复数 )； （古罗马共和国时期）执政官 （古罗马共和国及其军队的最高首长，同时共有两位，每年选举一次） | |
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consul
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| n.领事；执政官 | |
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expiated
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| v.为（所犯罪过）接受惩罚，赎（罪）( expiate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107
deceptions
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| 欺骗( deception的名词复数 )； 骗术，诡计 | |
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108
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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109
obviate
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| v.除去，排除，避免，预防 | |
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protracted
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| adj.拖延的；延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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111
alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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112
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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113
rumours
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| n.传闻( rumour的名词复数 )；风闻；谣言；谣传 | |
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114
rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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115
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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116
convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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117
transacted
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| v.办理（业务等）( transact的过去式和过去分词 )；交易，谈判 | |
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118
omens
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| n.前兆，预兆( omen的名词复数 ) | |
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119
auspices
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| n.资助，赞助 | |
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120
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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121
prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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122
portents
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| n.预兆( portent的名词复数 )；征兆；怪事；奇物 | |
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123
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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124
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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125
renown
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| n.声誉，名望 | |
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126
worthy
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| adj.(of)值得的，配得上的；有价值的 | |
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127
warped
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| adj.反常的；乖戾的；（变）弯曲的；变形的v.弄弯，变歪( warp的过去式和过去分词 )；使（行为等）不合情理，使乖戾， | |
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128
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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129
cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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130
reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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131
consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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132
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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133
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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134
Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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135
niche
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| n.壁龛；合适的职务(环境、位置等) | |
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136
bestows
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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138
rigidly
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| adv.刻板地，僵化地 | |
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139
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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140
motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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141
concealed
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| a.隐藏的，隐蔽的 | |
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142
grandeur
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| n.伟大，崇高，宏伟，庄严，豪华 | |
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143
pompously
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| adv.傲慢地，盛大壮观地；大模大样 | |
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144
infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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145
splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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146
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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147
vainglorious
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| adj.自负的；夸大的 | |
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148
cavalry
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| n.骑兵；轻装甲部队 | |
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infantry
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| n.[总称]步兵(部队) | |
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150
recollected
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| adj.冷静的；镇定的；被回忆起的；沉思默想的v.记起，想起( recollect的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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151
candid
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| adj.公正的，正直的；坦率的 | |
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152
overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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153
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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154
omissions
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| n.省略( omission的名词复数 )；删节；遗漏；略去或漏掉的事（或人） | |
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155
omission
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| n.省略，删节；遗漏或省略的事物，冗长 | |
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156
tarnish
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| n.晦暗，污点；vt.使失去光泽；玷污 | |
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157
lustre
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| n.光亮，光泽；荣誉 | |
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158
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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159
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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consummate
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| adj.完美的；v.成婚；使完美 [反]baffle | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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162
veracity
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| n.诚实 | |
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163
incurred
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| [医]招致的，遭受的； incur的过去式 | |
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164
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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165
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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166
imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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167
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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168
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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169
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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170
impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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171
impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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172
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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173
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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174
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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175
bias
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| n.偏见，偏心，偏袒；vt.使有偏见 | |
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176
inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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177
procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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178
literally
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| adv.照字面意义，逐字地；确实 | |
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179
obstruct
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| v.阻隔，阻塞(道路、通道等)；n.阻碍物，障碍物 | |
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180
avows
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| v.公开声明，承认( avow的第三人称单数 ) | |
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181
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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182
eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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183
stoic
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| n.坚忍克己之人，禁欲主义者 | |
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184
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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185
temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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186
spouse
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| n.配偶(指夫或妻) | |
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187
exquisite
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| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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188
amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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189
anecdote
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| n.轶事，趣闻，短故事 | |
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190
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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191
scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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192
paucity
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| n.小量，缺乏 | |
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193
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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194
wilfully
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| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
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195
deviated
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| v.偏离，越轨( deviate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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196
lessening
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| 减轻，减少，变小 | |
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197
tarnishing
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| （印花）白地沾色 | |
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198
aggrandize
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| v.增大，扩张，吹捧 | |
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199
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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200
perspicuity
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| n.（文体的）明晰 | |
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201
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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202
dissertations
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| 专题论文，学位论文( dissertation的名词复数 ) | |
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203
antiquities
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| n.古老( antiquity的名词复数 )；古迹；古人们；古代的风俗习惯 | |
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204
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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205
perusal
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| n.细读，熟读；目测 | |
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206
predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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207
disparaging
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| adj.轻蔑的，毁谤的v.轻视( disparage的现在分词 )；贬低；批评；非难 | |
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208
humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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209
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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210
exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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211
preponderate
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| v.数目超过；占优势 | |
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