September 30, 1656
REVEREND FATHERS,
I have just seen your last production, in which you have continued your list of Impostures up to the twentieth and intimate that you mean to conclude with this the first part of your accusations2 against me, and to proceed to the second, in which you are to adopt a new mode of defence, by showing that there are other casuists besides those of your Society who are as lax as yourselves. I now see the precise number of charges to which I have to reply; and as the fourth, to which we have now come, relates to homicide, it may be proper, in answering it, to include the 11th, 13th, 14th, 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th, which refer to the same subject.
In the present letter, therefore, my object shall be to vindicate3 the correctness of my quotations4 from the charges of falsity which you bring against me. But as you have ventured, in your pamphlets, to assert that “the sentiments of your authors on murder are agreeable to the decisions of popes and ecclesiastical laws,” you will compel me, in my next letter, to confute a statement at once so unfounded and so injurious to the Church. It is of some importance to show that she is innocent of your corruptions6, in order that heretics may be prevented from taking advantage of your aberrations7, to draw conclusions tending to her dishonour8. And thus, viewing on the one hand your pernicious maxims10, and on the other the canons of the Church which have uniformly condemned11 them, people will see, at one glance, what they should shun13 and what they should follow.
Your fourth charge turns on a maxim9 relating to murder, which you say I have falsely ascribed to Lessius. It is as follows: “That if a man has received a buffet14, he may immediately pursue his enemy, and even return the blow with the sword, not to avenge15 himself, but to retrieve16 his honour.” This, you say, is the opinion of the casuist Victoria. But this is nothing to the point. There is no inconsistency in saying that it is at once the opinion of Victoria and of Lessius; for Lessius himself says that it is also held by Navarre and Henriquez, who teach identically the same doctrine17. The only question, then, is if Lessius holds this view as well as his brother casuists. You maintain “that Lessius quotes this opinion solely18 for the purpose of refuting it, and that I, therefore, attribute to him a sentiment which he produces only to overthrow19 — the basest and most disgraceful act of which a writer can be guilty.” Now I maintain, fathers, that he quotes the opinion solely for the purpose of supporting it. Here is a question of fact, which it will be very easy to settle. Let us see, then, how you prove your allegation, and you will see afterwards how I prove mine.
To show that Lessius is not of that opinion, you tell us that he condemns21 the practice of it; and in proof of this, you quote one passage of his (l. 2, c. 9, n. 92), in which he says, in so many words, “I condemn12 the practice of it.” I grant that, on looking for these words, at number 92, to which you refer, they will be found there. But what will people say, fathers, when they discover, at the same time, that he is treating in that place of a question totally different from that of which we are speaking, and that the opinion of which he there says that he condemns the practice has no connection with that now in dispute, but is quite distinct? And yet to be convinced that this is the fact, we have only to open the book to which you refer, and there we find the whole subject in its connection as follows: At number 79 he treats the question, “If it is lawful22 to kill for a buffet?” and at number 80 he finishes this matter without a single word of condemnation23. Having disposed of this question, he opens a new one at 81, namely, “If it is lawful to kill for slanders24?” and it is when speaking of this question that he employs the words you have quoted: “I condemn the practice of it.”
Is it not shameful26, fathers, that you should venture to produce these words to make it be believed that Lessius condemns the opinion that it is lawful to kill for a buffet? and that, on the ground of this single proof, you should chuckle27 over it, as you have done, by saying: “Many persons of honour in Paris have already discovered this notorious falsehood by consulting Lessius, and have thus ascertained28 the degree of credit due to that slanderer30?” Indeed! and is it thus that you abuse the confidence which those persons of honour repose31 in you? To show them that Lessius does not hold a certain opinion, you open the book to them at a place where he is condemning32 another opinion; and these persons, not having begun to mistrust your good faith and never thinking of examining whether the author speaks in that place of the subject in dispute, you impose on their credulity. I make no doubt, fathers, that, to shelter yourselves from the guilt20 of such a scandalous lie, you had recourse to your doctrine of equivocations; and that, having read the passage in a loud voice, you would say, in a lower key, that the author was speaking there of something else. But I am not so sure whether this saving clause, which is quite enough to satisfy your consciences, will be a very satisfactory answer to the just complaint of those “honourable persons,” when they shall discover that you have hoodwinked them in this style.
Take care, then, fathers, to prevent them by all means from seeing my letters; for this is the only method now left to you to preserve your credit for a short time longer. This is not the way in which I deal with your writings: I send them to all my friends; I wish everybody to see them. And I verily believe that both of us are in the right for our own interests; for, after having published with such parade this fourth Imposture1, were it once discovered that you have made it up by foisting33 in one passage for another, you would be instantly denounced. It will be easily seen that if you could have found what you wanted in the passage where Lessius treated of this matter, you would not have searched for it elsewhere, and that you had recourse to such a trick only because you could find nothing in that passage favourable34 to your purpose.
You would have us believe that we may find in Lessius what you assert, “that he does not allow that this opinion (that a man may be lawfully35 killed for a buffet) is probable in theory”; whereas Lessius distinctly declares, at number 80: “This opinion, that a man may kill for a buffet, is probable in theory.” Is not this, word for word, the reverse of your assertion? And can we sufficiently36 admire the hardihood with which you have advanced, in set phrase, the very reverse of a matter of fact! To your conclusion, from a fabricated passage, that Lessius was not of that opinion, we have only to place Lessius himself, who, in the genuine passage, declares that he is of that opinion.
Again, you would have Lessius to say “that he condemns the practice of it”; and, as I have just observed, there is not in the original a single word of condemnation; all that he says is: “It appears that it ought not to be easily permitted in practice — In praxi non videtur facile permittenda.” Is that, fathers, the language of a man who condemns a maxim? Would you say that adultery and incest ought not to be easily permitted in practice? Must we not, on the contrary, conclude that as Lessius says no more than that the practice ought not to be easily permitted, his opinion is that it may be permitted sometimes, though rarely? And, as if he had been anxious to apprise37 everybody when it might be permitted, and to relieve those who have received affronts38 from being troubled with unreasonable39 scruples40 from not knowing on what occasions they might lawfully kill in practice, he has been at pains to inform them what they ought to avoid in order to practise the doctrine with a safe conscience. Mark his words: “It seems,” says he, “that it ought not to be easily permitted, because of the danger that persons may act in this matter out of hatred42 or revenge, or with excess, or that this may occasion too many murders.” From this it appears that murder is freely permitted by Lessius, if one avoids the inconveniences referred to — in other words, if one can act without hatred or revenge and in circumstances that may not open the door to a great many murders. To illustrate43 the matter, I may give you an example of recent occurrence — the case of the buffet of Compiegne. You will grant that the person who received the blow on that occasion has shown, by the way in which he has acted, that he was sufficiently master of the passions of hatred and revenge. It only remained for him, therefore, to see that he did not give occasion to too many murders; and you need hardly be told, fathers, it is such a rare spectacle to find Jesuits bestowing44 buffets45 on the officers of the royal household that he had no great reason to fear that a murder committed on this occasion would be likely to draw many others in its train. You cannot, accordingly, deny that the Jesuit who figured on that occasion was killable with a safe conscience, and that the offended party might have converted him into a practical illustration of the doctrine of Lessius. And very likely, fathers, this might have been the result had he been educated in your school, and learnt from Escobar that the man who has received a buffet is held to be disgraced until he has taken the life of him who insulted him. But there is ground to believe that the very different instructions which he received from a curate, who is no great favourite of yours, have contributed not a little in this case to save the life of a Jesuit.
Tell us no more, then, of inconveniences which may, in many instances, be so easily got over, and in the absence of which, according to Lessius, murder is permissible46 even in practice. This is frankly47 avowed48 by your authors, as quoted by Escobar, in his Practice of Homicide, according to your Society. “Is it allowable,” asks this casuist, “to kill him who has given me a buffet? Lessius says it is permissible in speculation49, though not to be followed in practice — non consulendum in praxi — on account of the risk of hatred, or of murders prejudicial to the State. Others, however, have judged that, by avoiding these inconveniences, this is permissible and safe in practice — in praxi probabilem et tutam judicarunt Henriquez,” &c. See how your opinions mount up, by little and little, to the climax50 of probabilism! The present one you have at last elevated to this position, by permitting murder without any distinction between speculation and practice, in the following terms: “It is lawful, when one has received a buffet, to return the blow immediately with the sword, not to avenge one’s self, but to preserve one’s honour.” Such is the decision of your fathers of Caen in 1644, embodied51 in their publications produced by the university before parliament, when they presented their third remonstrance52 against your doctrine of homicide, as shown in the book then emitted by them, on page 339.
Mark, then, fathers, that your own authors have themselves demolished53 this absurd distinction between speculative54 and practical murder — a distinction which the university treated with ridicule55, and the invention of which is a secret of your policy, which it may now be worth while to explain. The knowledge of it, besides being necessary to the right understanding of your 15th, 16th, 17th, and 18th charges, is well calculated, in general, to open up, by little and little, the principles of that mysterious policy.
In attempting, as you have done, to decide cases of conscience in the most agreeable and accommodating manner, while you met with some questions in which religion alone was concerned — such as those of contrition56, penance57, love to God, and others only affecting the inner court of conscience — you encountered another class of cases in which civil society was interested as well as religion — such as those relating to usury58, bankruptcy59, homicide, and the like. And it is truly distressing60 to all that love the Church to observe that, in a vast number of instances, in which you had only Religion to contend with, you have violated her laws without reservation, without distinction, and without compunction; because you knew that it is not here that God visibly administers his justice. But in those cases in which the State is interested as well as Religion, your apprehension61 of man’s justice has induced you to divide your decisions into two shares. To the first of these you give the name of speculation; under which category crimes, considered in themselves, without regard to society, but merely to the law of God, you have permitted, without the least scruple41, and in the way of trampling62 on the divine law which condemns them. The second you rank under the denomination63 of practice, and here, considering the injury which may be done to society, and the presence of magistrates65 who look after the public peace, you take care, in order to keep yourselves on the safe side of the law, not to approve always in practice the murders and other crimes which you have sanctioned in speculation. Thus, for example, on the question, “If it be lawful to kill for slanders?” your authors, Filiutius, Reginald, and others, reply: “This is permitted in speculation — ex probabile opinione licet; but is not to be approved in practice, on account of the great number of murders which might ensue, and which might injure the State, if all slanderers were to be killed, and also because one might be punished in a court of justice for having killed another for that matter.” Such is the style in which your opinions begin to develop themselves, under the shelter of this distinction, in virtue66 of which, without doing any sensible injury to society, you only ruin religion. In acting67 thus, you consider yourselves quite safe. You suppose that, on the one hand, the influence you have in the Church will effectually shield from punishment your assaults on truth; and that, on the other, the precautions you have taken against too easily reducing your permissions to practice will save you on the part of the civil powers, who, not being judges in cases of conscience, are properly concerned only with the outward practice. Thus an opinion which would be condemned under the name of practice, comes out quite safe under the name of speculation. But this basis once established, it is not difficult to erect68 on it the rest of your maxims. There is an infinite distance between God’s prohibition69 of murder and your speculative permission of the crime; but between that permission and the practice the distance is very small indeed. It only remains70 to show that what is allowable in speculation is also so in practice; and there can be no want of reasons for this. You have contrived71 to find them in far more difficult cases. Would you like to see, fathers, how this may be managed? I refer you to the reasoning of Escobar, who has distinctly decided72 the point in the first six volumes of his grand Moral Theology, of which I have already spoken — a work in which he shows quite another spirit from that which appears in his former compilation73 from your four-and-twenty elders. At that time he thought that there might be opinions probable in speculation, which might not be safe in practice; but he has now come to form an opposite judgment74, and has, in this, his latest work, confirmed it. Such is the wonderful growth attained75 by the doctrine of probability in general, as well as by every probable opinion in particular, in the course of time. Attend, then, to what he says: “I cannot see how it can be that an action which seems allowable in speculation should not be so likewise in practice; because what may be done in practice depends on what is found to be lawful in speculation, and the things differ from each other only as cause and effect. Speculation is that which determines to action. Whence it follows that opinions probable in speculation may be followed with a safe conscience in practice, and that even with more safety than those which have not been so well examined as matters of speculation.”
Verily, fathers, your friend Escobar reasons uncommonly76 well sometimes; and, in point of fact, there is such a close connection between speculation and practice, that when the former has once taken root, you have no difficulty in permitting the latter, without any disguise. A good illustration of this we have in the permission “to kill for a buffet,” which, from being a point of simple speculation, was boldly raised by Lessius into a practice “which ought not easily to be allowed”; from that promoted by Escobar to the character of “an easy practice”; and from thence elevated by your fathers of Caen, as we have seen, without any distinction between theory and practice, into a full permission. Thus you bring your opinions to their full growth very gradually. Were they presented all at once in their finished extravagance, they would beget77 horror; but this slow imperceptible progress gradually habituates men to the sight of them and hides their offensiveness. And in this way the permission to murder, in itself so odious78 both to Church and State, creeps first into the Church, and then from the Church into the State.
A similar success has attended the opinion of “killing79 for slander25,” which has now reached the climax of a permission without any distinction. I should not have stopped to quote my authorities on this point from your writings, had it not been necessary in order to put down the effrontery80 with which you have asserted, twice over, in your fifteenth Imposture, “that there never was a Jesuit who permitted killing for slander.” Before making this statement, fathers, you should have taken care to prevent it from coming under my notice, seeing that it is so easy for me to answer it. For, not to mention that your fathers Reginald, Filiutius, and others, have permitted it in speculation, as I have already shown, and that the principle laid down by Escobar leads us safely on to the practice, I have to tell you that you have authors who have permitted it in so many words, and among others Father Hereau in his public lectures, on the conclusion of which the king put him under arrest in your house, for having taught, among other errors, that when a person who has slandered81 us in the presence of men of honour, continues to do so after being warned to desist, it is allowable to kill him, not publicly, indeed, for fear of scandal, but in a private way — sed clam82.
I have had occasion already to mention Father Lamy, and you do not need to be informed that his doctrine on this subject was censured83 in 1649 by the University of Louvain. And yet two months have not elapsed since your Father Des Bois maintained this very censured doctrine of Father Lamy and taught that “it was allowable for a monk84 to defend the honour which he acquired by his virtue, even by killing the person who assails85 his reputation — etiam cum morte invasoris”; which has raised such a scandal in that town that the whole of the cures united to impose silence on him, and to oblige him, by a canonical86 process, to retract87 his doctrine. The case is now pending88 in the Episcopal court.
What say you now, fathers? Why attempt, after that, to maintain that “no Jesuit ever held that it was lawful to kill for slander?” Is anything more necessary to convince you of this than the very opinions of your fathers which you quote, since they do not condemn murder in speculation, but only in practice, and that, too, “on account of the injury that might thereby89 accrue90 to the State”? And here I would just beg to ask whether the whole matter in dispute between us is not simply and solely to ascertain29 if you have or have not subverted91 the law of God which condemns murder? The point in question is, not whether you have injured the commonwealth92, but whether you have injured religion. What purpose, then, can it serve, in a dispute of this kind, to show that you have spared the State, when you make it apparent, at the same time, that you have destroyed the faith? Is this not evident from your saying that the meaning of Reginald, on the question of killing for slanders, is, “that a private individual has a right to employ that mode of defence, viewing it simply in itself”? I desire nothing beyond this concession93 to confute you. “A private individual,” you say, “has a right to employ that mode of defence” (that is, killing for slanders), “viewing the thing in itself’; and, consequently, fathers, the law of God, which forbids us to kill, is nullified by that decision.
It serves no purpose to add, as you have done, “that such a mode is unlawful and criminal, even according to the law of God, on account of the murders and disorders94 which would follow in society, because the law of God obliges us to have regard to the good of society.” This is to evade95 the question: for there are two laws to be observed — one forbidding us to kill, and another forbidding us to harm society. Reginald has not, perhaps, broken the law which forbids us to do harm to society; but he has most certainly violated that which forbids us to kill. Now this is the only point with which we have to do. I might have shown, besides, that your other writers, who have permitted these murders in practice, have subverted the one law as well as the other. But, to proceed, we have seen that you sometimes forbid doing harm to the State; and you allege96 that your design in that is to fulfil the law of God, which obliges us to consult the interests of society. That may be true, though it is far from being certain, as you might do the same thing purely97 from fear of the civil magistrate64. With your permission, then, we shall scrutinize98 the real secret of this movement.
Is it not certain, fathers, that if you had really any regard to God, and if the observance of his law had been the prime and principal object in your thoughts, this respect would have invariably predominated in all your leading decisions and would have engaged you at all times on the side of religion? But, if it turns out, on the contrary, that you violate, in innumerable instances, the most sacred commands that God has laid upon men, and that, as in the instances before us, you annihilate99 the law of God, which forbids these actions as criminal in themselves, and that you only scruple to approve of them in practice, from bodily fear of the civil magistrate, do you not afford us ground to conclude that you have no respect to God in your apprehensions100, and that if you yield an apparent obedience101 to his law, in so far as regards the obligation to do no harm to the State, this is not done out of any regard to the law itself, but to compass your own ends, as has ever been the way with politicians of no religion?
What, fathers! will you tell us that, looking simply to the law of God, which says, “Thou shalt not kill,” we have a right to kill for slanders? And after having thus trampled102 on the eternal law of God, do you imagine that you atone103 for the scandal you have caused, and can persuade us of your reverence104 for Him, by adding that you prohibit the practice for State reasons and from dread105 of the civil arm? Is not this, on the contrary, to raise a fresh scandal? I mean not by the respect which you testify for the magistrate; that is not my charge against you, and it is ridiculous in you to banter106, as you have done, on this matter. I blame you, not for fearing the magistrate, but for fearing none but the magistrate. And I blame you for this, because it is making God less the enemy of vice107 than man. Had you said that to kill for slander was allowable according to men, but not according to God, that might have been something more endurable; but when you maintain that what is too criminal to be tolerated among men may yet be innocent and right in the eyes of that Being who is righteousness itself, what is this but to declare before the whole world, by a subversion108 of principle as shocking in itself as it is alien to the spirit of the saints, that while you can be braggarts before God, you are cowards before men?
Had you really been anxious to condemn these homicides, you would have allowed the commandment of God which forbids them to remain intact; and had you dared at once to permit them, you would have permitted them openly, in spite of the laws of God and men. But, your object being to permit them imperceptibly, and to cheat the magistrate, who watches over the public safety, you have gone craftily109 to work. You separate your maxims into two portions. On the one side, you hold out “that it is lawful in speculation to kill a man for slander”; and nobody thinks of hindering you from taking a speculative view of matters. On the other side, you come out with this detached axiom, “that what is permitted in speculation is also permissible in practice”; and what concern does society seem to have in this general and metaphysical-looking proposition? And thus these two principles, so little suspected, being embraced in their separate form, the vigilance of the magistrate is eluded110; while it is only necessary to combine the two together to draw from them the conclusion which you aim at — namely, that it is lawful in practice to put a man to death for a simple slander.
It is, indeed, fathers, one of the most subtle tricks of your policy to scatter111 through your publications the maxims which you club together in your decisions. It is partly in this way that you establish your doctrine of probabilities, which I have frequently had occasion to explain. That general principle once established, you advance propositions harmless enough when viewed apart, but which, when taken in connection with that pernicious dogma, become positively112 horrible. An example of this, which demands an answer, may be found in the 11th page of your Impostures, where you allege that “several famous theologians have decided that it is lawful to kill a man for a box on the ear.” Now, it is certain that, if that had been said by a person who did not hold probabilism, there would be nothing to find fault with in it; it would in this case amount to no more than a harmless statement, and nothing could be elicited113 from it. But you, fathers, and all who hold that dangerous tenet, “that whatever has been approved by celebrated114 authors is probable and safe in conscience,” when you add to this “that several celebrated authors are of opinion that it is lawful to kill a man for a box on the ear,” what is this but to put a dagger115 into the hand of all Christians116, for the purpose of plunging118 it into the heart of the first person that insults them, and to assure them that, having the judgement of so many grave authors on their side, they may do so with a perfectly119 safe conscience?
What monstrous120 species of language is this, which, in announcing that certain authors hold a detestable opinion, is at the same time giving a decision in favour of that opinion — which solemnly teaches whatever it simply tells! We have learnt, fathers, to understand this peculiar121 dialect of the Jesuitical school; and it is astonishing that you have the hardihood to speak it out so freely, for it betrays your sentiments somewhat too broadly. It convicts you of permitting murder for a buffet, as often as you repeat that many celebrated authors have maintained that opinion.
This charge, fathers, you will never be able to repel122; nor will you be much helped out by those passages from Vasquez and Suarez that you adduce against me, in which they condemn the murders which their associates have approved. These testimonies123, disjoined from the rest of your doctrine, may hoodwink those who know little about it; but we, who know better, put your principles and maxims together. You say, then, that Vasquez condemns murders; but what say you on the other side of the question, my reverend fathers? Why, “that the probability of one sentiment does not hinder the probability of the opposite sentiment; and that it is warrantable to follow the less probable and less safe opinion, giving up the more probable and more safe one.” What follows from all this taken in connection, but that we have perfect freedom of conscience to adopt any one of these conflicting judgements which pleases us best? And what becomes of all the effect which you fondly anticipate from your quotations? It evaporates in smoke, for we have no more to do than to conjoin for your condemnation the maxims which you have disjoined for your exculpation124. Why, then, produce those passages of your authors which I have not quoted, to qualify those which I have quoted, as if the one could excuse the other? What right does that give you to call me an “impostor”? Have I said that all your fathers are implicated125 in the same corruptions? Have I not, on the contrary, been at pains to show that your interest lay in having them of all different minds, in order to suit all your purposes? Do you wish to kill your man? — here is Lessius for you. Are you inclined to spare him? — here is Vasquez. Nobody need go away in ill humour — nobody without the authority of a grave doctor. Lessius will talk to you like a Heathen on homicide, and like a Christian117, it may be, on charity. Vasquez, again, will descant126 like a Heathen on charity, and like a Christian on homicide. But by means of probabilism, which is held both by Vasquez and Lessius, and which renders all your opinions common property, they will lend their opinions to one another, and each will be held bound to absolve127 those who have acted according to opinions which each of them has condemned. It is this very variety, then, that confounds you. Uniformity, even in evil, would be better than this. Nothing is more contrary to the orders of St. Ignatius and the first generals of your Society than this confused medley128 of all sorts of opinions, good and bad. I may, perhaps, enter on this topic at some future period; and it will astonish many to see how far you have degenerated129 from the original spirit of your institution, and that your own generals have foreseen that the corruption5 of your doctrine on morals might prove fatal, not only to your Society, but to the Church universal.
Meanwhile, I repeat that you can derive130 no advantage from the doctrine of Vasquez. It would be strange, indeed, if, out of all the that have written on morals, one or two could not be found who may have hit upon a truth which has been confessed by all Christians. There is no glory in maintaining the truth, according to the Gospel, that it is unlawful to kill a man for smiting131 us on the face; but it is foul132 shame to deny it. So far, indeed, from justifying133 you, nothing tells more fatally against you than the fact that, having doctors among you who have told you the truth, you abide134 not in the truth, but love the darkness rather than the light. You have been taught by Vasquez that it is a Heathen, and not a Christian, opinion to hold that we may knock down a man for a blow on the cheek; and that it is subversive135 both of the Gospel and of the Decalogue to say that we may kill for such a matter. The most profligate136 of men will acknowledge as much. And yet you have allowed Lessius, Escobar, and others, to decide, in the face of these well-known truths, and in spite of all the laws of God against manslaughter, that it is quite allowable to kill a man for a buffet!
What purpose, then, can it serve to set this passage of Vasquez over against the sentiment of Lessius, unless you mean to show that, in the opinion of Vasquez, Lessius is a “Heathen” and a “profligate”? and that, fathers, is more than I durst have said myself. What else can be deduced from it than that Lessius “subverts both the Gospel and the Decalogue”; that, at the last day, Vasquez will condemn Lessius on this point, as Lessius will condemn Vasquez on another; and that all your fathers will rise up in judgement one against another, mutually condemning each other for their sad outrages137 on the law of Jesus Christ?
To this conclusion, then, reverend fathers, must we come at length, that, as your probabilism renders the good opinions of some of your authors useless to the Church, and useful only to your policy, they merely serve to betray, by their contrariety, the duplicity of your hearts. This you have completely unfolded, by telling us, on the one hand, that Vasquez and Suarez are against homicide, and on the other hand, that many celebrated authors are for homicide; thus presenting two roads to our choice and destroying the simplicity138 of the Spirit of God, who denounces his anathema139 on the deceitful and the double-hearted: “Voe duplici corde, et ingredienti duabus viis! — Woe140 be to the double hearts, and the sinner that goeth two ways!”
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imposture
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| n.冒名顶替，欺骗 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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vindicate
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| v.为…辩护或辩解，辩明；证明…正确 | |
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quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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corruption
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| n.腐败，堕落，贪污 | |
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corruptions
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| n.堕落( corruption的名词复数 )；腐化；腐败；贿赂 | |
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aberrations
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| n.偏差( aberration的名词复数 )；差错；脱离常规；心理失常 | |
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dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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12
condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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13
shun
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| vt.避开，回避，避免 | |
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14
buffet
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| n.自助餐；饮食柜台；餐台 | |
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15
avenge
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| v.为...复仇，为...报仇 | |
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16
retrieve
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| vt.重新得到，收回；挽回，补救；检索 | |
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17
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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18
solely
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| adv.仅仅，唯一地 | |
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19
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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20
guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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21
condemns
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的第三人称单数 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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23
condemnation
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| n.谴责; 定罪 | |
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24
slanders
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| 诽谤，诋毁( slander的名词复数 ) | |
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25
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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26
shameful
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| adj.可耻的，不道德的 | |
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27
chuckle
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| vi.／n.轻声笑，咯咯笑 | |
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28
ascertained
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| v.弄清，确定，查明( ascertain的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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29
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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30
slanderer
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| 造谣中伤者 | |
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31
repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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32
condemning
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| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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33
foisting
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| 强迫接受，把…强加于( foist的现在分词 ) | |
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34
favourable
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| adj.赞成的，称赞的，有利的，良好的，顺利的 | |
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35
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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36
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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37
apprise
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| vt.通知，告知 | |
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38
affronts
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| n.（当众）侮辱，（故意）冒犯( affront的名词复数 )v.勇敢地面对( affront的第三人称单数 )；相遇 | |
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39
unreasonable
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| adj.不讲道理的，不合情理的，过度的 | |
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40
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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41
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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42
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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43
illustrate
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| v.举例说明，阐明；图解，加插图 | |
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44
bestowing
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| 砖窑中砖堆上层已烧透的砖 | |
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45
buffets
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| （火车站的）饮食柜台( buffet的名词复数 )； （火车的）餐车； 自助餐 | |
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46
permissible
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| adj.可允许的，许可的 | |
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47
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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48
avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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49
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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50
climax
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| n.顶点；高潮；v.(使)达到顶点 | |
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51
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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52
remonstrance
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| n抗议，抱怨 | |
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53
demolished
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| v.摧毁( demolish的过去式和过去分词 )；推翻；拆毁（尤指大建筑物）；吃光 | |
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54
speculative
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| adj.思索性的，暝想性的，推理的 | |
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55
ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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56
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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57
penance
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| n.（赎罪的）惩罪 | |
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58
usury
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| n.高利贷 | |
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59
bankruptcy
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| n.破产；无偿付能力 | |
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60
distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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61
apprehension
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| n.理解，领悟；逮捕，拘捕；忧虑 | |
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62
trampling
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| 踩( trample的现在分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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63
denomination
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| n.命名，取名，(度量衡、货币等的)单位 | |
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64
magistrate
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| n.地方行政官，地方法官，治安官 | |
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65
magistrates
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| 地方法官，治安官( magistrate的名词复数 ) | |
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66
virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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67
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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68
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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69
prohibition
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| n.禁止；禁令，禁律 | |
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70
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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71
contrived
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| adj.不自然的，做作的；虚构的 | |
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72
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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73
compilation
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| n.编译，编辑 | |
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74
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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75
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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76
uncommonly
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| adv. 稀罕(极，非常) | |
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77
beget
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| v.引起；产生 | |
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78
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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79
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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80
effrontery
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| n.厚颜无耻 | |
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81
slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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82
clam
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| n.蛤，蛤肉 | |
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83
censured
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| v.指责，非难，谴责( censure的过去式 ) | |
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84
monk
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| n.和尚，僧侣，修道士 | |
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85
assails
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| v.攻击( assail的第三人称单数 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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86
canonical
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| n.权威的；典型的 | |
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87
retract
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| vt.缩回，撤回收回，取消 | |
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88
pending
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| prep.直到，等待…期间；adj.待定的；迫近的 | |
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89
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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90
accrue
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| v.(利息等)增大，增多 | |
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91
subverted
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| v.颠覆，破坏（政治制度、宗教信仰等）( subvert的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某人）道德败坏或不忠 | |
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92
commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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93
concession
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| n.让步，妥协；特许(权) | |
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94
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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95
evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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96
allege
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| vt.宣称，申述，主张，断言 | |
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97
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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98
scrutinize
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| n.详细检查，细读 | |
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99
annihilate
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| v.使无效；毁灭；取消 | |
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100
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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101
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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102
trampled
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| 踩( trample的过去式和过去分词 )； 践踏； 无视； 侵犯 | |
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103
atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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104
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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105
dread
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| vt.担忧，忧虑；惧怕，不敢；n.担忧，畏惧 | |
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106
banter
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| n.嘲弄，戏谑；v.取笑，逗弄，开玩笑 | |
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107
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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108
subversion
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| n.颠覆，破坏 | |
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109
craftily
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| 狡猾地，狡诈地 | |
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110
eluded
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| v.（尤指机敏地）避开( elude的过去式和过去分词 )；逃避；躲避；使达不到 | |
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111
scatter
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| vt.撒，驱散，散开；散布/播；vi.分散，消散 | |
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112
positively
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| adv.明确地，断然，坚决地；实在，确实 | |
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113
elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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114
celebrated
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| adj.有名的，声誉卓著的 | |
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115
dagger
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| n.匕首，短剑，剑号 | |
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116
Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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117
Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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118
plunging
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| adj.跳进的，突进的v.颠簸( plunge的现在分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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119
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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120
monstrous
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| adj.巨大的；恐怖的；可耻的，丢脸的 | |
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121
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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122
repel
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| v.击退，抵制，拒绝，排斥 | |
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123
testimonies
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| （法庭上证人的）证词( testimony的名词复数 )； 证明，证据 | |
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124
exculpation
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| n.使无罪，辩解 | |
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125
implicated
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| adj.密切关联的；牵涉其中的 | |
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126
descant
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| v.详论，絮说；n.高音部 | |
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127
absolve
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| v.赦免，解除（责任等） | |
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128
medley
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| n.混合 | |
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129
degenerated
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| 衰退，堕落，退化( degenerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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130
derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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131
smiting
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| v.猛打，重击，打击( smite的现在分词 ) | |
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132
foul
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| adj.污秽的；邪恶的；v.弄脏；妨害；犯规；n.犯规 | |
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133
justifying
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| 证明…有理( justify的现在分词 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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134
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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135
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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136
profligate
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| adj.行为不检的；n.放荡的人，浪子，肆意挥霍者 | |
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137
outrages
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| 引起…的义愤，激怒( outrage的第三人称单数 ) | |
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138
simplicity
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| n.简单，简易；朴素；直率，单纯 | |
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139
anathema
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| n.诅咒；被诅咒的人(物)，十分讨厌的人(物) | |
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140
woe
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| n.悲哀，苦痛，不幸，困难；int.用来表达悲伤或惊慌 | |
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