On the 14th of April, comes the dramatic tragedy ending on the day following in the death of Lincoln. The word dramatic applies in this instance with peculiar12 fitness. While the nation mourned for the loss of its leader, while the soldiers were stricken with grief that their great captain should have been struck down, while the South might well be troubled that the control and adjustment of the great interstate perplexities was not to be in the hands of the wise, sympathetic, and patient ruler, for the worker himself the rest after the four years of continuous toil13 and fearful burdens and anxieties might well have been grateful. The great task had been accomplished14 and the responsibilities accepted in the first inaugural15 had been fulfilled.
In March, 1861, Lincoln had accepted the task of steering16 the nation through the storm of rebellion, the divided opinions and counsels of friends, and the fierce onslaught of foes17 at home and abroad. In April, 1865, the national existence was assured, the nation's credit was established, the troops were prepared to return to their homes and resume their work as citizens. At no time in history had any people been able against such apparently18 overwhelming perils20 and difficulties to maintain a national existence. There was, therefore, notwithstanding the great misfortune, for the people South and North, in the loss of the wise ruler at a time when so many difficulties remained to be adjusted, a dramatic fitness in having the life of the leader close just as the last army of antagonists23 was laying down its arms. The first problem of the War that came to the administration of 1861 was that of restoring the flag over Fort Sumter. On the 14th of April, the day when Booth's pistol was laying low the President, General Anderson, who four years earlier had so sturdily defended Sumter, was fulfilling the duty of restoring the Stars and Stripes.
The news of the death of Lincoln came to the army of Sherman, with which my own regiment24 happened at the time to be associated, on the 17th of April. On leaving Savannah, Sherman had sent word to the north to have all the troops who were holding posts along the coasts of North Carolina concentrated on a line north of Goldsborough. It was his dread25 that General Johnston might be able to effect a junction26 with the retreating forces of Lee and it was important to do whatever was practicable, either with forces or with a show of forces, to delay Johnston and to make such combination impossible. A thin line of Federal troops was brought into position to the north of Johnston's advance, but Sherman himself kept so closely on the heels of his plucky27 and persistent28 antagonist22 that, irrespective of any opposing line to the north, Johnston would have found it impossible to continue his progress towards Virginia. He was checked at Goldsborough after the battle of Bentonville and it was at Goldsborough that the last important force of the Confederacy was surrendered.
We soldiers learned only later some of the complications that preceded that surrender. President Davis and his associates in the Confederate government had, with one exception, made their way south, passing to the west of Sherman's advance. The exception was Post-master-General Reagan, who had decided29 to remain with General Johnston. He appears to have made good with Johnston the claim that he, Reagan, represented all that was left of the Confederate government. He persuaded Johnston to permit him to undertake the negotiations31 with Sherman, and he had, it seems, the ambition of completing with his own authority the arrangements that were to terminate the War. Sherman, simple-hearted man that he was, permitted himself, for the time, to be confused by Reagan's semblance32 of authority. He executed with Reagan a convention which covered not merely the surrender of Johnston's army but the preliminaries of a final peace. This convention was of course made subject to the approval of the authorities in Washington. When it came into the hands of President Johnson, it was, under the counsel of Seward and Stanton, promptly33 disavowed. Johnson instructed Grant, who had reported to Washington from Appomattox, to make his way at once to Goldsborough and, relieving Sherman, to arrange for the surrender of Johnston's army on the terms of Appomattox. Grant's response was characteristic. He said in substance: "I am here, Mr. President, to obey orders and under the decision of the Commander-in-chief I will go to Goldsborough and will carry out your instructions. I prefer, however, to act as a messenger simply. I am entirely34 unwilling35 to take out of General Sherman's hands the command of the army that is so properly Sherman's army and that he has led with such distinctive36 success. General Sherman has rendered too great a service to the country to make it proper to have him now humiliated37 on the ground of a political blunder, and I at least am unwilling to be in any way a party to his humiliation38."
Stanton was disposed to approve of Johnson's first instruction and to have Sherman at once relieved, but the man who had just come from Appomattox was too strong with the people to make it easy to disregard his judgment39 on a matter which was in part at least military. The President was still new to his office and he was still prepared to accept counsel. The matter was, therefore, arranged as Grant desired. Grant took the instructions and had his personal word with Sherman, but this word was so quietly given that none of the men in Sherman's army, possibly no one but Sherman himself, knew of Grant's visit. Grant took pains so to arrange the last stage of his journey that he came into the camp at Goldsborough well after dark, and, after an hour's interview with Sherman, he made his way at once northward40 outside of our lines and of our knowledge.
On Grant's arrival, Sherman at once assumed that he was to be superseded41. "No, no," said Grant; "do you not see that I have come without even a sword? There is here no question of superseding42 the commander of this army, but simply of correcting an error and of putting things as they were. This convention must be cancelled. You will have no further negotiation30 with Mr. Reagan or with any civilian43 claiming to represent the Confederacy. Your transactions will be made with the commander of the Confederate army, and you will accept the surrender of that army on the terms that were formulated44 at Appomattox." Sherman was keen enough to understand what must have passed in Washington, and was able to appreciate the loyal consideration shown by General Grant in the successful effort to protect the honour and the prestige of his old comrade. The surrender was carried out on the 26th of April, eleven days after the death of Lincoln. Johnston's troops, like those of Lee, were distributed to their homes. The officers retained their side-arms, and the men, leaving their rifles, took with them not only such horses and mules45 as they still had with them connected with the cavalry46 or artillery47, but also a number of horses and mules which had been captured by Sherman's army and which had not yet been placed on the United States army roster48. Sherman understood, as did Grant, the importance of giving to these poor farmers whatever facilities might be available to enable them again to begin their home work. Word was at once sent to General Johnston after Grant's departure that the, only terms that could be considered was a surrender of the army, and that the details of such surrender Sherman would himself arrange with Johnston. Reagan slipped away southward and is not further heard of in history.
The record of Lincoln's relations to the events of the War would not be complete without a reference to the capture of Jefferson Davis. On returning to Washington after his visit to Richmond, Lincoln had been asked what should be done with Davis when he was captured. The answer was characteristic: "I do not see," said Lincoln, "that we have any use for a white elephant." Lincoln's clear judgment had at once recognised the difficulties that would arise in case Davis should become a prisoner. The question as to the treatment of the ruler of the late Confederacy was very different from, and much more complicated than, the fixing of terms of surrender for the Confederate armies. If Davis had succeeded in getting out of the country, it is probable that the South, or at least a large portion of the South, would have used him as a kind of a scapegoat49. Many of the Confederate soldiers were indignant with Davis for his bitter animosities to some of their best leaders. Davis was a capable man and had in him the elements of statesmanship. He was, however, vain and, like some other vain men, placed the most importance upon the capacities in which he was the least effective. He had had a brief and creditable military experience, serving as a lieutenant50 with Scott's army in Mexico, and he had impressed himself with the belief that he was a great commander. Partly on this ground, and partly apparently as a result of general "incompatibility51 of temper," Davis managed to quarrel at different times during the War with some of the generals who had shown themselves the most capable and the most serviceable. He would probably have quarrelled with Lee, if it had been possible for any one to make quarrel relations with that fine-natured gentleman, and if Lee had not been too strongly entrenched52 in the hearts of his countrymen to make any interference with him unwise, even for the President. Davis had, however, managed to interfere53 very seriously with the operations of men like Beauregard, Sidney Johnson, Joseph Johnston, and other commanders whose continued leadership was most important for the Confederacy. It was the obstinacy54 of Davis that had protracted55 the War through the winter and spring of 1865, long after it was evident from the reports of Lee and of the other commanders that the resources of the Confederacy were exhausted56 and that any further struggle simply meant an inexcusable loss of life on both sides. As a Northern soldier who has had experience in Southern prisons, I may be excused also from bearing in mind the fearful responsibility that rests upon Davis for the mismanagement of those prisons, a mismanagement which caused the death of thousands of brave men on the frozen slopes of Belle57 Isle58, on the foul59 floors of Libby and Danville, and on the rotten ground used for three years as a living place and as a dying place within the stockade60 at Andersonville. Davis received from month to month the reports of the conditions in these and in the other prisons of the Confederacy. Davis could not have been unaware61 of the stupidity and the brutality62 of keeping prisoners in Richmond during the last winter of the War when the lines of road still open were absolutely inadequate64 to supply the troops in the trenches65 or the people of the town. Reports were brought to Davis more than once from Andersonville showing that a large portion of the deaths that were there occurring were due to the vile10 and rotten condition of the hollow in which for years prisoners had been huddled66 together; but the appeal made to Richmond for permission to move the stockade to a clean and dry slope was put to one side as a matter of no importance. The entire authority in the matter was in the hands of Davis and a word from him would have remedied some of the worst conditions. He must share with General Winder, the immediate67 superintendent68 of the prisons, the responsibility for the heedless and brutal63 mismanagement,—a mismanagement which brought death to thousands and which left thousands of others cripples for life.
As a result of the informal word given by Lincoln, it was generally understood, by all the officers, at least, in charge of posts and picket70 lines along the eastern slope, that Davis was not to be captured. Unfortunately it had not proved possible to get this informal expression of a very important piece of policy conveyed throughout the lines farther west. An enterprising and over-zealous captain of cavalry, riding across from the Mississippi to the coast, heard of Davis's party in Florida and, "butting72 in," captured, on May 10th, "the white elephant."
The last commands of the Confederate army were surrendered with General Taylor in Louisiana on the 4th of May and with Kirby Smith in Texas on the 26th of May. As Lincoln had foreshadowed, not a few complications resulted from this unfortunate capture of Davis, complications that were needlessly added to by the lack of clear-headedness or of definite policy on the part of a confused and vacillating President. During the months in which Davis was a prisoner at Fortress73 Monroe, and while the question of his trial for treason was being fiercely debated in Washington, the sentiment of the Confederacy naturally concentrated upon its late President. He was, as the single prisoner, the surviving emblem74 of the contest. His vanities, irritability75, and blunders were forgotten. It was natural that, under the circumstances, his people, the people of the South, should hold in memory only the fact that he had been their leader and that he had through four strenuous76 years borne the burdens of leadership with unflagging zeal71, with persistent courage, and with an almost foolhardy hopefulness. He had given to the Confederacy the best of his life, and he was entitled to the adoration77 that the survivors78 of the Confederacy gave to him as representing the ideal of the lost cause.
The feeling with which Lincoln was regarded by the men in the front, for whom through the early years of their campaigning he had been not only the leader but the inspiration, was indicated by the manner in which the news of his death was received. I happened myself on the day of those sad tidings to be with my division in a little village just outside of Goldsborough, North Carolina. We had no telegraphic communication with the North, but were accustomed to receive despatches about noon each day, carried across the swamps from a station through which connection was made with Wilmington and the North. In the course of the morning, I had gone to the shanty80 of an old darky whom I had come to know during the days of our sojourn81, for the purpose of getting a shave. The old fellow took up his razor, put it down again and then again lifted it up, but his arm was shaking and I saw that he was so agitated82 that he was not fitted for the task. "Massa," he said, "I can't shave yer this mornin'." "What is the matter?" I inquired. "Well," he replied, "somethin's happened to Massa Linkum." "Why!" said I, "nothing has happened to Lincoln. I know what there is to be known. What are you talking about?" "Well!" the old man replied with a half sob83, "we coloured folks—we get news or we get half news sooner than you-uns. I dun know jes' what it is, but somethin' has gone wrong with Massa Linkum." I could get nothing more out of the old man, but I was sufficiently84 anxious to make my way to Division headquarters to see if there was any news in advance of the arrival of the regular courier. The coloured folks were standing21 in little groups along the village street, murmuring to each other or waiting with anxious faces for the bad news that they were sure was coming. I found the brigade adjutant and those with him were puzzled like myself at the troubled minds of the darkies, but still sceptical as to the possibility of any information having reached them which was not known through the regular channels.
At noon, the courier made his appearance riding by the wood lane across the fields; and the instant he was seen we all realised that there was bad news. The man was hurrying his pony85 and yet seemed to be very unwilling to reach the lines where his report must be made. In this instance (as was, of course, not usually the case) the courier knew what was in his despatches. The Division Adjutant stepped out on the porch of the headquarters with the paper in his hand, but he broke down before he could begin to read. The Division Commander took the word and was able simply to announce: "Lincoln is dead." The word "President" was not necessary and he sought in fact for the shortest word. I never before had found myself in a mass of men overcome by emotion. Ten thousand soldiers were sobbing86 together. No survivor79 of the group can recall the sadness of that morning without again being touched by the wave of emotion which broke down the reserve and control of these war-worn veterans on learning that their great captain was dead.
The whole people had come to have with the President a relation similar to that which had grown up between the soldiers and their Commander-in-chief. With the sympathy and love of the people to sustain him, Lincoln had over them an almost unlimited87 influence. His capacity for toil, his sublime88 patience, his wonderful endurance, his great mind and heart, his out-reaching sympathies, his thoughtfulness for the needs and requirements of all, had bound him to his fellow-citizens by an attachment89 of genuine sentiment. His appellation90 throughout the country had during the last year of the war become "Father Abraham." We may recall in the thought of this relation to the people the record of Washington. The first President has come into history as the "Father of his Country," but for Washington this r?le of father is something of historic development. During Washington's lifetime, or certainly at least during the years of his responsibilities as General and as President, there was no such general recognition of the leader and ruler as the father of his country. He was dear to a small circle of intimates; he was held in respectful regard by a larger number of those with whom were carried on his responsibilities in the army, and later in the nation's government. To many good Americans, however, Washington represented for years an antagonistic91 principle of government. He was regarded as an aristocrat92 and there were not a few political leaders, with groups of voters behind them, who dreaded93, and doubtless honestly dreaded, that the influence of Washington might be utilised to build up in this country some fresh form of the monarchy94 that had been overthrown95. The years of the Presidency96 had to be completed and the bitter antagonisms97 of the seven years' fighting and of the issues of the Constitution-building had to be outgrown98, before the people were able to recognise as a whole the perfect integrity of purpose and consistency99 of action of their great leader, the first President. Even then when the animosities and suspicions had died away, while the people were ready to honour the high character and the accomplishments100 of Washington, the feeling was one of reverence101 rather than of affection. This sentiment gave rise later to the title of the "Father of his Country"; but there was no such personal feeling towards Washington as warranted, at least during his life, the term father of the people. Thirty years later, the ruler of the nation is Andrew Jackson, a man who was, like Lincoln, eminently102 a representative of the common people. His fellow-citizens knew that Jackson understood their feelings and their methods and were ready to have full confidence in Jackson's patriotism103 and honesty of purpose. His nature lacked, however, the sweet sympathetic qualities that characterised Lincoln; and while to a large body of his fellow-citizens he commended himself for sturdiness, courage, and devotion to the interests of the state, he was never able for himself to overcome the feeling that a man who failed to agree with a Jackson policy must be either a knave104 or a fool. He could not place himself in the position from which the other fellow was thinking or acting105. He believed that it was his duty to maintain what he held to be the popular cause against the "schemes of the aristocrats," the bugbear of that day. He was a fighter from his youth up and his theory of government was that of enforcing the control of the side for which he was the partisan106. Such a man could never be accepted as the father of the people.
Lincoln, coming from those whom he called the common people, feeling with their feelings, sympathetic with their needs and ideals, was able in the development of his powers to be accepted as the peer of the largest intellects in the land. While knowing what was needed by the poor whites of Kentucky, he could understand also the point of view of Boston, New York, or Philadelphia. In place of emphasising antagonisms, he held consistently that the highest interest of one section of the country must be the real interest of the whole people, and that the ruler of the nation had upon him the responsibility of so shaping the national policy that all the people should recognise the government as their government. It was this large understanding and width of sympathy that made Lincoln in a sense which could be applied107 to no other ruler of this country, the people's President, and no other ruler in the world has ever been so sympathetically, so effectively in touch with all of the fellow-citizens for whose welfare he made himself responsible. The Latin writer, Aulus Gellius, uses for one of his heroes the term "a classic character." These words seem to me fairly to apply to Abraham Lincoln.
An appreciative108 Englishman, writing in the London Nation at the time of the Centennial commemoration, says of Lincoln:
The greatness of Lincoln was that of a common man raised to a high dimension. The possibility, still more the existence, of such a man is itself a justification109 of democracy. We do not say that so independent, so natural, so complete a man cannot in older societies come to wield110 so large a power over the affairs and the minds of men; we can only say that amid all the stirring movements of the nineteenth century he has not so done. The existence of what may be called a widespread commonalty explains the rarity of personal eminence111 in America. There has been and still remains112 a higher general level of personality than in any European country, and the degree of eminence is correspondingly reduced. It is just because America has stood for opportunity that conspicuous113 individuals have been comparatively rare. Strong personality, however, has not been rare; it is the abundance of such personality that has built up silently into the rising fabric114 of the American Commonwealth115, pioneers, roadmakers, traders, lawyers, soldiers, teachers, toiling116 terribly over the material and moral foundation of the country, few of whose names have emerged or survived. Lincoln was of this stock, was reared among these rude energetic folk, had lived all those sorts of lives. He was no "sport"; his career is a triumphant117 refutation of the traditional views of genius. He had no special gift or quality to distinguish him; he was simply the best type of American at a historic juncture118 when the national safety wanted such a man. The confidence which all Americans express that their country will be equal to any emergency which may threaten it, is not so entirely superstitious119 as it seems at first sight. For the career of Lincoln shows how it has been done in a country where the "necessary man" can be drawn120 not from a few leading families, or an educated class, but from the millions.
Rabbi Schechter, in an eloquent121 address delivered at the Centennial celebration, speaks of Lincoln's personality as follows:
The half century that has elapsed since Lincoln's death has dispelled122 the mists that encompassed123 him on earth. Men now not only recognise the right which he championed, but behold124 in him the standard of righteousness, of liberty, of conciliation125, and truth. In him, as it were personified, stands the union, all that is best and noblest and enduring in its principles in which he devoutly126 believed and served mightily127 to save. When to-day, the world celebrates the century of his existence, he has become the ideal of both North and South, of a common country, composed not only of the factions128 that once confronted each other in war's dreadful array, but of the myriad129 thousands that have since found in the American nation the hope of the future and the refuge from age-entrenched wrong and absolutism. To them, Lincoln, his life, his history, his character, his entire personality, with all its wondrous130 charm and grace, its sobriety, patience, self-abnegation, and sweetness, has come to be the very prototype of a rising humanity.
Carl Schurz, himself a man of large nature and wide and sympathetic comprehension, says of Lincoln:
In the most conspicuous position of the period, Lincoln drew upon himself the scoffs131 of polite society; but even then he filled the souls of mankind with utterances132 of wonderful beauty and grandeur133. It was distinctly the weird134 mixture in him of qualities and forces, of the lofty with the common, the ideal with the uncouth135, of that which he had become with that which he had not ceased to be, that made him so fascinating a character among his fellow-men, that gave him his singular power over minds and hearts, that fitted him to be the greatest leader in the greatest crisis of our national life.
He possessed136 the courage to stand alone—that courage which is the first requisite137 of leadership in a great cause. The charm of Lincoln's oratory138 flooded all the rare depth and genuineness of his convictions and his sympathetic feelings were the strongest element in his nature. He was one of the greatest Americans and the best of men.
The poet Whittier writes:
The weary form that rested not
Save in a martyr's grave;
The care-worn face that none forgot,
Turned to the kneeling slave.
We rest in peace where his sad eyes
Saw peril19, strife139, and pain;
His was the awful sacrifice,
And ours the priceless gain.
Says Bryant:
That task is done, the bound are free,
We bear thee to an honoured grave,
Whose noblest monument shall be
The broken fetters140 of the slave.
Pure was thy life; its bloody141 close
Hath blessed thee with the sons of light,
Among the noble host of those
Who perished in the cause of right.
Says Lowell:
Our children shall behold his fame,
The kindly-earnest, brave, foreseeing man,
Sagacious, patient, dreading142 praise, not blame;
New birth of our new soil, the first American.
Ordinary men die when their physical life is brought to a close, if perhaps not at once, yet in a brief space, with the passing of the little circle of those to whom they were dear.
The man of distinction lives for a time after death. His achievements and his character are held in appreciative remembrance by the community and the generation he has served. The waves of his influence ripple69 out in a somewhat wider circle before being lost in the ocean of time. We call that man great to whom it is given so to impress himself upon his fellow-men by deed, by creation, by service to the community, by character, by the inspiration from on high that has been breathed through his soul, that he is not permitted to die. Such a man secures immortality143 in this world. The knowledge and the influence of his life are extended throughout mankind and his memory gathers increasing fame from generation to generation.
It is thus that men are to-day honouring the memory of Abraham Lincoln. To-day, one hundred years after his birth, and nearly half a century since the dramatic close of his life's work, Lincoln stands enshrined in the thought and in the hearts of his countrymen. He is our "Father Abraham," belonging to us, his fellow-citizens, for ideals, for inspiration, and for affectionate regard; but he belongs now also to all mankind, for he has been canonised among the noblest of the world's heroes.
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n.争论,争辩,论战;论点,主张 | |
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adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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vi.辛劳工作,艰难地行动;n.苦工,难事 | |
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adj.有才艺的;有造诣的;达到了的 | |
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49 scapegoat | |
n.替罪的羔羊,替人顶罪者;v.使…成为替罪羊 | |
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50 lieutenant | |
n.陆军中尉,海军上尉;代理官员,副职官员 | |
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51 incompatibility | |
n.不兼容 | |
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52 entrenched | |
adj.确立的,不容易改的(风俗习惯) | |
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53 interfere | |
v.(in)干涉,干预;(with)妨碍,打扰 | |
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54 obstinacy | |
n.顽固;(病痛等)难治 | |
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55 protracted | |
adj.拖延的;延长的v.拖延“protract”的过去式和过去分词 | |
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56 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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57 belle | |
n.靓女 | |
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58 isle | |
n.小岛,岛 | |
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59 foul | |
adj.污秽的;邪恶的;v.弄脏;妨害;犯规;n.犯规 | |
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60 stockade | |
n.栅栏,围栏;v.用栅栏防护 | |
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61 unaware | |
a.不知道的,未意识到的 | |
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62 brutality | |
n.野蛮的行为,残忍,野蛮 | |
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63 brutal | |
adj.残忍的,野蛮的,不讲理的 | |
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64 inadequate | |
adj.(for,to)不充足的,不适当的 | |
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65 trenches | |
深沟,地沟( trench的名词复数 ); 战壕 | |
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66 huddled | |
挤在一起(huddle的过去式与过去分词形式) | |
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67 immediate | |
adj.立即的;直接的,最接近的;紧靠的 | |
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68 superintendent | |
n.监督人,主管,总监;(英国)警务长 | |
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69 ripple | |
n.涟波,涟漪,波纹,粗钢梳;vt.使...起涟漪,使起波纹; vi.呈波浪状,起伏前进 | |
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70 picket | |
n.纠察队;警戒哨;v.设置纠察线;布置警卫 | |
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71 zeal | |
n.热心,热情,热忱 | |
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72 butting | |
用头撞人(犯规动作) | |
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73 fortress | |
n.堡垒,防御工事 | |
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74 emblem | |
n.象征,标志;徽章 | |
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75 irritability | |
n.易怒 | |
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76 strenuous | |
adj.奋发的,使劲的;紧张的;热烈的,狂热的 | |
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77 adoration | |
n.爱慕,崇拜 | |
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78 survivors | |
幸存者,残存者,生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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79 survivor | |
n.生存者,残存者,幸存者 | |
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80 shanty | |
n.小屋,棚屋;船工号子 | |
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81 sojourn | |
v./n.旅居,寄居;逗留 | |
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82 agitated | |
adj.被鼓动的,不安的 | |
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83 sob | |
n.空间轨道的轰炸机;呜咽,哭泣 | |
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84 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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85 pony | |
adj.小型的;n.小马 | |
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86 sobbing | |
<主方>Ⅰ adj.湿透的 | |
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87 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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88 sublime | |
adj.崇高的,伟大的;极度的,不顾后果的 | |
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89 attachment | |
n.附属物,附件;依恋;依附 | |
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90 appellation | |
n.名称,称呼 | |
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91 antagonistic | |
adj.敌对的 | |
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92 aristocrat | |
n.贵族,有贵族气派的人,上层人物 | |
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93 dreaded | |
adj.令人畏惧的;害怕的v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的过去式和过去分词) | |
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94 monarchy | |
n.君主,最高统治者;君主政体,君主国 | |
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95 overthrown | |
adj. 打翻的,推倒的,倾覆的 动词overthrow的过去分词 | |
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96 presidency | |
n.总统(校长,总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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97 antagonisms | |
对抗,敌对( antagonism的名词复数 ) | |
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98 outgrown | |
长[发展] 得超过(某物)的范围( outgrow的过去分词 ); 长[发展]得不能再要(某物); 长得比…快; 生长速度超过 | |
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99 consistency | |
n.一贯性,前后一致,稳定性;(液体的)浓度 | |
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100 accomplishments | |
n.造诣;完成( accomplishment的名词复数 );技能;成绩;成就 | |
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101 reverence | |
n.敬畏,尊敬,尊严;Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称;v.尊敬,敬畏,崇敬 | |
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102 eminently | |
adv.突出地;显著地;不寻常地 | |
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103 patriotism | |
n.爱国精神,爱国心,爱国主义 | |
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104 knave | |
n.流氓;(纸牌中的)杰克 | |
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105 acting | |
n.演戏,行为,假装;adj.代理的,临时的,演出用的 | |
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106 partisan | |
adj.党派性的;游击队的;n.游击队员;党徒 | |
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107 applied | |
adj.应用的;v.应用,适用 | |
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108 appreciative | |
adj.有鉴赏力的,有眼力的;感激的 | |
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109 justification | |
n.正当的理由;辩解的理由 | |
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110 wield | |
vt.行使,运用,支配;挥,使用(武器等) | |
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111 eminence | |
n.卓越,显赫;高地,高处;名家 | |
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112 remains | |
n.剩余物,残留物;遗体,遗迹 | |
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113 conspicuous | |
adj.明眼的,惹人注目的;炫耀的,摆阔气的 | |
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114 fabric | |
n.织物,织品,布;构造,结构,组织 | |
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115 commonwealth | |
n.共和国,联邦,共同体 | |
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116 toiling | |
长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的现在分词 ); 艰难缓慢地移动,跋涉 | |
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117 triumphant | |
adj.胜利的,成功的;狂欢的,喜悦的 | |
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118 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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119 superstitious | |
adj.迷信的 | |
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120 drawn | |
v.拖,拉,拔出;adj.憔悴的,紧张的 | |
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121 eloquent | |
adj.雄辩的,口才流利的;明白显示出的 | |
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122 dispelled | |
v.驱散,赶跑( dispel的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123 encompassed | |
v.围绕( encompass的过去式和过去分词 );包围;包含;包括 | |
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124 behold | |
v.看,注视,看到 | |
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125 conciliation | |
n.调解,调停 | |
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126 devoutly | |
adv.虔诚地,虔敬地,衷心地 | |
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127 mightily | |
ad.强烈地;非常地 | |
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128 factions | |
组织中的小派别,派系( faction的名词复数 ) | |
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129 myriad | |
adj.无数的;n.无数,极大数量 | |
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130 wondrous | |
adj.令人惊奇的,奇妙的;adv.惊人地;异乎寻常地;令人惊叹地 | |
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131 scoffs | |
嘲笑,嘲弄( scoff的第三人称单数 ) | |
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132 utterances | |
n.发声( utterance的名词复数 );说话方式;语调;言论 | |
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133 grandeur | |
n.伟大,崇高,宏伟,庄严,豪华 | |
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134 weird | |
adj.古怪的,离奇的;怪诞的,神秘而可怕的 | |
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135 uncouth | |
adj.无教养的,粗鲁的 | |
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136 possessed | |
adj.疯狂的;拥有的,占有的 | |
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137 requisite | |
adj.需要的,必不可少的;n.必需品 | |
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138 oratory | |
n.演讲术;词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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139 strife | |
n.争吵,冲突,倾轧,竞争 | |
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140 fetters | |
n.脚镣( fetter的名词复数 );束缚v.给…上脚镣,束缚( fetter的第三人称单数 ) | |
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141 bloody | |
adj.非常的的;流血的;残忍的;adv.很;vt.血染 | |
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142 dreading | |
v.害怕,恐惧,担心( dread的现在分词 ) | |
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143 immortality | |
n.不死,不朽 | |
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