The vicissitudes1 of empires — The state of Italy — The military factions2 of Sforza and Braccio — The Bracceschi and the Sforzeschi attack the pope, who is expelled by the Romans — War between the pope and the duke of Milan — The Florentines and the Venetians assist the pope — Peace between the pope and the duke of Milan — Tyranny practiced by the party favorable to the Medici.
It may be observed, that provinces amid the vicissitudes to which they are subject, pass from order into confusion, and afterward3 recur4 to a state of order again; for the nature of mundane5 affairs not allowing them to continue in an even course, when they have arrived at their greatest perfection, they soon begin to decline. In the same manner, having been reduced by disorder6, and sunk to their utmost state of depression, unable to descend7 lower, they, of necessity, reascend; and thus from good they gradually decline to evil, and from evil again return to good. The reason is, that valor8 produces peace; peace, repose9; repose, disorder; disorder, ruin; so from disorder order springs; from order virtue10, and from this, glory and good fortune. Hence, wise men have observed, that the age of literary excellence11 is subsequent to that of distinction in arms; and that in cities and provinces, great warriors12 are produced before philosophers. Arms having secured victory, and victory peace, the buoyant vigor13 of the martial14 mind cannot be enfeebled by a more excusable indulgence than that of letters; nor can indolence, with any greater or more dangerous deceit, enter a well regulated community. Cato was aware of this when the philosophers, Diogenes and Carneades, were sent ambassadors to the senate by the Athenians; for perceiving with what earnest admiration15 the Roman youth began to follow them, and knowing the evils that might result to his country from this specious16 idleness, he enacted17 that no philosopher should be allowed to enter Rome. Provinces by this means sink to ruin, from which, men’s sufferings having made them wiser, they again recur to order, if they be not overwhelmed by some extraordinary force. These causes made Italy, first under the ancient Tuscans, and afterward under the Romans, by turns happy and unhappy; and although nothing has subsequently arisen from the ruins of Rome at all corresponding to her ancient greatness (which under a well-organized monarchy18 might have been gloriously effected), still there was so much bravery and intelligence in some of the new cities and governments that afterward sprang up, that although none ever acquired dominion19 over the rest, they were, nevertheless, so balanced and regulated among themselves, as to enable them to live in freedom, and defend their country from the barbarians20.
Among these governments, the Florentines, although they possessed21 a smaller extent of territory, were not inferior to any in power and authority; for being situated22 in the middle of Italy, wealthy, and prepared for action, they either defended themselves against such as thought proper to assail23 them, or decided24 victory in favor of those to whom they became allies. From the valor, therefore, of these new governments, if no seasons occurred of long-continued peace, neither were any exposed to the calamities25 of war; for that cannot be called peace in which states frequently assail each other with arms, nor can those be considered wars in which no men are slain26, cities plundered27, or sovereignties overthrown28; for the practice of arms fell into such a state of decay, that wars were commenced without fear, continued without danger, and concluded without loss. Thus the military energy which is in other countries exhausted29 by a long peace, was wasted in Italy by the contemptible30 manner in which hostilities31 were carried on, as will be clearly seen in the events to be described from 1434 to 1494, from which it will appear how the barbarians were again admitted into Italy, and she again sunk under subjection to them. Although the transactions of our princes at home and abroad will not be viewed with admiration of their virtue and greatness like those of the ancients, perhaps they may on other accounts be regarded with no less interest, seeing what masses of high spirited people were kept in restraint by such weak and disorderly forces. And if, in detailing the events which took place in this wasted world, we shall not have to record the bravery of the soldier, the prudence32 of the general, or the patriotism33 of the citizen, it will be seen with what artifice34, deceit, and cunning, princes, warriors, and leaders of republics conducted themselves, to support a reputation they never deserved. This, perhaps, will not be less useful than a knowledge of ancient history; for, if the latter excites the liberal mind to imitation, the former will show what ought to be avoided and decried35.
Italy was reduced to such a condition by her rulers, that when, by consent of her princes, peace was restored, it was soon disturbed by those who retained their armies, so that glory was not gained by war nor repose by peace. Thus when the league and the duke of Milan agreed to lay aside their arms in 1433, the soldiers, resolved upon war, directed their efforts against the church. There were at this time two factions or armed parties in Italy, the Sforzesca and the Braccesca. The leader of the former was the Count Francesco, the son of Sforza, and of the latter, Niccolo Piccinino and Niccolo Fortebraccio. Under the banner of one or other of these parties almost all the forces of Italy were assembled. Of the two, the Sforzesca was in greatest repute, as well from the bravery of the count himself, as from the promise which the duke of Milan had made him of his natural daughter, Madonna Bianca, the prospect36 of which alliance greatly strengthened his influence. After the peace of Lombardy, these forces, from various causes attacked Pope Eugenius. Niccolo Fortebraccio was instigated37 by the ancient enmity which Braccio had always entertained against the church; the count was induced by ambition: so that Niccolo assailed38 Rome, and the count took possession of La Marca.
The Romans, in order to avoid the war, drove Pope Eugenius from their city: and he, having with difficulty escaped, came to Florence, where seeing the imminent39 danger of his situation, being abandoned by the princes (for they were unwilling40 again to take up arms in his cause, after having been so anxious to lay them aside), he came to terms with the count, and ceded41 to him the sovereignty of La Marca, although, to the injury of having occupied it, he had added insult; for in signing the place, from which he addressed letters to his agents, he said in Latin, according to the Latin custom, Ex Girfalco nostro Firmiano, invito Petro et Paulo. Neither was he satisfied with this concession42, but insisted upon being appointed Gonfalonier of the church, which was also granted; so much more was Eugenius alarmed at the prospect of a dangerous war than of an ignominious43 peace. The count, having been thus been reconciled to the pontiff, attacked Niccolo Fortebraccio, and during many months various encounters took place between them, from all which greater injury resulted to the pope and his subjects, than to either of the belligerents44. At length, by the intervention45 of the duke of Milan, an arrangement, by way of a truce46, was made, by which both became princes in the territories of the church.
The war thus extinguished at Rome was rekindled47 in Romagna by Batista da Canneto, who at Bologna slew48 some of the family of the Grifoni, and expelled from the city the governor who resided there for the pope, along with others who were opposed to him. To enable himself to retain the government, he applied49 for assistance to Filippo; and the pope, to avenge50 himself for the injury, sought the aid of the Venetians and Florentines. Both parties obtained assistance, so that very soon two large armies were on foot in Romagna. Niccolo Piccinino commanded for the duke, Gattamelata and Niccolo da Tolentino for the Venetians and Florentines. They met near Imola, where a battle ensued, in which the Florentines and Venetians were routed, and Niccolo da Tolentino was sent prisoner to Milan where, either through grief for his loss or by some unfair means, he died in a few days.
The duke, on this victory, either being exhausted by the late wars, or thinking the League after their defeat would not be in haste to resume hostilities, did not pursue his good fortune, and thus gave the pope and his colleagues time to recover themselves. They therefore appointed the Count Francesco for their leader, and undertook to drive Niccolo Fortebraccio from the territories of the church, and thus terminate the war which had been commenced in favor of the pontiff. The Romans, finding the pope supported by so large an army, sought a reconciliation51 with him, and being successful, admitted his commissary into the city. Among the places possessed by Niccolo Fortebraccio, were Tivoli, Montefiascone, Citta di Castello, and Ascesi, to the last of which, not being able to keep the field, he fled, and the count besieged52 him there. Niccolo’s brave defense53 making it probable that the war would be of considerable duration, the duke deemed to necessary to prevent the League from obtaining the victory, and said that if this were not effected he would very soon have to look at the defense of his own territories. Resolving to divert the count from the siege, he commanded Niccolo Piccinino to pass into Tuscany by way of Romagna; and the League, thinking it more important to defend Tuscany than to occupy Ascesi, ordered the count to prevent the passage of Niccolo, who was already, with his army, at Furli. The count accordingly moved with his forces, and came to Cesena, having left the war of La Marca and the care of his own territories to his brother Lione; and while Niccolo Piccinino was endeavoring to pass by, and the count to prevent him, Fortebraccio attacked Lione with great bravery, made him prisoner, routed his forces, and pursuing the advantage of his victory, at once possessed himself of many places in La Marca. This circumstance greatly perplexed54 the count, who thought he had lost all his territories; so, leaving part of his force to check Piccinino, with the remainder he pursued Fortebraccio, whom he attacked and conquered. Fortebraccio was taken prisoner in the battle, and soon after died of his wounds. This victory restored to the pontiff all the places that had been taken from him by Fortebraccio, and compelled the duke of Milan to sue for peace, which was concluded by the intercession of Niccolo da Esta, marquis of Ferrara; the duke restoring to the church the places he had taken from her, and his forces retiring into Lombardy. Batista da Canneto, as in the case with all who retain authority only by the consent and forces of another, when the duke’s people had quitted Romagna, unable with his own power to keep possession of Bologna, fled, and Antonio Bentivogli, the head of the opposite party, returned to his country.
All this took place during the exile of Cosmo, after whose return, those who had restored him, and a great number of persons injured by the opposite party, resolved at all events to make themselves sure of the government; and the Signory for the months of November and December, not content with what their predecessors55 had done in favor of their party extended the term and changed the residences of several who were banished56, and increased the number of exiles. In addition to these evils, it was observed that citizens were more annoyed on account of their wealth, their family connections or private animosities, than for the sake of the party to which they adhered, so that if these prescriptions57 had been accompanied with bloodshed, they would have resembled those of Octavius and Sylla, though in reality they were not without some stains; for Antonio di Bernardo Guadagni was beheaded, and four other citizens, among whom were Zanobi dei Belfratelli and Cosmo Barbadori, passing the confines to which they were limited, proceeded to Venice, where the Venetians, valuing the friendship of Cosmo de’ Medici more than their own honor, sent them prisoners to him, and they were basely put to death. This circumstance greatly increased the influence of that party, and struck their enemies with terror, finding that such a powerful republic would so humble58 itself to the Florentines. This, however, was supposed to have been done, not so much out of kindness to Cosmo, as to excite dissensions in Florence, and by means of bloodshed make greater certainty of division among the citizens, for the Venetians knew there was no other obstacle to their ambition so great as the union of her people.
The city being cleared of the enemies, or suspected enemies of the state, those in possession of the government now began to strengthen their party by conferring benefits upon such as were in a condition to serve them, and the family of the Alberti, with all who had been banished by the former government, were recalled. All the nobility, with few exceptions, were reduced to the ranks of the people, and the possessions of the exiles were divided among themselves, upon each paying a small acknowledgment. They then fortified59 themselves with new laws and provisos, made new Squittini, withdrawing the names of their adversaries60 from the purses, and filling them with those of their friends. Taking advice from the ruin of their enemies, they considered that to allow the great offices to be filled by mere61 chance of drawing, did not afford the government sufficient security, they therefore resolved that the magistrates62 possessing the power of life and death should always be chosen from among the leaders of their own party, and therefore that the Accoppiatori, or persons selected for the imborsation of the new Squittini, with the Signory who had to retire from office, should make the new appointments. They gave to eight of the guard authority to proceed capitally, and provided that the exiles, when their term of banishment63 was complete, should not be allowed to return, unless from the Signory and Colleagues, which were thirty-seven in number, the consent of thirty-four was obtained. It was made unlawful to write to or to receive letters from them; every word, sign, or action that gave offense64 to the ruling party was punished with the utmost rigor65; and if there was still in Florence any suspected person whom these regulations did not reach, he was oppressed with taxes imposed for the occasion. Thus in a short time, having expelled or impoverished66 the whole of the adverse67 party, they established themselves firmly in the government. Not to be destitute68 of external assistance, and to deprive others of it, who might use it against themselves, they entered into a league, offensive and defensive69, with the pope, the Venetians, and the duke of Milan.
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vicissitudes
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| n.变迁，世事变化；变迁兴衰( vicissitude的名词复数 )；盛衰兴废 | |
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factions
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| 组织中的小派别，派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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mundane
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| adj.平凡的；尘世的；宇宙的 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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warriors
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| 武士，勇士，战士( warrior的名词复数 ) | |
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vigor
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| n.活力，精力，元气 | |
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martial
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| adj.战争的，军事的，尚武的，威武的 | |
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admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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specious
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| adj.似是而非的；adv.似是而非地 | |
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enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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monarchy
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| n.君主，最高统治者；君主政体，君主国 | |
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dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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calamities
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| n.灾祸，灾难( calamity的名词复数 )；不幸之事 | |
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slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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overthrown
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| adj. 打翻的，推倒的，倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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contemptible
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| adj.可鄙的，可轻视的，卑劣的 | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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prudence
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| n.谨慎，精明，节俭 | |
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patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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artifice
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| n.妙计，高明的手段；狡诈，诡计 | |
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decried
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| v.公开反对，谴责( decry的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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imminent
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| adj.即将发生的，临近的，逼近的 | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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ceded
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| v.让给，割让，放弃( cede的过去式 ) | |
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concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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belligerents
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| n.交战的一方（指国家、集团或个人）( belligerent的名词复数 ) | |
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intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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truce
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| n.休战，(争执，烦恼等的)缓和；v.以停战结束 | |
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rekindled
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| v.使再燃( rekindle的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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besieged
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| 包围，围困，围攻( besiege的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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banished
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| v.放逐，驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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prescriptions
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| 药( prescription的名词复数 )； 处方； 开处方； 计划 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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banishment
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| n.放逐，驱逐 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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rigor
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| n.严酷，严格，严厉 | |
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impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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