The duke of Milan becomes lord of Genoa — The king of Naples and the duke of Milan endeavor to secure their dominions1 to their heirs — Jacopo Piccinino honorably received at Milan, and shortly afterward2 murdered at Naples — Fruitless endeavors of Pius II. to excite Christendom against the Turks — Death of Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan — Perfidious3 counsel given to Piero de’ Medici by Diotisalvi Neroni — Conspiracy4 of Diotisalvi and others against Piero — Futile5 attempts to appease6 the disorders7 — Public spectacles — Projects of the conspirators9 against Piero de’ Medici — Niccolo Fedini discloses to Piero the plots of his enemies.
While Florence and Italy were in this condition, Louis XI. of France was involved in very serious troubles with his barons10, who, with the assistance of Francis, duke of Brittany, and Charles, duke of Burgundy, were in arms against him. This attack was so serious, that he was unable to render further assistance to John of Anjou in his enterprise against Genoa and Naples; and, standing11 in need of all the forces he could raise, he gave over Savona (which still remained in the power of the French) to the duke of Milan, and also intimated, that if he wished, he had his permission to undertake the conquest of Genoa. Francesco accepted the proposal, and with the influence afforded by the king’s friendship, and the assistance of the Adorni, he became lord of Genoa. In acknowledgment of this benefit, he sent fifteen hundred horse into France for the king’s service, under the command of Galeazzo, his eldest12 son. Thus Ferrando of Aragon and Francesco Sforza became, the latter, duke of Lombardy and prince of Genoa, and the former, sovereign of the whole kingdom of Naples. Their families being allied13 by marriage, they thought they might so confirm their power as to secure to themselves its enjoyment14 during life, and at their deaths, its unencumbered reversion to their heirs. To attain15 this end, they considered it necessary that the king should remove all ground of apprehension16 from those barons who had offended him in the war of John of Anjou, and that the duke should extirpate17 the adherents18 of the Bracceschi, the natural enemies of his family, who, under Jacopo Piccinino, had attained19 the highest reputation. The latter was now the first general in Italy, and possessing no territory, he naturally excited the apprehension of all who had dominions, and especially of the duke, who, conscious of what he had himself done, thought he could neither enjoy his own estate in safety, nor leave them with any degree of security to his son during Jacopo’s lifetime. The king, therefore, strenuously20 endeavored to come to terms with his barons, and using his utmost ingenuity21 to secure them, succeeded in his object; for they perceived their ruin to be inevitable22 if they continued in war with their sovereign, though from submission23 and confidence in him, they would still have reason for apprehension. Mankind are always most eager to avoid a certain evil; and hence inferior powers are easily deceived by princes. The barons, conscious of the danger of continuing the war, trusted the king’s promises, and having placed themselves in his hands, they were soon after destroyed in various ways, and under a variety of pretexts24. This alarmed Jacopo Piccinino, who was with his forces at Sulmona; and to deprive the king of the opportunity of treating him similarly, he endeavored, by the mediation25 of his friends, to be reconciled with the duke, who, by the most liberal offers, induced Jacopo to visit him at Milan, accompanied by only a hundred horse.
Jacopo had served many years with his father and brother, first under Duke Filippo, and afterward under the Milanese republic, so that by frequent intercourse26 with the citizens he had acquired many friends and universal popularity, which present circumstances tended to increase; for the prosperity and newly acquired power of the Sforzeschi had occasioned envy, while Jacopo’s misfortunes and long absence had given rise to compassion27 and a great desire to see him. These various feelings were displayed upon his arrival; for nearly all the nobility went to meet him; the streets through which he passed were filled with citizens, anxious to catch a glimpse of him, while shouts of “The Bracceschi! the Bracceschi!” resounded28 on all sides. These honors accelerated his ruin; for the duke’s apprehensions29 increased his desire of destroying him; and to effect this with the least possible suspicion, Jacopo’s marriage with Drusiana, the duke’s natural daughter, was now celebrated30. The duke then arranged with Ferrando to take him into pay, with the title of captain of his forces, and give him 100,000 florins for his maintenance. After this agreement, Jacopo, accompanied by a ducal ambassador and his wife Drusiana, proceeded to Naples, where he was honorably and joyfully31 received, and for many days entertained with every kind of festivity; but having asked permission to go to Sulmona, where his forces were, the king invited him to a banquet in the castle, at the conclusion of which he and his son Francesco were imprisoned32, and shortly afterward put to death. It was thus our Italian princes, fearing those virtues33 in others which they themselves did not possess, extirpated34 them; and hence the country became a prey35 to the efforts of those by whom it was not long afterward oppressed and ruined.
At this time, Pope Pius II. having settled the affairs of Romagna, and witnessing a universal peace, thought it a suitable opportunity to lead the Christians36 against the Turks, and adopted measures similar to those which his predecessors37 had used. All the princes promised assistance either in men or money; while Matthias, king of Hungary, and Charles, duke of Burgundy, intimated their intention of joining the enterprise in person, and were by the pope appointed leaders of the expedition. The pontiff was so full of expectation, that he left Rome and proceeded to Ancona, where it had been arranged that the whole army should be assembled, and the Venetians engaged to send ships thither38 to convey the forces to Sclavonia. Upon the arrival of the pope in that city, there was soon such a concourse of people, that in a few days all the provisions it contained, or that could be procured39 from the neighborhood, were consumed, and famine began to impend40. Besides this, there was no money to provide those who were in want of it, nor arms to furnish such as were without them. Neither Matthias nor Charles made their appearance. The Venetians sent a captain with some galleys41, but rather for ostentation42 and the sake of keeping their word, than for the purpose of conveying troops. During this position of affairs, the pope, being old and infirm, died, and the assembled troops returned to their homes. The death of the pontiff occurred in 1465, and Paul II. of Venetian origin, was chosen to succeed him; and that nearly all the principalities of Italy might change their rulers about the same period, in the following year Francesco Sforza, duke of Milan, also died, having occupied the dukedom sixteen years, and Galleazzo, his son, succeeded him.
The death of this prince infused redoubled energy into the Florentine dissensions, and caused them to produce more prompt effects than they would otherwise have done. Upon the demise43 of Cosmo, his son Piero, being heir to the wealth and government of his father, called to his assistance Diotisalvi Neroni, a man of great influence and the highest reputation, in whom Cosmo reposed44 so much confidence that just before his death he recommended Piero to be wholly guided by him, both with regard to the government of the city and the management of his fortune. Piero acquired Diotisalvi with the opinion Cosmo entertained of him, and said that as he wished to obey his father, though now no more, as he always had while alive, he should consult him concerning both his patrimony45 and the city. Beginning with his private affairs, he caused an account of all his property, liabilities, and assets, to be placed in Diotisalvi’s hands, that, with an entire acquaintance with the state of his affairs, he might be able to afford suitable advice, and the latter promised to use the utmost care. Upon examination of these accounts the affairs were found to be in great disorder8, and Diotisalvi, instigated46 rather by his own ambition than by attachment47 to Piero or gratitude48 to Cosmo, thought he might without difficulty deprive him of both the reputation and the splendor49 which his father had left him as his inheritance. In order to realize his views, he waited upon Piero, and advised him to adopt a measure which, while it appeared quite correct in itself, and suitable to existing circumstances, involved a consequence destructive to his authority. He explained the disorder of his affairs, and the large amount of money it would be necessary to provide, if he wished to preserve his influence in the state and his reputation of wealth; and said there was no other means of remedying these disorders so just and available as to call in the sums which his father had lent to an infinite number of persons, both foreigners and citizens; for Cosmo, to acquire partisans50 in Florence and friends abroad, was extremely liberal of his money, and the amount of loans due to him was enormous. Piero thought the advice good, because he was only desirous to repossess his own property to meet the demands to which he was liable; but as soon as he had ordered those amounts to be recalled, the citizens, as if he had asked for something to which he had no kind of claim, took great offense51, loaded him with opprobrious52 expressions, and accused him of being avaricious53 and ungrateful.
Diotisalvi, noticing the popular excitement against Piero, occasioned by his own advice, obtained an interview with Luca Pitti, Agnolo Acciajuoli, and Niccolo Soderini, and they resolved to unite their efforts to deprive him both of the government and his influence. Each was actuated by a different motive54; Luca Pitti wished to take the position Cosmo had occupied, for he was now become so great, that he disdained55 to submit to Piero; Diotisalvi Neroni, who knew Luca unfit to be at the head of a government, thought that of necessity on Piero’s removal, the whole authority of the state would devolve upon himself; Niccolo Soderini desired the city to enjoy greater liberty, and for the laws to be equally binding56 upon all. Agnolo Acciajuoli was greatly incensed57 against the Medici, for the following reasons: his son, Raffaello, had some time before married Alessandra de’ Bardi, and received with her a large dowry. She, either by her own fault or the misconduct of others, suffered much ill-treatment both from her father-in-law and her husband, and in consequence Lorenzo d’ Ilarione, her kinsman58, out of pity for the girl, being accompanied by several armed men, took her away from Agnolo’s house. The Acciajuoli complained of the injury done them by the Bardi, and the matter was referred to Cosmo, who decided59 that the Acciajuoli should restore to Alessandra her fortune, and then leave it to her choice either to return to her husband or not. Agnolo thought Cosmo had not, in this instance, treated him as a friend; and having been unable to avenge60 himself on the father, he now resolved to do his utmost to ruin the son. These conspirators, though each was influenced by a different motive from the rest, affected61 to have only one object in view, which was that the city should be governed by the magistrates62, and not be subjected to the counsels of a few individuals. The odium against Piero, and opportunities of injuring him, were increased by the number of merchants who failed about this time; for it was reported that he, in having, quite unexpectedly to all, resolved to call in his debts, had, to the disgrace and ruin of the city, caused them to become insolvent63. To this was added his endeavor to obtain Clarice degli Orsini as wife of Lorenzo, his eldest son; and hence his enemies took occasion to say, it was quite clear, that as he despised a Florentine alliance, he no longer considered himself one of the people, and was preparing to make himself prince; for he who refuses his fellow-citizens as relatives, desires to make them slaves, and therefore cannot expect to have them as friends. The leaders of the sedition64 thought they had the victory in their power; for the greater part of the citizens followed them, deceived by the name of liberty which they, to give their purpose a graceful65 covering, adopted upon their ensigns.
In this agitated66 state of the city, some, to whom civil discord67 was extremely offensive, thought it would be well to endeavor to engage men’s minds with some new occupation, because when unemployed68 they are commonly led by whoever chooses to excite them. To divert their attention from matters of government, it being now a year since the death of Cosmo, it was resolved to celebrate two festivals, similar to the most solemn observed in the city. At one of them was represented the arrival of the three kings from the east, led by the star which announced the nativity of Christ; which was conducted with such pomp and magnificence, that the preparations for it kept the whole city occupied many months. The other was a tournament (for so they call the exhibition of equestrian69 combats), in which the sons of the first families in the city took part with the most celebrated cavaliers of Italy. Among the most distinguished70 of the Florentine youth was Lorenzo, eldest son of Piero, who, not by favor, but by his own personal valor71, obtained the principal prize. When these festivals were over, the citizens reverted72 to the same thoughts which had previously73 occupied them, and each pursued his ideas with more earnestness than ever. Serious differences and troubles were the result; and these were greatly increased by two circumstances: one of which was, that the authority of the balia had expired; the other, that upon the death of Duke Francesco, Galeazzo the new duke sent ambassadors to Florence, to renew the engagements of his father with the city, which, among other things, provided that every year a certain sum of money should be paid to the duke. The principal opponents of the Medici took occasion, from this demand, to make public resistance in the councils, on pretense74 that the alliance was made with Francesco and not Galeazzo; so that Francesco being dead, the obligation had ceased; nor was there any necessity to revive it, because Galeazzo did not possess his father’s talents, and consequently they neither could nor ought to expect the same benefits from him; that if they had derived75 little advantage from Francesco, they would obtain still less from Galeazzo; and that if any citizen wished to hire him for his own purposes, it was contrary to civil rule, and inconsistent with the public liberty. Piero, on the contrary, argued that it would be very impolitic to lose such an alliance from mere76 avarice77, and that there was nothing so important to the republic, and to the whole of Italy, as their alliance with the duke; that the Venetians, while they were united, could not hope either by feigned78 friendship or open war to injure the duchy; but as soon as they perceived the Florentines alienated79 from him they would prepare for hostilities80, and, finding him young, new in the government, and without friends, they would, either by force or fraud, compel him to join them; in which case ruin of the republic would be inevitable.
The arguments of Piero were without effect, and the animosity of the parties began to be openly manifested in their nocturnal assemblies; the friends of the Medici meeting in the Crocetta, and their adversaries81 in the Pieta. The latter being anxious for Piero’s ruin, had induced many citizens to subscribe82 their names as favorable to the undertaking83. Upon one occasion, particularly when considering the course to be adopted, although all agreed that the power of the Medici ought to be reduced, different opinions were given concerning the means by which it should be effected; one party, the most temperate84 and reasonable, held that as the authority of the balia had ceased, they must take care to prevent its renewal85; it would then be found to be the universal wish that the magistrates and councils should govern the city, and in a short time Piero’s power would be visibly diminished, and, as a consequence of his loss of influence in the government, his commercial credit would also fail; for his affairs were in such a state, that if they could prevent him from using the public money his ruin must ensue. They would thus be in no further danger from him, and would succeed in the recovery of their liberty, without the death or exile of any individual; but if they attempted violence they would incur86 great dangers; for mankind are willing to allow one who falls of himself to meet his fate, but if pushed down they would hasten to his relief; so that if they adopted no extraordinary measures against him, he will have no reason for defense87 or aid; and if he were to seek them it would be greatly to his own injury, by creating such a general suspicion as would accelerate his ruin, and justify88 whatever course they might think proper to adopt. Many of the assembly were dissatisfied with this tardy89 method of proceeding90; they thought delay would be favorable to him and injurious to themselves; for if they allowed matters to take their ordinary course, Piero would be in no danger whatever, while they themselves would incur many; for the magistrates who were opposed to him would allow him to rule the city, and his friends would make him a prince, and their own ruin would be inevitable, as happened in 1458; and though the advice they had just heard might be most consistent with good feeling, the present would be found to be the safest. That it would therefore be best, while the minds of men were yet excited against him, to effect his destruction. It must be their plan to arm themselves, and engage the assistance of the marquis of Ferrara, that they might not be destitute91 of troops; and if a favorable Signory were drawn92, they would be in condition to make use of them. They therefore determined93 to wait the formation of the new Signory, and be governed by circumstances.
Among the conspirators was Niccolo Fedini, who had acted as president of their assemblies. He, being induced by most certain hopes, disclosed the whole affair to Piero, and gave him a list of those who had subscribed94 their names, and also of the conspirators. Piero was alarmed on discovering the number and quality of those who were opposed to him; and by the advice of his friends he resolved to take the signatures of those who were inclined to favor him. Having employed one of his most trusty confidants to carry his design into effect, he found so great a disposition95 to change and instability, that many who had previously set down their names among the number of his enemies, now subscribed them in his favor.
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dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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conspiracy
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| n.阴谋，密谋，共谋 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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appease
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| v.安抚，缓和，平息，满足 | |
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disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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conspirators
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| n.共谋者，阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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barons
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| 男爵( baron的名词复数 )； 巨头； 大王； 大亨 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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eldest
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| adj.最年长的，最年老的 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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extirpate
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| v.除尽，灭绝 | |
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adherents
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| n.支持者，拥护者( adherent的名词复数 )；党羽；徒子徒孙 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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strenuously
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| adv.奋发地，费力地 | |
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ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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submission
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| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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mediation
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| n.调解 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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resounded
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| v.（指声音等）回荡于某处( resound的过去式和过去分词 )；产生回响；（指某处）回荡着声音 | |
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apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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joyfully
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| adv. 喜悦地, 高兴地 | |
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imprisoned
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| 下狱，监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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prey
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| n.被掠食者，牺牲者，掠食；v.捕食，掠夺，折磨 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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procured
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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impend
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| v.迫近，逼近，即将发生 | |
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galleys
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| n.平底大船，战舰( galley的名词复数 )；（船上或航空器上的）厨房 | |
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ostentation
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| n.夸耀，卖弄 | |
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demise
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| n.死亡；v.让渡，遗赠，转让 | |
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reposed
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| v.将（手臂等）靠在某人（某物）上( repose的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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patrimony
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| n.世袭财产，继承物 | |
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instigated
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| v.使（某事物）开始或发生，鼓动( instigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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gratitude
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| adj.感激，感谢 | |
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splendor
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| n.光彩；壮丽，华丽；显赫，辉煌 | |
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partisans
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| 游击队员( partisan的名词复数 )； 党人； 党羽； 帮伙 | |
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offense
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| n.犯规，违法行为；冒犯，得罪 | |
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opprobrious
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| adj.可耻的，辱骂的 | |
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avaricious
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| adj.贪婪的，贪心的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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disdained
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| 鄙视( disdain的过去式和过去分词 )； 不屑于做，不愿意做 | |
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binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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incensed
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| 盛怒的 | |
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kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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insolvent
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| adj.破产的，无偿还能力的 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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discord
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| n.不和，意见不合，争论，（音乐）不和谐 | |
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unemployed
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| adj.失业的，没有工作的；未动用的，闲置的 | |
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equestrian
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| adj.骑马的；n.马术 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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valor
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| n.勇气，英勇 | |
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reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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pretense
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| n.矫饰，做作，借口 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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feigned
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| a.假装的，不真诚的 | |
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alienated
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| adj.感到孤独的，不合群的v.使疏远( alienate的过去式和过去分词 )；使不友好；转让；让渡（财产等） | |
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hostilities
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| n.战争；敌意(hostility的复数)；敌对状态；战事 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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subscribe
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| vi.(to)订阅，订购；同意；vt.捐助，赞助 | |
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undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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temperate
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| adj.温和的，温带的，自我克制的，不过分的 | |
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renewal
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| adj.(契约)延期，续订，更新，复活，重来 | |
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incur
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| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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defense
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| n.防御，保卫；[pl.]防务工事；辩护，答辩 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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tardy
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| adj.缓慢的，迟缓的 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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subscribed
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| v.捐助( subscribe的过去式和过去分词 )；签署，题词；订阅；同意 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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