Giuliano de’ Medici slain1 — Lorenzo escapes — The archbishop Salviati endeavors to seize the palace of the Signory — He is taken and hanged — The enterprise of the conspirators2 entirely3 fails — Manifestations4 of the Florentines in favor of Lorenzo de’ Medici — The conspirators punished — The funeral of Giuliano — The pope and the king of Naples make war upon the Florentines — Florence excommunicated — Speech of Lorenzo de’ Medici to the citizens of Florence.
The conspirators proceeded to Santa Reparata, where the cardinal5 and Lorenzo had already arrived. The church was crowded, and divine service commenced before Giuliano’s arrival. Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, who were appointed to be his murderers, went to his house, and finding him, they, by earnest entreaties6, prevailed upon him to accompany them. It is surprising that such intense hatred7, and designs so full of horror as those of Francesco and Bernardo, could be so perfectly8 concealed9; for while conducting him to the church, and after they had reached it, they amused him with jests and playful discourse10. Nor did Francesco forget, under pretense11 of endearment12, to press him in his arms, so as to ascertain13 whether under his apparel he wore a cuirass or other means of defense14. Giuliano and Lorenzo were both aware of the animosity of the Pazzi, and their desire to deprive them of the government; but they felt assured that any design would be attempted openly, and in conjunction with the civil authority. Thus being free from apprehension15 for their personal safety both affected16 to be on friendly terms with them. The murderers being ready, each in his appointed station, which they could retain without suspicion, on account of the vast numbers assembled in the church, the preconcerted moment arrived, and Bernardo Bandini, with a short dagger17 provided for the purpose, struck Giuliano in the breast, who, after a few steps, fell to the earth. Francesco de’ Pazzi threw himself upon the body and covered him with wounds; while, as if blinded by rage, he inflicted18 a deep incision19 upon his own leg. Antonio and Stefano, the priest, attacked Lorenzo, and after dealing20 many blows, effected only a slight incision in the throat; for either their want of resolution, the activity of Lorenzo, who, finding himself attacked, used his arms in his own defense, or the assistance of those by whom he was surrounded, rendered all attempts futile21. They fled and concealed themselves, but being subsequently discovered, were put to death in the most ignominious22 manner, and their bodies dragged about the city. Lorenzo, with the friends he had about him, took refuge in the sacristy of the church. Bernardo Bandini, after Giuliano’s death, also slew23 Francesco Nori, a most intimate friend of the Medici, either from some previous hatred or for having endeavored to render assistance to Giuliano; and not content with these murders, he ran in pursuit of Lorenzo, intending, by his own promptitude, to make up for the weakness and inefficiency24 of the others; but finding he had taken refuge in the vestry, he was prevented.
In the midst of these violent and fearful deeds, during which the uproar25 was so terrible, that it seemed almost sufficient to bring the church down upon its inmates26, the cardinal Riario remained close to the altar, where he was with difficulty kept in safety by the priests, until the Signory, upon the abatement27 of the disturbance28, could conduct him to their palace, where he remained in the utmost terror till he was set at liberty.
There were at this time in Florence some people of Perugia, whom party feuds29 had compelled to leave their homes; and the Pazzi, by promising30 to restore them to their country, obtained their assistance. The Archbishop de’ Salviati, going to seize the palace, together with Jacopo di Poggio, and the Salviati, his friends, took these Perugini with him. Having arrived, he left part of his people below, with orders that when they heard a noise they should make themselves masters of the entrance, while himself, with the greater part of the Perugini, proceeded above, and finding the Signory at dinner (for it was now late), was admitted after a short delay, by Cesare Petrucci, the Gonfalonier of Justice. He entered with only a few of his followers31, the greater part of them being shut up in the cancelleria into which they had gone, whose doors were so contrived32, that upon closing they could not be opened from either side, without the key. The archbishop being with the gonfalonier, under pretense of having something to communicate on the part of the pope, addressed him in such an incoherent and hesitating manner, that the gonfalonier at once suspected him, and rushing out of the chamber33 to call assistance, found Jacopo di Poggio, whom he seized by the hair of the head, and gave into the custody34 of his attendants. The Signory hearing the tumult35, snatched such arms as they could at the moment obtain, and all who had gone up with the archbishop, part of them being shut up, and part overcome with terror, were immediately slain or thrown alive out of the windows of the palace, at which the archbishop, the two Jacopi Salviati, and Jacopodi Poggio were hanged. Those whom the archbishop left below, having mastered the guard and taken possession of the entrance occupied all the lower floors, so that the citizens, who in the uproar, hastened to the palace, were unable to give either advice or assistance to the Signory.
Francesco de’ Pazzi and Bernardo Bandini, perceiving Lorenzo’s escape, and the principal agent in the enterprise seriously wounded, became immediately conscious of the imminent37 peril38 of their position. Bernardo, using the same energy in his own behalf that had served him against the Medici, finding all lost, saved himself by flight. Francesco, wounded as he was, got to his house, and endeavored to get on horseback, for it had been arranged they should ride through the city and call the people to arms and liberty; but he found himself unable, from the nature of his wound, and, throwing himself naked upon his bed, begged Jacopo de’ Pazzi to perform the part for which he was himself incapacitated. Jacopo, though old and unaccustomed to such business, by way of making a last effort, mounted his horse, and, with about a hundred armed followers, collected without previous preparation, hastened to the piazza39 of the palace, and endeavored to assemble adherents40 by cries of “people,” and “liberty”; but the former, having been rendered deaf by the fortune and liberty of the Medici, the latter was unknown in Florence, and he found no followers. The signors, who held the upper part of the palace, saluted41 him with stones and threats. Jacopo, while hesitating, was met by Giovanni Seristori, his brother-in-law, who upbraided42 him with the troubles he had occasioned, and then advised him to go home, for the people and liberty were as dear to other citizens as to himself. Thus deprived of every hope, Lorenzo being alive, Francesco seriously wounded, and none disposed to follow him, not knowing what to do, he resolved, if possible, to escape by flight; and, accompanied by those whom he had led into the piazza, left Florence with the intention of going into Romagna.
In the meantime the whole city was roused to arms, and Lorenzo de’ Medici, accompanied by a numerous escort, returned to his house. The palace was recovered from its assailants, all of whom were either slain or made prisoners. The name of the Medici echoed everywhere, and portions of dead bodies were seen borne on spears and scattered43 through the streets; while everyone was transported with rage against the Pazzi, and pursued them with relentless44 cruelty. The people took possession of their houses, and Francesco, naked as they found him, was led to the palace, and hanged beside the archbishop and the rest. He could not be induced, by any injurious words or deeds, to utter a syllable45, but regarding those around with a steady look, he silently sighed. Guglielmo de’ Pazzi, brother-in-law to Lorenzo, fled to the latter’s house, and by his innocence46 and the intercession of his wife, Bianca, he escaped death. There was not a citizen of any rank whatever who did not, upon this occasion, wait upon Lorenzo with an offer of his services; so great were the popularity and good fortune which this family had acquired by their liberality and prudence48. Rinato de’ Pazzi was at his villa49 when the event took place, and on being informed of it, he endeavored to escape in disguise, but was arrested upon the road and brought to Florence. Jacopo de’ Pazzi was taken while crossing the mountains of Romagna, for the inhabitants of these parts having heard what had occurred, and seeing him in flight, attacked and brought him back to the city; nor could he, though he frequently endeavored, prevail with them to put him to death upon the road. Jacopo and Rinato were condemned50 within four days after the murder of Giuliano. And though so many deaths had been inflicted that the roads were covered with fragments of human bodies, not one excited a feeling of regret, except that of Rinato; for he was considered a wise and good man, and possessed51 none of the pride for which the rest of his family were notorious. As if to mark the event by some extraordinary circumstance, Jacopo de’ Pazzi, after having been buried in the tomb of his ancestors, was disinterred like an excommunicated person, and thrown into a hole at the outside of the city walls; from this grave he was taken, and with the halter in which he had been hanged, his body was dragged naked through the city, and, as if unfit for sepulture on earth, thrown by the populace into the Arno, whose waters were then very high. It was an awful instance of the instability of fortune, to see so wealthy a man, possessing the utmost earthly felicity, brought down to such a depth of misery52, such utter ruin and extreme degradation53. It is said he had vices47, among which were gaming and profane54 swearing, to which he was very much addicted55; but these seem more than balanced by his numerous charities, for he relieved many in distress56, and bestowed57 much money for pious58 uses. It may also be recorded in his favor, that upon the Saturday preceding the death of Giuliano, in order that none might suffer from his misfortunes, he discharged all his debts; and whatever property he possessed belonging to others, either in his own house or his place of business, he was particularly careful to return to its owners. Giovanni Batista da Montesecco, after a long examination, was beheaded; Napoleone Franzesi escaped punishment by flight; Giulielmo de’ Pazzi was banished59, and such of his cousins as remained alive were imprisoned60 in the fortress61 of Volterra. The disturbances62 being over, and the conspirators punished, the funeral obsequies of Giuliano were performed amid universal lamentation63; for he possessed all the liberality and humanity that could be wished for in one of his high station. He left a natural son, born some months after his death, named Giulio, who was endowed with that virtue64 and felicity with which the whole world is now acquainted; and of which we shall speak at length when we come to our own times, if God spare us. The people who had assembled in favor of the Pazzi under Lorenzo da Castello in the Val di Tavere, and under Giovan Francesco da Tolentino in Romagna, approached Florence, but having heard of the failure of the conspiracy65, they returned home.
The changes desired by the pope and the king in the government of Florence, not having taken place, they determined66 to effect by war what they had failed to accomplish by treachery; and both assembled forces with all speed to attack the Florentine states; publicly declaring that they only wished the citizens to remove Lorenzo de’ Medici, who alone of all the Florentines was their enemy. The king’s forces had already passed the Tronto, and the pope’s were in Perugia; and that the citizens might feel the effect of spiritual as well as temporal weapons, the pontiff excommunicated and anathematized them. Finding themselves attacked by so many armies, the Florentines prepared for their defense with the utmost care. Lorenzo de’ Medici, as the enemy’s operations were said to be directed against himself alone, resolved first of all to assemble the Signory, and the most influential67 citizens, in the palace, to whom, being above three hundred in number, he spoke68 as follows:—“Most excellent signors, and you, magnificent citizens, I know not whether I have more occasion to weep with you for the events which have recently occurred, or to rejoice in the circumstances with which they have been attended. Certainly, when I think with what virulence69 of united deceit and hatred I have been attacked, and my brother murdered, I cannot but mourn and grieve from my heart, from my very soul. Yet when I consider with what promptitude, anxiety, love, and unanimity70 of the whole city my brother has been avenged71 and myself defended, I am not only compelled to rejoice, but feel myself honored and exalted72; for if experience has shown me that I had more enemies than I apprehended73, it has also proved that I possess more warm and resolute74 friends than I could ever have hoped for. I must therefore grieve with you for the injuries others have suffered, and rejoice in the attachment75 you have exhibited toward myself; but I feel more aggrieved76 by the injuries committed, since they are so unusual, so unexampled, and (as I trust you believe) so undeserved on our part. Think, magnificent citizens, to what a dreadful point ill fortune has reduced our family, when among friends, amidst our own relatives, nay77, in God’s holy temple, we have found our greatest foes78. Those who are in danger turn to their friends for assistance; they call upon their relatives for aid; but we found ours armed, and resolved on our destruction. Those who are persecuted79, either from public or private motives80, flee for refuge to the altars; but where others are safe, we are assassinated82; where parricides and assassins are secure, the Medici find their murderers. But God, who has not hitherto abandoned our house, again saved us, and has undertaken the defense of our just cause. What injury have we done to justify83 so intense desire of our destruction? Certainly those who have shown themselves so much our enemies, never received any private wrong from us; for, had we wished to injure them, they would not have had an opportunity of injuring us. If they attribute public grievances84 to ourselves (supposing any had been done to them), they do the greater injustices85 to you, to this palace, to the majesty86 of this government, by assuming that on our account you would act unfairly to any of your citizens; and such a supposition, as we all know, is contradicted by every view of the circumstances; for we, had we been able, and you, had we wished it, would never have contributed to so abominable87 a design. Whoever inquires into the truth of these matters, will find that our family has always been exalted by you, and from this sole cause, that we have endeavored by kindness, liberality, and beneficence, to do good to all; and if we have honored strangers, when did we ever injure our relatives? If our enemies’ conduct has been adopted, to gratify their desire for power (as would seem to be the case from their having taken possession of the palace and brought an armed force into the piazza), the infamous88, ambitious, and detestable motive81 is at once disclosed. If they were actuated by envy and hatred of our authority, they offend you rather than us; for from you we have derived89 all the influence we possess. Certainly usurped90 power deserves to be detested91; but not distinctions conceded for acts of kindness, generosity92, and magnificence. And you all know that our family never attained93 any rank to which this palace and your united consent did not raise it. Cosmo, my grandfather, did not return from exile with arms and violence, but by your unanimous desire and approbation94. It was not my father, old and inform, who defended the government against so many enemies, but yourselves by your authority and benevolence95 defended him; neither could I, after his death, being then a boy, have maintained the position of my house except by your favor and advice. Nor should we ever be able to conduct the affairs of this republic, if you did not contribute to our support. Therefore, I know not the reason of their hatred toward us, or what just cause they have of envy. Let them direct their enmity against their own ancestors, who, by their pride and avarice96, lost the reputation which ours, by very opposite conduct, were enabled to acquire. But let it be granted we have greatly injured them, and that they are justified97 in seeking our ruin; why do they come and take possession of the palace? Why enter into league with the pope and the king, against the liberties of this republic? Why break the long-continued peace of Italy? They have no excuse for this; they ought to confine their vengeance98 to those who do them wrong, and not confound private animosities with public grievances. Hence it is that since their defeat our misfortune is the greater; for on their account the pope and the king make war upon us, and this war, they say, is directed against my family and myself. And would to God that this were true; then the remedy would be sure and unfailing, for I would not be so base a citizen as to prefer my own safety to yours; I would at once resolve to ensure your security, even though my own destruction were the immediate36 and inevitable99 consequence. But as the wrongs committed by princes are usually concealed under some less offensive covering, they have adopted this plea to hide their more abominable purpose. If, however, you think otherwise, I am in your hands; it is with you to do with me what you please. You are my fathers, my protectors, and whatever you command me to do I will perform most willingly; nor will I ever refuse, when you find occasion to require it, to close the war with my own blood which was commenced with that of my brother.” While Lorenzo spoke, the citizens were unable to refrain from tears, and the sympathy with which he had been heard was extended to their reply, delivered by one of them in the name of the rest, who said that the city acknowledged many advantages derived from the good qualities of himself and his family; and encouraged them to hope that with as much promptitude as they had used in his defense, and in avenging100 his brother’s death, they would secure to him his influence in the government, which he should never lose while they retained possession of the country. And that their deeds might correspond with their words, they immediately appointed a number of armed men, as a guard for the security of his person against domestic enemies.
1 slain | |
杀死,宰杀,杀戮( slay的过去分词 ); (slay的过去分词) | |
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2 conspirators | |
n.共谋者,阴谋家( conspirator的名词复数 ) | |
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3 entirely | |
ad.全部地,完整地;完全地,彻底地 | |
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4 manifestations | |
n.表示,显示(manifestation的复数形式) | |
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5 cardinal | |
n.(天主教的)红衣主教;adj.首要的,基本的 | |
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6 entreaties | |
n.恳求,乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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7 hatred | |
n.憎恶,憎恨,仇恨 | |
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8 perfectly | |
adv.完美地,无可非议地,彻底地 | |
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9 concealed | |
a.隐藏的,隐蔽的 | |
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10 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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11 pretense | |
n.矫饰,做作,借口 | |
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12 endearment | |
n.表示亲爱的行为 | |
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13 ascertain | |
vt.发现,确定,查明,弄清 | |
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14 defense | |
n.防御,保卫;[pl.]防务工事;辩护,答辩 | |
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15 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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16 affected | |
adj.不自然的,假装的 | |
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17 dagger | |
n.匕首,短剑,剑号 | |
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18 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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19 incision | |
n.切口,切开 | |
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20 dealing | |
n.经商方法,待人态度 | |
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21 futile | |
adj.无效的,无用的,无希望的 | |
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22 ignominious | |
adj.可鄙的,不光彩的,耻辱的 | |
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23 slew | |
v.(使)旋转;n.大量,许多 | |
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24 inefficiency | |
n.无效率,无能;无效率事例 | |
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25 uproar | |
n.骚动,喧嚣,鼎沸 | |
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26 inmates | |
n.囚犯( inmate的名词复数 ) | |
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27 abatement | |
n.减(免)税,打折扣,冲销 | |
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28 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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29 feuds | |
n.长期不和,世仇( feud的名词复数 ) | |
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30 promising | |
adj.有希望的,有前途的 | |
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31 followers | |
追随者( follower的名词复数 ); 用户; 契据的附面; 从动件 | |
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32 contrived | |
adj.不自然的,做作的;虚构的 | |
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33 chamber | |
n.房间,寝室;会议厅;议院;会所 | |
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34 custody | |
n.监护,照看,羁押,拘留 | |
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35 tumult | |
n.喧哗;激动,混乱;吵闹 | |
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36 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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37 imminent | |
adj.即将发生的,临近的,逼近的 | |
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38 peril | |
n.(严重的)危险;危险的事物 | |
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39 piazza | |
n.广场;走廊 | |
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40 adherents | |
n.支持者,拥护者( adherent的名词复数 );党羽;徒子徒孙 | |
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41 saluted | |
v.欢迎,致敬( salute的过去式和过去分词 );赞扬,赞颂 | |
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42 upbraided | |
v.责备,申斥,谴责( upbraid的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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43 scattered | |
adj.分散的,稀疏的;散步的;疏疏落落的 | |
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44 relentless | |
adj.残酷的,不留情的,无怜悯心的 | |
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45 syllable | |
n.音节;vt.分音节 | |
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46 innocence | |
n.无罪;天真;无害 | |
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47 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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48 prudence | |
n.谨慎,精明,节俭 | |
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49 villa | |
n.别墅,城郊小屋 | |
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50 condemned | |
adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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51 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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52 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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53 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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54 profane | |
adj.亵神的,亵渎的;vt.亵渎,玷污 | |
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55 addicted | |
adj.沉溺于....的,对...上瘾的 | |
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56 distress | |
n.苦恼,痛苦,不舒适;不幸;vt.使悲痛 | |
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57 bestowed | |
赠给,授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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58 pious | |
adj.虔诚的;道貌岸然的 | |
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59 banished | |
v.放逐,驱逐( banish的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60 imprisoned | |
下狱,监禁( imprison的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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61 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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62 disturbances | |
n.骚乱( disturbance的名词复数 );打扰;困扰;障碍 | |
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63 lamentation | |
n.悲叹,哀悼 | |
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64 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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65 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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66 determined | |
adj.坚定的;有决心的 | |
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67 influential | |
adj.有影响的,有权势的 | |
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68 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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69 virulence | |
n.毒力,毒性;病毒性;致病力 | |
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70 unanimity | |
n.全体一致,一致同意 | |
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71 avenged | |
v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的过去式和过去分词 );为…报复 | |
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72 exalted | |
adj.(地位等)高的,崇高的;尊贵的,高尚的 | |
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73 apprehended | |
逮捕,拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 ); 理解 | |
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74 resolute | |
adj.坚决的,果敢的 | |
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75 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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76 aggrieved | |
adj.愤愤不平的,受委屈的;悲痛的;(在合法权利方面)受侵害的v.令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式);令委屈,令苦恼,侵害( aggrieve的过去式和过去分词) | |
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77 nay | |
adv.不;n.反对票,投反对票者 | |
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78 foes | |
敌人,仇敌( foe的名词复数 ) | |
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79 persecuted | |
(尤指宗教或政治信仰的)迫害(~sb. for sth.)( persecute的过去式和过去分词 ); 烦扰,困扰或骚扰某人 | |
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80 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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81 motive | |
n.动机,目的;adv.发动的,运动的 | |
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82 assassinated | |
v.暗杀( assassinate的过去式和过去分词 );中伤;诋毁;破坏 | |
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83 justify | |
vt.证明…正当(或有理),为…辩护 | |
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84 grievances | |
n.委屈( grievance的名词复数 );苦衷;不满;牢骚 | |
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85 injustices | |
不公平( injustice的名词复数 ); 非正义; 待…不公正; 冤枉 | |
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86 majesty | |
n.雄伟,壮丽,庄严,威严;最高权威,王权 | |
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87 abominable | |
adj.可厌的,令人憎恶的 | |
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88 infamous | |
adj.声名狼藉的,臭名昭著的,邪恶的 | |
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89 derived | |
vi.起源;由来;衍生;导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 );(从…中)得到获得;源于;(从…中)提取 | |
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90 usurped | |
篡夺,霸占( usurp的过去式和过去分词 ); 盗用; 篡夺,篡权 | |
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91 detested | |
v.憎恶,嫌恶,痛恨( detest的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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92 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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93 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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94 approbation | |
n.称赞;认可 | |
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95 benevolence | |
n.慈悲,捐助 | |
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96 avarice | |
n.贪婪;贪心 | |
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97 justified | |
a.正当的,有理的 | |
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98 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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99 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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100 avenging | |
adj.报仇的,复仇的v.为…复仇,报…之仇( avenge的现在分词 );为…报复 | |
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