On November 6, 1817, died the Princess Charlotte, only child of the Prince Regent, and heir to the crown of England. Her short life had hardly been a happy one. By nature impulsive1, capricious, and vehement2, she had always longed for liberty; and she had never possessed3 it. She had been brought up among violent family quarrels, had been early separated from her disreputable and eccentric mother, and handed over to the care of her disreputable and selfish father. When she was seventeen, he decided4 to marry her off to the Prince of Orange; she, at first, acquiesced5; but, suddenly falling in love with Prince Augustus of Prussia, she determined6 to break off the engagement. This was not her first love affair, for she had previously7 carried on a clandestine8 correspondence with a Captain Hess. Prince Augustus was already married, morganatically, but she did not know it, and he did not tell her. While she was spinning out the negotiations9 with the Prince of Orange, the allied10 sovereign — it was June, 1814 — arrived in London to celebrate their victory. Among them, in the suite11 of the Emperor of Russia, was the young and handsome Prince Leopold of Saxe–Coburg. He made several attempts to attract the notice of the Princess, but she, with her heart elsewhere, paid very little attention. Next month the Prince Regent, discovering that his daughter was having secret meetings with Prince Augustus, suddenly appeared upon the scene and, after dismissing her household, sentenced her to a strict seclusion12 in Windsor Park. “God Almighty13 grant me patience!” she exclaimed, falling on her knees in an agony of agitation14: then she jumped up, ran down the backstairs and out into the street, hailed a passing cab, and drove to her mother’s house in Bayswater. She was discovered, pursued, and at length, yielding to the persuasions15 of her uncles, the Dukes of York and Sussex, of Brougham, and of the Bishop16 of Salisbury, she returned to Carlton House at two o’clock in the morning. She was immured17 at Windsor, but no more was heard of the Prince of Orange. Prince Augustus, too, disappeared. The way was at last open to Prince Leopold of Saxe–Coburg.
This Prince was clever enough to get round the Regent, to impress the Ministers, and to make friends with another of the Princess’s uncles, the Duke of Kent. Through the Duke he was able to communicate privately18 with the Princess, who now declared that he was necessary to her happiness. When, after Waterloo, he was in Paris, the Duke’s aide-de-camp carried letters backwards19 and forwards across the Channel. In January 1816 he was invited to England, and in May the marriage took place.
The character of Prince Leopold contrasted strangely with that of his wife. The younger son of a German princeling, he was at this time twenty-six years of age; he had served with distinction in the war against Napoleon; he had shown considerable diplomatic skill at the Congress of Vienna; and he was now to try his hand at the task of taming a tumultuous Princess. Cold and formal in manner, collected in speech, careful in action, he soon dominated the wild, impetuous, generous creature by his side. There was much in her, he found, of which he could not approve. She quizzed, she stamped, she roared with laughter; she had very little of that self-command which is especially required of princes; her manners were abominable20. Of the latter he was a good judge, having moved, as he himself explained to his niece many years later, in the best society of Europe, being in fact “what is called in French de la fleur des pois.” There was continual friction21, but every scene ended in the same way. Standing22 before him like a rebellious23 boy in petticoats, her body pushed forward, her hands behind her back, with flaming cheeks and sparkling eyes, she would declare at last that she was ready to do whatever he wanted. “If you wish it, I will do it,” she would say. “I want nothing for myself,” he invariably answered; “When I press something on you, it is from a conviction that it is for your interest and for your good.”
Among the members of the household at Claremont, near Esher, where the royal pair were established, was a young German physician, Christian24 Friedrich Stockmar. He was the son of a minor25 magistrate26 in Coburg, and, after taking part as a medical officer in the war, he had settled down as a doctor in his native town. Here he had met Prince Leopold, who had been struck by his ability, and, on his marriage, brought him to England as his personal physician. A curious fate awaited this young man; many were the gifts which the future held in store for him — many and various — influence, power, mystery, unhappiness, a broken heart. At Claremont his position was a very humble27 one; but the Princess took a fancy to him, called him “Stocky,” and romped28 with him along the corridors. Dyspeptic by constitution, melancholic29 by temperament30, he could yet be lively on occasion, and was known as a wit in Coburg. He was virtuous31, too, and served the royal menage with approbation32. “My master,” he wrote in his diary, “is the best of all husbands in all the five quarters of the globe; and his wife bears him an amount of love, the greatness of which can only be compared with the English national debt.” Before long he gave proof of another quality — a quality which was to colour the whole of his life-cautious sagacity. When, in the spring of 1817, it was known that the Princess was expecting a child, the post of one of her physicians-in-ordinary was offered to him, and he had the good sense to refuse it. He perceived that his colleagues would be jealous of him, that his advice would probably not be taken, but that, if anything were to go wrong, it would be certainly the foreign doctor who would be blamed. Very soon, indeed, he came to the opinion that the low diet and constant bleedings, to which the unfortunate Princess was subjected, were an error; he drew the Prince aside, and begged him to communicate this opinion to the English doctors; but it was useless. The fashionable lowering treatment was continued for months. On November 5, at nine o’clock in the evening, after a labour of over fifty hours, the Princess was delivered of a dead boy. At midnight her exhausted33 strength gave way. When, at last, Stockmar consented to see her; he went in, and found her obviously dying, while the doctors were plying34 her with wine. She seized his hand and pressed it. “They have made me tipsy,” she said. After a little he left her, and was already in the next room when he heard her call out in her loud voice: “Stocky! Stocky!” As he ran back the death-rattle was in her throat. She tossed herself violently from side to side; then suddenly drew up her legs, and it was over.
The Prince, after hours of watching, had left the room for a few moments’ rest; and Stockmar had now to tell him that his wife was dead. At first he could not be made to realise what had happened. On their way to her room he sank down on a chair while Stockmar knelt beside him: it was all a dream; it was impossible. At last, by the bed, he, too, knelt down and kissed the cold hands. Then rising and exclaiming, “Now I am quite desolate35. Promise me never to leave me,” he threw himself into Stockmar’s arms.
ii
The tragedy at Claremont was of a most upsetting kind. The royal kaleidoscope had suddenly shifted, and nobody could tell how the new pattern would arrange itself. The succession to the throne, which had seemed so satisfactorily settled, now became a matter of urgent doubt.
George III was still living, an aged36 lunatic, at Windsor, completely impervious37 to the impressions of the outer world. Of his seven sons, the youngest was of more than middle age, and none had legitimate38 offspring. The outlook, therefore, was ambiguous. It seemed highly improbable that the Prince Regent, who had lately been obliged to abandon his stays, and presented a preposterous39 figure of debauched obesity40, could ever again, even on the supposition that he divorced his wife and re-married, become the father of a family. Besides the Duke of Kent, who must be noticed separately, the other brothers, in order of seniority, were the Dukes of York, Clarence, Cumberland, Sussex, and Cambridge; their situations and prospects41 require a brief description. The Duke of York, whose escapades in times past with Mrs. Clarke and the army had brought him into trouble, now divided his life between London and a large, extravagantly43 ordered and extremely uncomfortable country house where he occupied himself with racing44, whist, and improper45 stories. He was remarkable46 among the princes for one reason: he was the only one of them — so we are informed by a highly competent observer — who had the feelings of a gentleman. He had been long married to the Princess Royal of Prussia, a lady who rarely went to bed and was perpetually surrounded by vast numbers of dogs, parrots, and monkeys. They had no children. The Duke of Clarence had lived for many years in complete obscurity with Mrs. Jordan, the actress, in Bushey Park. By her he had had a large family of sons and daughters, and had appeared, in effect to be married to her, when he suddenly separated from her and offered to marry Miss Wykeham, a crazy woman of large fortune, who, however, would have nothing to say to him. Shortly afterwards Mrs. Jordan died in distressed47 circumstances in Paris. The Duke of Cumberland was probably the most unpopular man in England. Hideously48 ugly, with a distorted eye, he was bad-tempered49 and vindictive50 in private, a violent reactionary51 in politics, and was subsequently suspected of murdering his valet and of having carried on an amorous52 intrigue53 of an extremely scandalous kind. He had lately married a German Princess, but there were as yet no children by the marriage. The Duke of Sussex had mildly literary tastes and collected books. He had married Lady Augusta Murray, by whom he had two children, but the marriage, under the Royal Marriages Act, was declared void. On Lady Augusta’s death, he married Lady Cecilia Buggin; she changed her name to Underwood, but this marriage also was void. Of the Duke of Cambridge, the youngest of the brothers, not very much was known. He lived in Hanover, wore a blonde wig54, chattered55 and fidgeted a great deal, and was unmarried.
Besides his seven sons, George III had five surviving daughters. Of these, two — the Queen of Wurtemberg and the Duchess of Gloucester — were married and childless. The three unmarried princesses — Augusta, Elizabeth, and Sophia — were all over forty.
iii
The fourth son of George III was Edward, Duke of Kent. He was now fifty years of age — a tall, stout56, vigorous man, highly-coloured, with bushy eyebrows57, a bald top to his head, and what hair he had carefully dyed a glossy58 black. His dress was extremely neat, and in his whole appearance there was a rigidity59 which did not belie60 his character. He had spent his early life in the army — at Gibraltar, in Canada, in the West Indies — and, under the influence of military training, had become at first a disciplinarian and at last a martinet61. In 1802, having been sent to Gibraltar to restore order in a mutinous62 garrison63, he was recalled for undue64 severity, and his active career had come to an end. Since then he had spent his life regulating his domestic arrangements with great exactitude, busying himself with the affairs of his numerous dependents, designing clocks, and struggling to restore order to his finances, for, in spite of his being, as someone said who knew him well “regle comme du papier a musique,” and in spite of an income of L24,000 a year, he was hopelessly in debt. He had quarrelled with most of his brothers, particularly with the Prince Regent, and it was only natural that he should have joined the political Opposition65 and become a pillar of the Whigs.
What his political opinions may actually have been is open to doubt; it has often been asserted that he was a Liberal, or even a Radical66; and, if we are to believe Robert Owen, he was a necessitarian Socialist67. His relations with Owen — the shrewd, gullible68, high-minded, wrong-headed, illustrious and preposterous father of Socialism and Co-operation — were curious and characteristic. He talked of visiting the Mills at New Lanark, he did, in fact, preside at one of Owen’s public meetings; he corresponded with him on confidential69 terms, and he even (so Owen assures us) returned, after his death, from “the sphere of spirits” to give encouragement to the Owenites on earth. “In an especial manner,” says Owen, “I have to name the very anxious feelings of the spirit of his Royal Highness the Late Duke of Kent (who early informed me that there were no titles in the spititual spheres into which he had entered), to benefit, not a class, a sect70, a party, or any particular country, but the whole of the human race, through futurity.” “His whole spirit-proceeding with me has been most beautiful,” Owen adds, “making his own appointments; and never in one instance has this spirit not been punctual to the minute he had named.” But Owen was of a sanguine71 temperament. He also numbered among his proselytes President Jefferson, Prince Metternich, and Napoleon; so that some uncertainty72 must still linger over the Duke of Kent’s views. But there is no uncertainty about another circumstance: his Royal Highness borrowed from Robert Owen, on various occasions, various sums of money which were never repaid and amounted in all to several hundred pounds.
After the death of the Princess Charlotte it was clearly important, for more than one reason, that the Duke of Kent should marry. From the point of view of the nation, the lack of heirs in the reigning73 family seemed to make the step almost obligatory74; it was also likely to be highly expedient75 from the point of view of the Duke. To marry as a public duty, for the sake of the royal succession, would surely deserve some recognition from a grateful country. When the Duke of York had married he had received a settlement of L25,000 a year. Why should not the Duke of Kent look forward to an equal sum? But the situation was not quite simple. There was the Duke of Clarence to be considered; he was the elder brother, and, if HE married, would clearly have the prior claim. On the other hand, if the Duke of Kent married, it was important to remember that he would be making a serious sacrifice: a lady was involved.
The Duke, reflecting upon all these matters with careful attention, happened, about a month after his niece’s death, to visit Brussels, and learnt that Mr. Creevey was staying in the town. Mr. Creevey was a close friend of the leading Whigs and an inveterate76 gossip; and it occurred to the Duke that there could be no better channel through which to communicate his views upon the situation to political circles at home. Apparently77 it did not occur to him that Mr. Creevey was malicious78 and might keep a diary. He therefore sent for him on some trivial pretext79, and a remarkable conversation ensued.
After referring to the death of the Princess, to the improbability of the Regent’s seeking a divorce, to the childlessness of the Duke of York, and to the possibility of the Duke of Clarence marrying, the Duke adverted80 to his own position. “Should the Duke of Clarence not marry,” he said, “the next prince in succession is myself, and although I trust I shall be at all times ready to obey any call my country may make upon me, God only knows the sacrifice it will be to make, whenever I shall think it my duty to become a married man. It is now seven and twenty years that Madame St. Laurent and I have lived together: we are of the same age, and have been in all climates, and in all difficulties together, and you may well imagine, Mr. Creevey, the pang81 it will occasion me to part with her. I put it to your own feelings — in the event of any separation between you and Mrs. Creevey . . . As for Madame St. Laurent herself, I protest I don’t know what is to become of her if a marriage is to be forced upon me; her feelings are already so agitated82 upon the subject.” The Duke went on to describe how, one morning, a day or two after the Princess Charlotte’s death, a paragraph had appeared in the Morning Chronicle, alluding83 to the possibility of his marriage. He had received the newspaper at breakfast together with his letters, and “I did as is my constant practice, I threw the newspaper across the table to Madame St. Laurent, and began to open and read my letters. I had not done so but a very short time, when my attention was called to an extraordinary noise and a strong convulsive movement in Madame St. Laurent’s throat. For a short time I entertained serious apprehensions84 for her safety; and when, upon her recovery, I enquired85 into the occasion of this attack, she pointed86 to the article in the Morning Chronicle.”
The Duke then returned to the subject of the Duke of Clarence. “My brother the Duke of Clarence is the elder brother, and has certainly the right to marry if he chooses, and I would not interfere87 with him on any account. If he wishes to be king — to be married and have children, poor man — God help him! Let him do so. For myself — I am a man of no ambition, and wish only to remain as I am . . . Easter, you know, falls very early this year — the 22nd of March. If the Duke of Clarence does not take any step before that time, I must find some pretext to reconcile Madame St. Laurent to my going to England for a short time. When once there, it will be easy for me to consult with my friends as to the proper steps to be taken. Should the Duke of Clarence do nothing before that time as to marrying it will become my duty, no doubt, to take some measures upon the subject myself.” Two names, the Duke said, had been mentioned in this connection — those of the Princess of Baden and the Princess of Saxe–Coburg. The latter, he thought, would perhaps be the better of the two, from the circumstance of Prince Leopold being so popular with the nation; but before any other steps were taken, he hoped and expected to see justice done to Madame St. Laurent. “She is,” he explained, “of very good family, and has never been an actress, and I am the first and only person who ever lived with her. Her disinterestedness88, too, has been equal to her fidelity89. When she first came to me it was upon L100 a year. That sum was afterwards raised to L400 and finally to L1000; but when my debts made it necessary for me to sacrifice a great part of my income, Madame St. Laurent insisted upon again returning to her income of L400 a year. If Madame St. Laurent is to return to live amongst her friends, it must be in such a state of independence as to command their respect. I shall not require very much, but a certain number of servants and a carriage are essentials.” As to his own settlement, the Duke observed that he would expect the Duke of York’s marriage to be considered the precedent90. “That,” he said, “was a marriage for the succession, and L25,000 for income was settled, in addition to all his other income, purely91 on that account. I shall be contented92 with the same arrangement, without making any demands grounded on the difference of the value of money in 1792 and at present. As for the payment of my debts,” the Duke concluded, “I don’t call them great. The nation, on the contrary, is greatly my debtor93.” Here a clock struck, and seemed to remind the Duke that he had an appointment; he rose, and Mr. Creevey left him.
Who could keep such a communication secret? Certainly not Mr. Creevey. He hurried off to tell the Duke of Wellington, who was very much amused, and he wrote a long account of it to Lord Sefton, who received the letter “very apropos,” while a surgeon was sounding his bladder to ascertain94 whether he had a stone. “I never saw a fellow more astonished than he was,” wrote Lord Sefton in his reply, “at seeing me laugh as soon as the operation was over. Nothing could be more first-rate than the royal Edward’s ingenuousness95. One does not know which to admire most — the delicacy96 of his attachment97 to Madame St. Laurent, the refinement98 of his sentiments towards the Duke of Clarence, or his own perfect disinterestedness in pecuniary99 matters.”
As it turned out, both the brothers decided to marry. The Duke of Kent, selecting the Princess of Saxe–Coburg in preference to the Princess of Baden, was united to her on May 29, 1818. On June 11, the Duke of Clarence followed suit with a daughter of the Duke of Saxe–Meiningen. But they were disappointed in their financial expectations; for though the Government brought forward proposals to increase their allowances, together with that of the Duke of Cumberland, the motions were defeated in the House of Commons. At this the Duke of Wellington was not surprised. “By God!” he said, “there is a great deal to be said about that. They are the damnedest millstones about the necks of any Government that can be imagined. They have insulted — PERSONALLY insulted — two-thirds of the gentlemen of England, and how can it be wondered at that they take their revenge upon them in the House of Commons? It is their only opportunity, and I think, by God! they are quite right to use it.” Eventually, however, Parliament increased the Duke of Kent’s annuity100 by L6000. The subsequent history of Madame St. Laurent has not transpired101.
iv
The new Duchess of Kent, Victoria Mary Louisa, was a daughter of Francis, Duke of Saxe–Coburg-Saalfeld, and a sister of Prince Leopold. The family was an ancient one, being a branch of the great House of Wettin, which since the eleventh century had ruled over the March of Meissen on the Elbe. In the fifteenth century the whole possessions of the House had been divided between the Albertine and Ernestine branches: from the former descended102 the electors and kings of Saxony; the latter, ruling over Thuringia, became further subdivided103 into five branches, of which the duchy of Saxe–Coburg was one. This principality was very small, containing about 60,000 inhabitants, but it enjoyed independent and sovereign rights. During the disturbed years which followed the French Revolution, its affairs became terribly involved. The Duke was extravagant42, and kept open house for the swarms104 of refugees, who fled eastward105 over Germany as the French power advanced. Among these was the Prince of Leiningen, an elderly beau, whose domains106 on the Moselle had been seized by the French, but who was granted in compensation the territory of Amorbach in Lower Franconia. In 1803 he married the Princess Victoria, at that time seventeen years of age. Three years later Duke Francis died a ruined man. The Napoleonic harrow passed over Saxe–Coburg. The duchy was seized by the French, and the ducal family were reduced to beggary, almost to starvation. At the same time the little principality of Amorbach was devastated107 by the French, Russian, and Austrian armies, marching and counter-marching across it. For years there was hardly a cow in the country, nor enough grass to feed a flock of geese. Such was the desperate plight108 of the family which, a generation later, was to have gained a foothold in half the reigning Houses of Europe. The Napoleonic harrow had indeed done its work, the seed was planted; and the crop would have surprised Napoleon. Prince Leopold, thrown upon his own resources at fifteen, made a career for himself and married the heiress of England. The Princess of Leiningen, struggling at Amorbach with poverty, military requisitions, and a futile109 husband, developed an independence of character and a tenacity110 of purpose which were to prove useful in very different circumstances. In 1814, her husband died, leaving her with two children and the regency of the principality. After her brother’s marriage with the Princess Charlotte, it was proposed that she should marry the Duke of Kent; but she declined, on the ground that the guardianship111 of her children and the management of her domains made other ties undesirable112. The Princess Charlotte’s death, however, altered the case; and when the Duke of Kent renewed his offer, she accepted it. She was thirty-two years old — short, stout, with brown eyes and hair, and rosy113 cheeks, cheerful and voluble, and gorgeously attired114 in rustling115 silks and bright velvets.
She was certainly fortunate in her contented disposition116; for she was fated, all through her life, to have much to put up with. Her second marriage, with its dubious117 prospects, seemed at first to be chiefly a source of difficulties and discomforts118. The Duke, declaring that he was still too poor to live in England, moved about with uneasy precision through Belgium and Germany, attending parades and inspecting barracks in a neat military cap, while the English notabilities looked askance, and the Duke of Wellington dubbed119 him the Corporal. “God damme!” he exclaimed to Mr. Creevey, “d’ye know what his sisters call him? By God! they call him Joseph Surface!” At Valenciennes, where there was a review and a great dinner, the Duchess arrived with an old and ugly lady-in-waiting, and the Duke of Wellington found himself in a difficulty. “Who the devil is to take out the maid of honour?” he kept asking; but at last he thought of a solution. “Damme, Freemantle, find out the mayor and let him do it.” So the Mayor of Valenciennes was brought up for the purpose, and — so we learn from Mr. Creevey —“a capital figure he was.” A few days later, at Brussels, Mr. Creevey himself had an unfortunate experience. A military school was to be inspected — before breakfast. The company assembled; everything was highly satisfactory; but the Duke of Kent continued for so long examining every detail and asking meticulous120 question after meticulous question, that Mr. Creevey at last could bear it no longer, and whispered to his neighbour that he was damned hungry. The Duke of Wellington heard him, and was delighted. “I recommend you,” he said, “whenever you start with the royal family in a morning, and particularly with THE CORPORAL, always to breakfast first.” He and his staff, it turned out, had taken that precaution, and the great man amused himself, while the stream of royal inquiries121 poured on, by pointing at Mr. Creevey from time to time with the remark, “Voila le monsieur qui n’a pas dejeune!”
Settled down at last at Amorbach, the time hung heavily on the Duke’s hands. The establishment was small, the country was impoverished122; even clock-making grew tedious at last. He brooded — for in spite of his piety123 the Duke was not without a vein124 of superstition125 — over the prophecy of a gipsy at Gibraltar who told him that he was to have many losses and crosses, that he was to die in happiness, and that his only child was to be a great queen. Before long it became clear that a child was to be expected: the Duke decided that it should be born in England. Funds were lacking for the journey, but his determination was not to be set aside. Come what might, he declared, his child must be English-born. A carriage was hired, and the Duke himself mounted the box. Inside were the Duchess, her daughter Feodora, a girl of fourteen, with maids, nurses, lap-dogs, and canaries. Off they drove — through Germany, through France: bad roads, cheap inns, were nothing to the rigorous Duke and the equable, abundant Duchess. The Channel was crossed, London was reached in safety. The authorities provided a set of rooms in Kensington Palace; and there, on May 24, 1819, a female infant was born.
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impulsive
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| adj.冲动的，刺激的；有推动力的 | |
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vehement
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| adj.感情强烈的；热烈的；(人)有强烈感情的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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clandestine
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| adj.秘密的，暗中从事的 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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allied
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| adj.协约国的；同盟国的 | |
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suite
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| n.一套(家具)；套房；随从人员 | |
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seclusion
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| n.隐遁，隔离 | |
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almighty
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| adj.全能的，万能的；很大的，很强的 | |
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agitation
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| n.搅动；搅拌；鼓动，煽动 | |
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persuasions
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| n.劝说，说服（力）( persuasion的名词复数 )；信仰 | |
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bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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immured
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privately
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backwards
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abominable
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friction
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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minor
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magistrate
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humble
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romped
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| v.嬉笑玩闹( romp的过去式和过去分词 )；（尤指在赛跑或竞选等中）轻易获胜 | |
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melancholic
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| 忧郁症患者 | |
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temperament
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| n.气质，性格，性情 | |
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31
virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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32
approbation
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| n.称赞；认可 | |
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33
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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34
plying
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| v.使用（工具）( ply的现在分词 )；经常供应（食物、饮料）；固定往来；经营生意 | |
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35
desolate
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| adj.荒凉的，荒芜的；孤独的，凄凉的；v.使荒芜，使孤寂 | |
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36
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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37
impervious
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| adj.不能渗透的，不能穿过的，不易伤害的 | |
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38
legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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39
preposterous
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| adj.荒谬的，可笑的 | |
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40
obesity
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| n.肥胖，肥大 | |
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41
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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42
extravagant
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| adj.奢侈的；过分的；(言行等)放肆的 | |
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43
extravagantly
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| adv.挥霍无度地 | |
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44
racing
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| n.竞赛，赛马；adj.竞赛用的，赛马用的 | |
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45
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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46
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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47
distressed
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| 痛苦的 | |
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48
hideously
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| adv.可怕地，非常讨厌地 | |
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49
bad-tempered
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| adj.脾气坏的 | |
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50
vindictive
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| adj.有报仇心的，怀恨的，惩罚的 | |
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51
reactionary
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| n.反动者，反动主义者；adj.反动的，反动主义的，反对改革的 | |
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52
amorous
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| adj.多情的；有关爱情的 | |
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53
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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54
wig
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| n.假发 | |
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55
chattered
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| （人）喋喋不休( chatter的过去式 )； 唠叨； （牙齿）打战； （机器）震颤 | |
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57
eyebrows
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| 眉毛( eyebrow的名词复数 ) | |
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58
glossy
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| adj.平滑的；有光泽的 | |
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59
rigidity
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| adj.钢性，坚硬 | |
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60
belie
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| v.掩饰，证明为假 | |
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61
martinet
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| n.要求严格服从纪律的人 | |
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62
mutinous
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| adj.叛变的，反抗的；adv.反抗地，叛变地；n.反抗，叛变 | |
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63
garrison
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| n.卫戍部队；驻地，卫戍区；vt.派(兵)驻防 | |
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64
undue
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| adj.过分的；不适当的；未到期的 | |
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65
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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66
radical
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| n.激进份子，原子团，根号；adj.根本的，激进的，彻底的 | |
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67
socialist
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| n.社会主义者；adj.社会主义的 | |
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68
gullible
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| adj.易受骗的；轻信的 | |
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69
confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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70
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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71
sanguine
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| adj.充满希望的，乐观的，血红色的 | |
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72
uncertainty
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| n.易变，靠不住，不确知，不确定的事物 | |
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73
reigning
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| adj.统治的，起支配作用的 | |
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74
obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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75
expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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76
inveterate
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| adj.积习已深的，根深蒂固的 | |
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77
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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78
malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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79
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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80
adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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81
pang
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| n.剧痛，悲痛，苦闷 | |
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82
agitated
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| adj.被鼓动的，不安的 | |
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83
alluding
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| 提及，暗指( allude的现在分词 ) | |
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84
apprehensions
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| 疑惧 | |
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85
enquired
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| 打听( enquire的过去式和过去分词 )； 询问； 问问题； 查问 | |
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86
pointed
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| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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87
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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88
disinterestedness
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89
fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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90
precedent
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| n.先例，前例；惯例；adj.在前的，在先的 | |
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91
purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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92
contented
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| adj.满意的，安心的，知足的 | |
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93
debtor
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| n.借方，债务人 | |
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94
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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95
ingenuousness
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| n.率直；正直；老实 | |
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96
delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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97
attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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98
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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99
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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100
annuity
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| n.年金；养老金 | |
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101
transpired
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| （事实，秘密等）被人知道( transpire的过去式和过去分词 )； 泄露； 显露； 发生 | |
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102
descended
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| a.为...后裔的，出身于...的 | |
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103
subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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104
swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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105
eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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106
domains
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| n.范围( domain的名词复数 )；领域；版图；地产 | |
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107
devastated
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| v.彻底破坏( devastate的过去式和过去分词)；摧毁；毁灭；在感情上（精神上、财务上等）压垮adj.毁坏的；极为震惊的 | |
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108
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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109
futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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110
tenacity
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| n.坚韧 | |
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111
guardianship
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| n. 监护, 保护, 守护 | |
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112
undesirable
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| adj.不受欢迎的，不良的，不合意的，讨厌的；n.不受欢迎的人，不良分子 | |
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113
rosy
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| adj.美好的，乐观的，玫瑰色的 | |
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114
attired
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| adj.穿着整齐的v.使穿上衣服，使穿上盛装( attire的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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115
rustling
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| n. 瑟瑟声，沙沙声 adj. 发沙沙声的 | |
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116
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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117
dubious
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| adj.怀疑的，无把握的；有问题的，靠不住的 | |
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118
discomforts
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| n.不舒适( discomfort的名词复数 )；不愉快，苦恼 | |
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119
dubbed
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| v.给…起绰号( dub的过去式和过去分词 )；把…称为；配音；复制 | |
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120
meticulous
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| adj.极其仔细的，一丝不苟的 | |
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121
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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122
impoverished
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| adj.穷困的，无力的，用尽了的v.使（某人）贫穷( impoverish的过去式和过去分词 )；使（某物）贫瘠或恶化 | |
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123
piety
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| n.虔诚，虔敬 | |
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124
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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125
superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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