“Security”
On December 1, 1851, Charras1 shrugged1 his shoulder and unloaded his pistols. In truth, the belief in the possibility of a coup2 d’état had become humiliating. The supposition of such illegal violence on the part of M. Louis Bonaparte vanished upon serious consideration. The great question of the day was manifestly the Devincq election; it was clear that the Government was only thinking of that matter. As to a conspiracy3 against the Republic and against the People, how could any one premeditate such a plot? Where was the man capable of entertaining such a dream? For a tragedy there must be an actor, and here assuredly the actor was wanting. To outrage4 Right, to suppress the Assembly, to abolish the Constitution, to strangle the Republic, to overthrow5 the Nation, to sully the Flag, to dishonor the Army, to suborn the Clergy6 and the Magistracy, to succeed, to triumph, to govern, to administer, to exile, to banish7, to transport, to ruin, to assassinate8, to reign9, with such complicities that the law at last resembles a foul10 bed of corruption11. What! All these enormities were to be committed! And by whom? By a Colossus? No, by a dwarf12. People laughed at the notion. They no longer said “What a crime!” but “What a farce13!” For after all they reflected; heinous14 crimes require stature15. Certain crimes are too lofty for certain hands. A man who would achieve an 18th Brumaire must have Arcola in his past and Austerlitz in his future. The art of becoming a great scoundrel is not accorded to the first comer. People said to themselves, Who is this son of Hortense? He has Strasbourg behind him instead of Arcola, and Boulogne in place of Austerlitz. He is a Frenchman, born a Dutchman, and naturalized a Swiss; he is a Bonaparte crossed with a Verhuell; he is only celebrated16 for the ludicrousness of his imperial attitude, and he who would pluck a feather from his eagle would risk finding a goose’s quill17 in his hand. This Bonaparte does not pass currency in the array, he is a counterfeit18 image less of gold than of lead, and assuredly French soldiers will not give us the change for this false Napoleon in rebellion, in atrocities19, in massacres20, in outrages21, in treason. If he should attempt roguery it would miscarry. Not a regiment22 would stir. Besides, why should he make such an attempt? Doubtless he has his suspicious side, but why suppose him an absolute villain23? Such extreme outrages are beyond him; he is incapable24 of them physically25, why judge him capable of them morally? Has he not pledged honor? Has he not said, “No one in Europe doubts my word?” Let us fear nothing. To this could be answered, Crimes are committed either on a grand or on a mean scale. In the first category there is Caesar; in the second there is Mandrin. Caesar passes the Rubicon, Mandrin bestrides the gutter26. But wise men interposed, “Are we not prejudiced by offensive conjectures27? This man has been exiled and unfortunate. Exile enlightens, misfortune corrects.”
For his part Louis Bonaparte protested energetically. Facts abounded28 in his favor. Why should he not act in good faith? He had made remarkable29 promises. Towards the end of October, 1848, then a candidate for the Presidency30, he was calling at No. 37, Rue31 de la Tour d’Auvergne, on a certain personage, to whom he remarked, “I wish to have an explanation with you. They slander32 me. Do I give you the impression of a madman? They think that I wish to revivify Napoleon. There are two men whom a great ambition can take for its models, Napoleon and Washington. The one is a man of Genius, the other is a man of Virtue33. It is ridiculous to say, ‘I will be a man of Genius;’ it is honest to say, ‘I will be a man of Virtue.’ Which of these depends upon ourselves? Which can we accomplish by our will? To be Genius? No. To be Probity34? Yes. The attainment35 of Genius is not possible; the attainment of Probity is a possibility. And what could I revive of Napoleon? One sole thing — a crime. Truly a worthy36 ambition! Why should I be considered man? The Republic being established, I am not a great man, I shall not copy Napoleon; but I am an honest man. I shall imitate Washington. My name, the name of Bonaparte, will be inscribed37 on two pages of the history of France: on the first there will be crime and glory, on the second probity and honor. And the second will perhaps be worth the first. Why? Because if Napoleon is the greater, Washington is the better man. Between the guilty hero and the good citizen I choose the good citizen. Such is my ambition.”
From 1848 to 1851 three years elapsed. People had long suspected Louis Bonaparte; but long-continued suspicion blunts the intellect and wears itself out by fruitless alarms. Louis Bonaparte had had dissimulating38 ministers such as Magne and Rouher; but he had also had straightforward39 ministers such as Léon Faucher and Odilon Barrot; and these last had affirmed that he was upright and sincere. He had been seen to beat his breast before the doors of Ham; his foster sister, Madame Hortense Cornu, wrote to Mieroslawsky, “I am a good Republican, and I can answer for him.” His friend of Ham, Peauger, a loyal man, declared, “Louis Bonaparte is incapable of treason.” Had not Louis Bonaparte written the work entitled “Pauperism”? In the intimate circles of the Elysée Count Potocki was a Republican and Count d’Orsay was a Liberal; Louis Bonaparte said to Potocki, “I am a man of the Democracy,” and to D’Orsay, “I am a man of Liberty.” The Marquis du Hallays opposed the coup d’état, while the Marquise du Hallays was in its favor. Louis Bonaparte said to the Marquis, “Fear nothing” (it is true that he whispered to the Marquise, “Make your mind easy”). The Assembly, after having shown here and there some symptoms of uneasiness, had grown calm. There was General Neumayer, “who was to be depended upon,” and who from his position at Lyons would at need march upon Paris. Changarnier exclaimed, “Representatives of the people, deliberate in peace.” Even Louis Bonaparte himself had pronounced these famous words, “I should see an enemy of my country in any one who would change by force that which has been established by law,” and, moreover, the Army was “force,” and the Army possessed40 leaders, leaders who were beloved and victorious41. Lamoricière, Changarnier, Cavaignac, Lefl?, Bedeau, Charras; how could any one imagine the Army of Africa arresting the Generals of Africa? On Friday, November 28, 1851, Louis Bonaparte said to Michel de Bourges, “If I wanted to do wrong, I could not. Yesterday, Thursday, I invited to my table five Colonels of the garrison42 of Paris, and the whim43 seized me to question each one by himself. All five declared to me that the Army would never lend itself to a coup de force, nor attack the inviolability of the Assembly. You can tell your friends this.”—“He smiled,” said Michel de Bourges, reassured44, “and I also smiled.” After this, Michel de Bourges declared in the Tribune, “this is the man for me.” In that same month of November a satirical journal, charged with calumniating45 the President of the Republic, was sentenced to fine and imprisonment46 for a caricature depicting47 a shooting-gallery and Louis Bonaparte using the Constitution as a target. Morigny, Minister of the Interior, declared in the Council before the President “that a Guardian48 of Public Power ought never to violate the law as otherwise he would be —” “a dishonest man,” interposed the President. All these words and all these facts were notorious. The material and moral impossibility of the coup d’état was manifest to all. To outrage the National Assembly! To arrest the Representatives! What madness! As we have seen, Charras, who had long remained on his guard, unloaded his pistols. The feeling of security was complete and unanimous. Nevertheless there were some of us in the Assembly who still retained a few doubts, and who occasionally shook our heads, but we were looked upon as fools.
1 shrugged | |
vt.耸肩(shrug的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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2 coup | |
n.政变;突然而成功的行动 | |
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3 conspiracy | |
n.阴谋,密谋,共谋 | |
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4 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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5 overthrow | |
v.推翻,打倒,颠覆;n.推翻,瓦解,颠覆 | |
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6 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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7 banish | |
vt.放逐,驱逐;消除,排除 | |
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8 assassinate | |
vt.暗杀,行刺,中伤 | |
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9 reign | |
n.统治时期,统治,支配,盛行;v.占优势 | |
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10 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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11 corruption | |
n.腐败,堕落,贪污 | |
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12 dwarf | |
n.矮子,侏儒,矮小的动植物;vt.使…矮小 | |
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13 farce | |
n.闹剧,笑剧,滑稽戏;胡闹 | |
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14 heinous | |
adj.可憎的,十恶不赦的 | |
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15 stature | |
n.(高度)水平,(高度)境界,身高,身材 | |
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16 celebrated | |
adj.有名的,声誉卓著的 | |
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17 quill | |
n.羽毛管;v.给(织物或衣服)作皱褶 | |
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18 counterfeit | |
vt.伪造,仿造;adj.伪造的,假冒的 | |
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19 atrocities | |
n.邪恶,暴行( atrocity的名词复数 );滔天大罪 | |
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20 massacres | |
大屠杀( massacre的名词复数 ); 惨败 | |
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21 outrages | |
引起…的义愤,激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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22 regiment | |
n.团,多数,管理;v.组织,编成团,统制 | |
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23 villain | |
n.反派演员,反面人物;恶棍;问题的起因 | |
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24 incapable | |
adj.无能力的,不能做某事的 | |
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25 physically | |
adj.物质上,体格上,身体上,按自然规律 | |
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26 gutter | |
n.沟,街沟,水槽,檐槽,贫民窟 | |
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27 conjectures | |
推测,猜想( conjecture的名词复数 ) | |
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28 abounded | |
v.大量存在,充满,富于( abound的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29 remarkable | |
adj.显著的,异常的,非凡的,值得注意的 | |
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30 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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31 rue | |
n.懊悔,芸香,后悔;v.后悔,悲伤,懊悔 | |
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32 slander | |
n./v.诽谤,污蔑 | |
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33 virtue | |
n.德行,美德;贞操;优点;功效,效力 | |
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34 probity | |
n.刚直;廉洁,正直 | |
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35 attainment | |
n.达到,到达;[常pl.]成就,造诣 | |
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36 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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37 inscribed | |
v.写,刻( inscribe的过去式和过去分词 );内接 | |
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38 dissimulating | |
v.掩饰(感情),假装(镇静)( dissimulate的现在分词 ) | |
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39 straightforward | |
adj.正直的,坦率的;易懂的,简单的 | |
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40 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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41 victorious | |
adj.胜利的,得胜的 | |
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42 garrison | |
n.卫戍部队;驻地,卫戍区;vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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43 whim | |
n.一时的兴致,突然的念头;奇想,幻想 | |
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44 reassured | |
adj.使消除疑虑的;使放心的v.再保证,恢复信心( reassure的过去式和过去分词) | |
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45 calumniating | |
v.诽谤,中伤( calumniate的现在分词 ) | |
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46 imprisonment | |
n.关押,监禁,坐牢 | |
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47 depicting | |
描绘,描画( depict的现在分词 ); 描述 | |
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48 guardian | |
n.监护人;守卫者,保护者 | |
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