As I have shown, I was unfortunately as much in command of the campaign as I pleased, and was untrained. In military theory I was tolerably read, my Oxford6 curiosity having taken me past Napoleon to Clausewitz and his school, to Caemmerer and Moltke, and the recent Frenchmen. They had all seemed to be one-sided; and after looking at Jomini and Willisen, I had found broader principles in Saxe and Guibert and the eighteenth century. However, Clausewitz was intellectually so much the master of them, and his book so logical and fascinating, that unconsciously I accepted his finality, until a comparison of Kuhne and Foch disgusted me with soldiers, wearied me of their officious glory, making me critical of all their light. In any case, my interest had been abstract, concerned with the theory and philosophy of warfare7 especially from the metaphysical side.
Now, in the field everything had been concrete, particularly the tiresome8 problem of Medina; and to distract myself from that I began to recall suitable maxims10 on the conduct of modern, scientific war. But they would not fit, and it worried me. Hitherto, Medina had been an obsession11 for us all; but now that I was ill, its image was not clear, whether it was that we were near to it (one seldom liked the attainable), or whether it was that my eyes were misty12 with too constant staring at the butt13. One afternoon I woke from a hot sleep, running with sweat and pricking14 with flies, and wondered what on earth was the good of Medina to us? Its harmfulness had been patent when we were at Yenbo and the Turks in it were going to Mecca: but we had changed all that by our march to Wejh. To-day we were blockading the railway, and they only defending it. The garrison15 of Medina, reduced to an inoffensive size, were sitting in trenches16 destroying their own power of movement by eating the transport they could no longer feed. We had taken away their power to harm us, and yet wanted to take away their town. It was not a base for us like Wejh, nor a threat like Wadi Ais. What on earth did we want it for?
The camp was bestirring itself after the torpor18 of the midday hours; and noises from the world outside began to filter in to me past the yellow lining19 of the tent-canvas, whose every hole and tear was stabbed through by a long dagger20 of sunlight. I heard the stamping and snorting of the horses plagued with flies where they stood in the shadow of the trees, the complaint of camels, the ringing of coffee mortars21, distant shots. To their burden I began to drum out the aim in war. The books gave it pat — the destruction of the armed forces of the enemy by the one process-battle. Victory could he purchased only by blood. This was a hard saying for us. As the Arabs had no organized forces, a Turkish Foch would have no aim? The Arabs would not endure casualties. How would our Clausewitz buy his victory? Von der Goltz had seemed to go deeper, saying it was necessary not to annihilate22 the enemy, but to break his courage. Only we showed no prospect23 of ever breaking anybody’s courage.
However, Goltz was a humbug24, and these wise men must be talking metaphors25; for we were indubitably winning our war; and as I pondered slowly, it dawned on me that we had won the Hejaz war. Out of every thousand square miles of Hejaz nine hundred and ninety-nine were now free. Did my provoked jape at Vickery, that rebellion was more like peace than like war, hold as much truth as haste? Perhaps in war the absolute did rule, but for peace a majority was good enough. If we held the rest, the Turks were welcome to the tiny fraction on which they stood, till peace or Doomsday showed them the futility26 of clinging to our window-pane.
I brushed off the same flies once more from my face patiently, content to know that the Hejaz War was won and finished with: won from the day we took Wejh, if we had had wit to see it. Then I broke the thread of my argument again to listen. The distant shots had grown and tied themselves into long, ragged27 volleys. They ceased. I strained my ears for the other sounds which I knew would follow. Sure enough across the silence came a rustle28 like the dragging of a skirt over the flints, around the thin walls of my tent. A pause, while the camel-riders drew up: and then the soggy tapping of canes30 on the thick of the beasts’ necks to make them kneel.
They knelt without noise: and I timed it in my memory: first the hesitation31, as the camels, looking down, felt the soil with one foot for a soft place; then the muffled32 thud and the sudden loosening of breath as they dropped on their fore-legs, since this party had come far and were tired; then the shuffle33 as the hind34 legs were folded in, and the rocking as they tossed from side to side thrusting outward with their knees to bury them in the cooler subsoil below the burning flints, while the riders, with a quick soft patter of bare feet, like birds over the ground, were led off tacitly either to the coffee hearth35 or to Abdulla’s tent, according to their business. The camels would rest there, uneasily switching their tails across the shingle36 till their masters were free and looked to their stabling.
I had made a comfortable beginning of doctrine37, but was left still to find an alternative end and means of war. Ours seemed unlike the ritual of which Foch was priest; and I recalled him, to see a difference in land between him and us. In his modern war — absolute war he called it — two nations professing38 incompatible39 philosophies put them to the test of force. Philosophically41, it was idiotic42, for while opinions were arguable, convictons needed shooting to be cured; and the struggle could end only when the supporters of the one immaterial principle had no more means of resistance against the supporters of the other. It sounded like a twentieth-century restatement of the wars of religion, whose logical end was utter destruction of one creed43, and whose protagonists44 believed that God’s judgement would prevail. This might do for France and Germany, but would not represent the British attitude. Our Army was not intelligently maintaining a philosophic40 conception in Flanders or on the Canal. Efforts to make our men hate the enemy usually made them hate the fighting. Indeed Foch had knocked out his own argument by saying that such war depended on levy45 in mass, and was impossible with professional armies; while the old army was still the British ideal, and its manner the ambition of our ranks and our files. To me the Foch war seemed only an exterminative variety, no more absolute than another. One could as explicably call it ‘murder war’. Clausewitz enumerated46 all sorts of war . . . personal wars, joint-proxy duels47, for dynastic reasons . . . expulsive wars, in party politics . . . commercial wars, for trade objects . . . two wars seemed seldom alike. Often the parties did not know their aim, and blundered till the march of events took control. Victory in general habit leaned to the clear-sighted, though fortune and superior intelligence could make a sad muddle48 of nature’s ‘inexorable’ law.
I wondered why Feisal wanted to fight the Turks, and why the Arabs helped him, and saw that their aim was geographical49, to extrude50 the Turk from all Arabic-speaking lands in Asia. Their peace ideal of liberty could exercise itself only so. In pursuit of the ideal conditions we might kill Turks, because we disliked them very much; but the killing51 was a pure luxury. If they would go quietly the war would end. If not, we would urge them, or try to drive them out. In the last resort, we should be compelled to the desperate course of blood and the maxims of ‘murder war’, but as cheaply as could be for ourselves, since the Arabs fought for freedom, and that was a pleasure to be tasted only by a man alive. Posterity52 was a chilly53 thing to work for, no matter how much a man happened to love his own, or other people’s already-produced children.
At this point a slave slapped my tent-door, and asked if the Emir might call. So I struggled into more clothes, and crawled over to his great tent to sound the depth of motive54 in him. It was a comfortable place, luxuriously55 shaded and carpeted deep in strident rugs, the aniline-dyed spoils of Hussein Mabeirig’s house in Rabegh. Abdulla passed most of his day in it, laughing with his friends, and playing games with Mohammed Hassan, the court jester. I set the ball of conversation rolling between him and Shakir and the chance sheikhs, among whom was the fire-hearted Ferhan el Aida, the son of Doughty’s Motlog; and I was rewarded, for Abdulla’s words were definite. He contrasted his hearers’ present independence with their past servitude to Turkey, and roundly said that talk of Turkish heresy56, or the immoral57 doctrine of Yeni-turan, or the illegitimate Caliphate was beside the point. It was Arab country, and the Turks were in it: that was the one issue. My argument preened58 itself.
The next day a great complication of boils developed out, to conceal59 my lessened60 fever, and to chain me down yet longer in impotence upon my face in this stinking61 tent. When it grew too hot for dreamless dozing62, I picked up my tangle again, and went on ravelling it out, considering now the whole house of war in its structural63 aspect, which was strategy, in its arrangements, which were tactics, and in the sentiment of its inhabitants, which was psychology64; for my personal duty was command, and the commander, like the master architect, was responsible for all.
The first confusion was the false antithesis65 between strategy, the aim in war, the synoptic regard seeing each part relative to the whole, and tactics, the means towards a strategic end, the particular steps of its staircase. They seemed only points of view from which to ponder the elements of war, the Algebraical element of things, a Biological element of lives, and the Psychological element of ideas.
The algebraical element looked to me a pure science, subject to mathematical law, inhuman66. It dealt with known variables, fixed67 conditions, space and time, inorganic68 things like hills and climates and railways, with mankind in type-masses too great for individual variety, with all artificial aids and the extensions given our faculties69 by mechanical invention. It was essentially70 formulable.
Here was a pompous71, professorial beginning. My wits, hostile to the abstract, took refuge in Arabia again. Translated into Arabic, the algebraic factor would first take practical account of the area we wished to deliver, and I began idly to calculate how many square miles: sixty: eighty: one hundred: perhaps one hundred and forty thousand square miles. And how would the Turks defend all that? No doubt by a trench17 line across the bottom, if we came like an army with banners; but suppose we were (as we might be) an influence, an idea, a thing intangible, invulnerable, without front or back, drifting about like a gas? Armies were like plants, immobile, firm-rooted, nourished through long stems to the head. We might be a vapour, blowing where we listed. Our kingdoms lay in each man’s mind; and as we wanted nothing material to live on, so we might offer nothing material to the killing. It seemed a regular soldier might be helpless without a target, owning only what he sat on, and subjugating73 only what, by order, he could poke74 his rifle at.
Then I figured out how many men they would need to sit on all this ground, to save it from our attack-in-depth, sedition75 putting up her head in every unoccupied one of those hundred thousand square miles. I knew the Turkish Army exactly, and even allowing for their recent extension of faculty76 by aeroplanes and guns and armoured trains (which made the earth a smaller battlefield) still it seemed they would have need of a fortified77 post every four square miles, and a post could not be less than twenty men. If so, they would need six hundred thousand men to meet the ill-wills of all the Arab peoples, combined with the active hostility78 of a few zealots.
How many zealots could we have? At present we had nearly fifty thousand: sufficient for the day. It seemed the assets in this element of war were ours. If we realized our raw materials and were apt with them, then climate, railway, desert, and technical weapons could also be attached to our interests. The Turks were stupid; the Germans behind them dogmatical. They would believe that rebellion was absolute like war, and deal with it on the analogy of war. Analogy in human things was fudge, anyhow; and war upon rebellion was messy and slow, like eating soup with a knife.
This was enough of the concrete; so I sheered off επιστημη, the mathematical element, and plunged79 into the nature of the biological factor in command. Its crisis seemed to be the breaking point, life and death, or less finally, wear and tear. The war-philosophers had properly made an art of it, and had elevated one item, ‘effusion of blood’, to the height of an essential, which became humanity in battle, an act touching80 every side of our corporal being, and very warm. A line of variability, Man, persisted like leaven81 through its estimates, making them irregular. The components82 were sensitive and illogical, and generals guarded themselves by the device of a reserve, the significant medium of their art. Goltz had said that if you knew the enemy’s strength, and he was fully83 deployed84, then you could dispense85 with a reserve: but this was never. The possibility of accident, of some flaw in materials was always in the general’s mind, and the reserve unconsciously held to meet it.
The ‘felt’ element in troops, not expressible in figures, had to be guessed at by the equivalent of Plato’s (greek?), and the greatest commander of men was he whose intuitions most nearly happened. Nine-tenths of tactics were certain enough to be teachable in schools; but the irrational86 tenth was like the kingfisher flashing across the pool, and in it lay the test of generals. It could be ensued only by instinct (sharpened by thought practising the stroke) until at the crisis it came naturally, a reflex. There had been men whose δοξα so nearly approached perfection that by its road they reached the certainty of επιστημη. The Greeks might have called such genius for command νοησι?; had they bothered to rationalize revolt.
My mind seesawed87 back to apply this to ourselves, and at once knew that it was not bounded by mankind, that it applied88 also to materials. In Turkey things were scarce and precious, men less esteemed89 than equipment. Our cue was to destroy, not the Turk’s army, but his minerals. The death of a Turkish bridge or rail, machine or gun or charge of high explosive, was more profitable to us than the death of a Turk. In the Arab Army at the moment we were chary90 both of materials and of men. Governments saw men only in mass; but our men, being irregulars, were not formations, but individuals. An individual death, like a pebble91 dropped in water, might make but a brief hole; yet rings of sorrow widened out therefrom. We could not afford casualties.
Materials were easier to replace. It was our obvious policy to be superior in some one tangible72 branch; gun-cotton or machine-guns or whatever could be made decisive. Orthodoxy had laid down the maxim9, applied to men, of being superior at the critical point and moment of attack. We might be superior in equipment in one dominant92 moment or respect; and for both things and men we might give the doctrine a twisted negative side, for cheapness’ sake, and be weaker than the enemy everywhere except in that one point or matter. The decision of what was critical would always be ours. Most wars were wars of contact, both forces striving into touch to avoid tactical surprise. Ours should be a war of detachment. We were to contain the enemy by the silent threat of a vast unknown desert, not disclosing ourselves till we attacked. The attack might be nominal93, directed not against him, but against his stuff; so it would not seek either his strength or his weakness, but his most accessible material. In railway-cutting it would be usually an empty stretch of rail; and the more empty, the greater the tactical success. We might turn our average into a rule (not a law, since war was antinomian) and develop a habit of never engaging the enemy. This would chime with the numerical plea for never affording a target. Many Turks on our front had no chance all the war to fire on us, and we were never on the defensive94 except by accident and in error.
The corollary of such a rule was perfect ‘intelligence’, so that we could plan in certainty. The chief agent must be the general’s head; and his understanding must be faultless, leaving no room for chance. Morale95, if built on knowledge, was broken by ignorance. When we knew all about the enemy we should be comfortable. We must take more pains in the service of news than any regular staff.
I was getting through my subject. The algebraical factor had been translated into terms of Arabia, and fitted like a glove. It promised victory. The biological factor had dictated96 to us a development of the tactical line most in accord with the genius of our tribesmen. There remained the psychological element to build up into an apt shape. I went to Xenophon and stole, to name it, his word diathetics, which had been the art of Cyrus before he struck.
Of this our ‘propaganda’ was the stained and ignoble97 offspring. It was the pathic, almost the ethical98, in war. Some of it concerned the crowd, an adjustment of its spirit to the point where it became useful to exploit in action, and the pre-direction of this changing spirit to a certain end. Some of it concerned the individual, and then it became a rare art of human kindness, transcending99, by purposed emotion, the gradual logical sequence of the mind. It was more subtle than tactics, and better worth doing, because it dealt with uncontrollables, with subjects incapable100 of direct command. It considered the capacity for mood of our men, their complexities101 and mutability, and the cultivation102 of whatever in them promised to profit our intention. We had to arrange their minds in order of battle just as carefully and as formally as other officers would arrange their bodies. And not only our own men’s minds, though naturally they came first. We must also arrange the minds of the enemy, so far as we could reach them; then those other minds of the nation supporting us behind the firing line, since more than half the battle passed there in the back; then the minds of the enemy nation waiting the verdict; and of the neutrals looking on; circle beyond circle.
There were many humiliating material limits, but no moral impossibilities; so that the scope of our diathetical activities was unbounded. On it we should mainly depend for the means of victory on the Arab front: and the novelty of it was our advantage. The printing press, and each newly-discovered method of communication favoured the intellectual above the physical, civilization paying the mind always from the body’s funds. We kindergarten soldiers were beginning our art of war in the atmosphere of the twentieth century, receiving our weapons without prejudice. To the regular officer, with the tradition of forty generations of service behind him, the antique arms were the most honoured. As we had seldom to concern ourselves with what our men did, but always with what they thought, the diathetic for us would be more than half the command. In Europe it was set a little aside, and entrusted103 to men outside the General Staff. In Asia the regular elements were so weak that irregulars could not let the metaphysical weapon rust29 unused.
Battles in Arabia were a mistake, since we profited in them only by the ammunition104 the enemy fired off. Napoleon had said it was rare to find generals willing to fight battles; but the curse of this war was that so few would do anything else. Saxe had told us that irrational battles were the refuges of fools: rather they seemed to me impositions on the side which believed itself weaker, hazards made unavoidable either by lack of land room or by the need to defend a material property dearer than the lives of soldiers. We had nothing material to lose, so our best line was to defend nothing and to shoot nothing. Our cards were speed and time, not hitting power. The invention of bully105 beef had profited us more than the invention of gunpowder106, but gave us strategical rather than tactical strength, since in Arabia range was more than force, space greater than the power of armies.
I had now been eight days lying in this remote tent, keeping my ideas general, till my brain, sick of unsupported thinking, had to be dragged to its work by an effort of will, and went off into a doze107 whenever that effort was relaxed. The fever passed: my dysentery ceased; and with restored strength the present again became actual to me. Facts concrete and pertinent108 thrust themselves into my reveries; and my inconstant wit bore aside towards all these roads of escape. So I hurried into line my shadowy principles, to have them once precise before my power to evoke109 them faded.
It seemed to me proven that our rebellion had an unassailable base, guarded not only from attack, but from the fear of attack. It had a sophisticated alien enemy, disposed as an army of occupation in an area greater than could be dominated effectively from fortified posts. It had a friendly population, of which some two in the hundred were active, and the rest quietly sympathetic to the point of not betraying the movements of the minority. The active rebels had the virtues110 of secrecy111 and self-control, and the qualities of speed, endurance and independence of arteries112 of supply. They had technical equipment enough to paralyse the enemy’s communications. A province would be won when we had taught the civilians113 in it to die for our ideal of freedom. The presence of the enemy was secondary. Final victory seemed certain, if the war lasted long enough for us to work it out.
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consecutively
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| adv.连续地 | |
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formulating
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| v.构想出( formulate的现在分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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bleaching
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| 漂白法，漂白 | |
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intervals
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| n.[军事]间隔( interval的名词复数 )；间隔时间；[数学]区间；（戏剧、电影或音乐会的）幕间休息 | |
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tangle
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| n.纠缠；缠结；混乱；v.(使)缠绕；变乱 | |
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Oxford
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| n.牛津（英国城市） | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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tiresome
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| adj.令人疲劳的，令人厌倦的 | |
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maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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maxims
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| n.格言，座右铭( maxim的名词复数 ) | |
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obsession
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| n.困扰，无法摆脱的思想(或情感) | |
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misty
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butt
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| n.笑柄；烟蒂；枪托；臀部；v.用头撞或顶 | |
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pricking
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| 刺，刺痕，刺痛感 | |
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garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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trenches
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trench
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| n./v.(挖)沟，(挖)战壕 | |
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torpor
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| n.迟钝；麻木；（动物的）冬眠 | |
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lining
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dagger
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mortars
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annihilate
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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humbug
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| n.花招，谎话，欺骗 | |
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metaphors
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futility
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ragged
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| adj.衣衫褴褛的，粗糙的，刺耳的 | |
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rustle
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rust
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| n.锈；v.生锈；(脑子)衰退 | |
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canes
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| n.（某些植物，如竹或甘蔗的）茎( cane的名词复数 )；（用于制作家具等的）竹竿；竹杖 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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muffled
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| adj.（声音）被隔的；听不太清的；（衣服）裹严的；蒙住的v.压抑，捂住( muffle的过去式和过去分词 )；用厚厚的衣帽包着（自己） | |
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shuffle
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| n.拖著脚走，洗纸牌；v.拖曳，慢吞吞地走 | |
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hind
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hearth
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shingle
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| n.木瓦板；小招牌(尤指医生或律师挂的营业招牌)；v.用木瓦板盖（屋顶）；把（女子头发）剪短 | |
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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incompatible
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| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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philosophic
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| adj.哲学的，贤明的 | |
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philosophically
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| adv.哲学上；富有哲理性地；贤明地；冷静地 | |
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idiotic
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| adj.白痴的 | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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protagonists
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| n.（戏剧的）主角( protagonist的名词复数 )；（故事的）主人公；现实事件（尤指冲突和争端的）主要参与者；领导者 | |
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levy
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| n.征收税或其他款项，征收额 | |
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enumerated
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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muddle
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| n.困惑，混浊状态；vt.使混乱，使糊涂，使惊呆；vi.胡乱应付，混乱 | |
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geographical
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| adj.地理的；地区(性)的 | |
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50
extrude
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| v.挤出；逐出 | |
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51
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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chilly
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| adj.凉快的，寒冷的 | |
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motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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luxuriously
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| adv.奢侈地，豪华地 | |
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heresy
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| n.异端邪说；异教 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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preened
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| v.（鸟）用嘴整理（羽毛）( preen的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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lessened
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| 减少的，减弱的 | |
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61
stinking
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| adj.臭的，烂醉的，讨厌的v.散发出恶臭( stink的现在分词 )；发臭味；名声臭；糟透 | |
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62
dozing
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| v.打瞌睡,假寐 n.瞌睡 | |
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63
structural
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| adj.构造的，组织的，建筑（用）的 | |
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psychology
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| n.心理，心理学，心理状态 | |
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antithesis
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| n.对立；相对 | |
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inhuman
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| adj.残忍的，不人道的，无人性的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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inorganic
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| adj.无生物的；无机的 | |
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faculties
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| n.能力( faculty的名词复数 )；全体教职员；技巧；院 | |
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essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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pompous
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| adj.傲慢的，自大的；夸大的；豪华的 | |
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tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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subjugating
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| v.征服，降伏( subjugate的现在分词 ) | |
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poke
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| n.刺，戳，袋；vt.拨开，刺，戳；vi.戳，刺，捅，搜索，伸出，行动散慢 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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76
faculty
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| n.才能；学院，系；(学院或系的)全体教学人员 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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plunged
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| v.颠簸( plunge的过去式和过去分词 )；暴跌；骤降；突降 | |
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touching
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| adj.动人的，使人感伤的 | |
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leaven
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| v.使发酵；n.酵母；影响 | |
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components
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| （机器、设备等的）构成要素，零件，成分； 成分( component的名词复数 )； [物理化学]组分； [数学]分量； （混合物的）组成部分 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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deployed
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| （尤指军事行动）使展开( deploy的过去式和过去分词 )； 施展； 部署； 有效地利用 | |
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dispense
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| vt.分配，分发；配(药)，发(药)；实施 | |
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irrational
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| adj.无理性的，失去理性的 | |
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seesawed
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| v.使上下（来回）摇动( seesaw的过去式和过去分词 )；玩跷跷板，上下（来回）摇动 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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esteemed
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| adj.受人尊敬的v.尊敬( esteem的过去式和过去分词 )；敬重；认为；以为 | |
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chary
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| adj.谨慎的，细心的 | |
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pebble
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| n.卵石，小圆石 | |
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dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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nominal
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| adj.名义上的；(金额、租金)微不足道的 | |
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defensive
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| adj.防御的；防卫的；防守的 | |
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morale
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| n.道德准则，士气，斗志 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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ignoble
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| adj.不光彩的，卑鄙的；可耻的 | |
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ethical
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| adj.伦理的，道德的，合乎道德的 | |
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99
transcending
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| 超出或超越（经验、信念、描写能力等）的范围( transcend的现在分词 )； 优于或胜过… | |
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100
incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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101
complexities
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| 复杂性(complexity的名词复数)； 复杂的事物 | |
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102
cultivation
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| n.耕作，培养，栽培（法），养成 | |
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103
entrusted
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| v.委托，托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
ammunition
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| n.军火，弹药 | |
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105
bully
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| n.恃强欺弱者，小流氓；vt.威胁，欺侮 | |
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106
gunpowder
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| n.火药 | |
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107
doze
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| v.打瞌睡；n.打盹，假寐 | |
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108
pertinent
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| adj.恰当的；贴切的；中肯的；有关的；相干的 | |
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109
evoke
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| vt.唤起，引起，使人想起 | |
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110
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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111
secrecy
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| n.秘密，保密，隐蔽 | |
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112
arteries
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| n.动脉( artery的名词复数 )；干线，要道 | |
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113
civilians
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| 平民，百姓( civilian的名词复数 )； 老百姓 | |
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