The writer did not come to her task without reading much upon both sides of the question, and making a particular effort to collect all the most favorable representations of slavery which she could obtain. And, as the reader may have a curiosity to examine some of the documents, the writer will present them quite at large. There is no kind of danger to the world in letting the very fairest side of slavery be seen; in fact, the horrors and barbarities which are necessarily inherent in it are so terrible that one stands absolutely in need of all the comfort which can be gained from incidents like the subjoined, to save them from utter despair of human nature. The first account is from Mr. J. K. Paulding’s Letters on Slavery; and is a letter from a Virginia planter, whom we should judge, from his style, to be a very amiable4, agreeable man, and who probably describes very fairly the state of things on his own domain5.
Dear Sir: As regards the first query6, which relates to the “rights and duties of the slave,” I do not know how extensive a view of this branch of the subject is contemplated7. In its simplest aspect, as understood and acted on in Virginia, I should say that the slave is entitled to an abundance of good plain food; to coarse but comfortable apparel; to a warm but humble8 dwelling9; to protection when well, and to succor10 when sick; and, in return, that it is his duty to render to his master all the service he can consistently with perfect health, and to behave submissively and honestly. Other remarks suggest themselves, but they will be more appropriately introduced under different heads.
2d. “The domestic relations of master and slave.”—These relations are much misunderstood by many persons at the North, who regard the terms as synonymous with oppressor and oppressed. Nothing can be further from the fact. The condition of the negroes in this state has been greatly ameliorated. The proprietors11 were formerly13 fewer and richer than at present. Distant quarters were often kept up to support the aristocratic mansion14. They were rarely visited by their owners; and heartless overseers, frequently changed, were employed to manage them for a share of the crop. These men scourged15 the land, and sometimes the slaves. Their tenure16 was but for a year, and of course they made the most of their brief authority. Owing to the influence of our institutions, property has become subdivided17, and most persons live on or near their estates. There are exceptions, to be sure, and particularly among wealthy gentlemen in the towns; but these last are almost all enlightened and humane18, and alike liberal to the soil and to the slave who cultivates it. I could point out some noble instances of patriotic19 and spirited improvement among them. But, to return to the resident proprietors: most of them have been raised on the estates; from the older negroes 9they have received in infancy20 numberless acts of kindness; the younger ones have not unfrequently been their playmates (not the most suitable, I admit), and much good-will is thus generated on both sides. In addition to this, most men feel attached to their property; and this attachment21 is stronger in the case of persons than of things. I know it, and feel it. It is true, there are harsh masters; but there are also bad husbands and bad fathers. They are all exceptions to the rule, not the rule itself. Shall we therefore condemn22 in the gross those relations, and the rights and authority they imply, from their occasional abuse? I could mention many instances of strong attachment on the part of the slave, but will only adduce one or two, of which I have been the object. It became a question whether a faithful servant, bred up with me from boyhood, should give up his master or his wife and children, to whom he was affectionately attached, and most attentive23 and kind. The trial was a severe one, but he determined24 to break those tender ties and remain with me. I left it entirely25 to his discretion26, though I would not, from considerations of interest, have taken for him quadruple the price I should probably have obtained. Fortunately, in the sequel, I was enabled to purchase his family, with the exception of a daughter, happily situated28; and nothing but death shall henceforth part them. Were it put to the test, I am convinced that many masters would receive this striking proof of devotion. A gentleman but a day or two since informed me of a similar, and even stronger case, afforded by one of his slaves. As the reward of assiduous and delicate attention to a venerated29 parent, in her last illness, I proposed to purchase and liberate30 a healthy and intelligent woman, about thirty years of age, the best nurse, and, in all respects, one of the best servants in the state, of which I was only part owner; but she declined to leave the family, and has been since rather better than free. I shall be excused for stating a ludicrous case I heard of some time ago:—A favorite and indulged servant requested his master to sell him to another gentleman. His master refused to do so, but told him he was at perfect liberty to go to the North, if he were not already free enough. After a while he repeated the request; and, on being urged to give an explanation of his singular conduct, told his master that he considered himself consumptive, and would soon die; and he thought Mr. B—— was better able to bear the loss than his master. He was sent to a medicinal spring and recovered his health, if, indeed, he had ever lost it, of which his master had been unapprised. It may not be amiss to describe my deportment towards my servants, whom I endeavor to render happy while I make them profitable. I never turn a deaf ear, but listen patiently to their communications. I chat familiarly with those who have passed service, or have not begun to render it. With the others I observe a more prudent31 reserve, but I encourage all to approach me without awe32. I hardly ever go to town without having commissions to execute for some of them; and think they prefer to employ me, from a belief that, if their money should not quite hold out, I would add a little to it; and I not unfrequently do, in order to get a better article. The relation between myself and my slaves is decidedly friendly. I keep up pretty exact discipline, mingled34 with kindness, and hardly ever lose property by thievish, or labor35 by runaway36 slaves. I never lock the outer doors of my house. It is done, but done by the servants; and I rarely bestow37 a thought on the matter. I leave home periodically for two months, and commit the dwelling-house, plate, and other valuables, to the servants, without even an enumeration38 of the articles.
3d. “The duration of the labor of the slave.”—The day is usually considered long enough. Employment at night is not exacted by me, except to shell corn once a week for their own consumption, and on a few other extraordinary occasions. The people, as we generally call them, are required to leave their houses at daybreak, and to work until dark, with the intermission of half an hour to an hour at breakfast, and one to two hours at dinner, according to the season and sort of work. In this respect I suppose our negroes will bear a favorable comparison with any laborers39 whatever.
4th. “The liberty usually allowed the slave,—his holidays and amusements, and the way in which they usually spend their evenings and holidays.”—They are prohibited from going off the estate without first obtaining leave; though they often transgress40, and with impunity41, except in flagrant cases. Those who have wives on other plantations43 visit them on certain specified44 nights, and have an allowance of time for going and returning, proportioned to the distance. My negroes are permitted, and, indeed, encouraged, to raise as many ducks and chickens as they can; to cultivate vegetables for their own use, and a patch of corn for sale; to exercise their trades, when they possess one, which many do; to catch muskrats47 and other animals for the fur or the flesh; to raise bees, and, in fine, to earn an honest penny in any way which chance or their own ingenuity48 may offer. The modes specified are, however, those most commonly resorted to, and enable provident49 servants to make from five to thirty dollars apiece. The corn is of a different sort from that which I cultivate, and is all bought by me. A great many fowls50 are raised; I have this year known ten dollars worth sold by one man at one time. One of the chief sources of profit is the fur of the muskrat46; for the purpose of catching52 which the marshes53 on the estate have been parcelled out and appropriated from time immemorial, and are held by a tenure little short of fee-simple. The negroes are indebted to Nat Turner[1] and Tappan for a curtailment54 of some of their privileges. As a sincere friend to the blacks, I have much regretted the reckless interference of these persons, on account of the restrictions55 it has become, or been thought, necessary to impose. Since the exploit of the former hero, they have been forbidden to preach, except to their fellow-slaves, the property of the same owner; to have public funerals, unless a white person officiates; or to be taught to read and write. Their funerals formerly gave them great satisfaction, and it was customary here to furnish the relations of the deceased with bacon, spirit, flour, sugar and butter, with which a grand entertainment, in their way, was got up. We were once much amused by a hearty56 fellow requesting his mistress to let him have his funeral during his lifetime, when it would do him some good. The waggish57 request was granted; and I venture to say there never was a 10funeral the subject of which enjoyed it so much. When permitted, some of our negroes preached with great fluency59. I was present, a few years since, when an Episcopal minister addressed the people, by appointment. On the conclusion of an excellent sermon, a negro preacher rose and thanked the gentleman kindly60 for his discourse61, but frankly62 told him the congregation “did not understand his lingo63.” He then proceeded himself, with great vehemence64 and volubility, coining words where they had not been made to his hand, or rather his tongue, and impressing his hearers, doubtless, with a decided33 opinion of his superiority over his white co-laborer in the field of grace. My brother and I, who own contiguous estates, have lately erected65 a chapel66 on the line between them, and have employed an acceptable minister of the Baptist persuasion67, to which the negroes almost exclusively belong, to afford them religious instruction. Except as a preparatory step to emancipation68, I consider it exceedingly impolitic, even as regards the slaves themselves, to permit them to read and write: “Where ignorance is bliss69, ‘tis folly70 to be wise.” And it is certainly impolitic as regards their masters, on the principle that “knowledge is power.” My servants have not as long holidays as those of most other persons. I allow three days at Christmas, and a day at each of three other periods, besides a little time to work their patches; or, if very busy, I sometimes prefer to work them myself. Most of the ancient pastimes have been lost in this neighborhood, and religion, mock or real, has succeeded them. The banjo, their national instrument, is known but in name, or in a few of the tunes71 which have survived. Some of the younger negroes sing and dance, but the evenings and holidays are usually occupied in working, in visiting, and in praying and singing hymns72. The primitive73 customs and sports are, I believe, better preserved further south, where slaves were brought from Africa long after they ceased to come here.
6th. “The provision usually made for their food and clothing,—for those who are too young or too old to labor.”—My men receive twelve quarts of Indian meal (the abundant and universal allowance in this state), seven salted herrings, and two pounds of smoked bacon or three pounds of pork, a week; the other hands proportionally less. But, generally speaking, their food is issued daily, with the exception of meal, and consists of fish or bacon for breakfast, and meat, fresh or salted, with vegetables whenever we can provide them, for dinner; or, for a month or two in the spring, fresh fish cooked with a little bacon. This mode is rather more expensive to me than that of weekly rations27, but more comfortable to the servants. Superannuated74 or invalid75 slaves draw their provisions regularly once a week; and the moment a child ceases to be nourished by its mother, it receives eight quarts of meal (more than it can consume), and one half-pound of lard. Besides the food furnished by me, nearly all the servants are able to make some addition from their private stores; and there is among the adults hardly an instance of one so improvident76 as not to do it. He must be an unthrifty fellow, indeed, who cannot realize the wish of the famous Henry IV. in regard to the French peasantry, and enjoy his fowl51 on Sunday. I always keep on hand, for the use of the negroes, sugar, molasses, &c., which, though not regularly issued, are applied77 for on the slightest pretexts79, and frequently no pretext78 at all, and are never refused, except in cases of misconduct. In regard to clothing:—the men and boys receive a winter coat and trousers of strong cloth, three shirts, a stout80 pair of shoes and socks, and a pair of summer pantaloons, every year; a hat about every second year, and a great-coat and blanket every third year. Instead of great-coats and hats, the women have large capes81 to protect the bust82 in bad weather, and handkerchiefs for the head. The articles furnished are good and serviceable; and, with their own acquisitions, make their appearance decent and respectable. On Sunday they are even fine. The aged45 and invalid are clad as regularly as the rest, but less substantially. Mothers receive a little raw cotton, in proportion to the number of children, with the privilege of having the yarn83, when spun84, woven at my expense. I provide them with blankets. Orphans85 are put with careful women, and treated with tenderness. I am attached to the little slaves, and encourage familiarity among them. Sometimes, when I ride near the quarters, they come running after me with the most whimsical requests, and are rendered happy by the distribution of some little donation. The clothing described is that which is given to the crop hands. Home-servants, a numerous class in Virginia, are of course clad in a different and very superior manner. I neglected to mention, in the proper place, that there are on each of my plantations a kitchen, an oven, and one or more cooks; and that each hand is furnished with a tin bucket for his food, which is carried into the field by little negroes, who also supply the laborers with water.
7th. “Their treatment when sick.”—My negroes go, or are carried, as soon as they are attacked, to a spacious86 and well-ventilated hospital, near the mansion-house. They are there received by an attentive nurse, who has an assortment87 of medicine, additional bed-clothing, and the command of as much light food as she may require, either from the table or the store-room of the proprietor12. Wine, sago, rice, and other little comforts appertaining to such an establishment, are always kept on hand. The condition of the sick is much better than that of the poor whites or free colored people in the neighborhood.
8th. “Their rewards and punishments.”—I occasionally bestow little gratuities88 for good conduct, and particularly after harvest; and hardly ever refuse a favor asked by those who faithfully perform their duty. Vicious and idle servants are punished with stripes, moderately inflicted89; to which, in the case of theft, is added privation of meat, a severe punishment to those who are never suffered to be without it on any other account. From my limited observation, I think that servants to the North work much harder than our slaves. I was educated at a college in one of the free states, and, on my return to Virginia, was struck with the contrast. I was astonished at the number of idle domestics, and actually worried my mother, much to my contrition90 since, to reduce the establishment. I say to my contrition, because, after eighteen years’ residence in the good Old Dominion91, I find myself surrounded by a troop of servants about as numerous as that against which I formerly so loudly exclaimed. While on this subject it may not be amiss to state a case of manumission which occurred about three years since. My nearest neighbor, a man of immense 11wealth, owned a favorite servant, a fine fellow, with polished manners and excellent disposition92, who reads and writes, and is thoroughly93 versed94 in the duties of a butler and housekeeper95, in the performance of which he was trusted without limit. This man was, on the death of his master, emancipated96 with a legacy97 of six thousand dollars, besides about two thousand dollars more which he had been permitted to accumulate, and had deposited with his master, who had given him credit for it. The use that this man, apparently98 so well qualified99 for freedom, and who has had an opportunity of travelling and of judging for himself, makes of his money and his time, is somewhat remarkable100. In consequence of his exemplary conduct, he has been permitted to reside in the state, and for very moderate wages occupies the same situation he did in the old establishment, and will probably continue to occupy it as long as he lives. He has no children of his own, but has put a little girl, a relation of his, to school. Except in this instance, and in the purchase of a few plain articles of furniture, his freedom and his money seem not much to have benefited him. A servant of mine, who is intimate with him, thinks he is not as happy as he was before his liberation. Several other servants were freed at the same time, with smaller legacies101, but I do not know what has become of them.
I do not regard negro-slavery, however mitigated102, as a Utopian system, and have not intended so to delineate it. But it exists, and the difficulty of removing it is felt and acknowledged by all, save the fanatics103, who, like “fools, rush in where angels dare not tread.” It is pleasing to know that its burdens are not too heavy to be borne. That the treatment of slaves in this state is humane, and even indulgent, may be inferred from the fact of their rapid increase and great longevity104. I believe that, constituted as they are, morally and physically105, they are as happy as any peasantry in the world; and I venture to affirm, as the result of my reading and inquiry106, that in no country are the laborers so liberally and invariably supplied with bread and meat as are the negro slaves of the United States. However great the dearth107 of provisions, famine never reaches them.
P. S.—It might have been stated above that on this estate there are about one hundred and sixty blacks. With the exception of infants, there has been, in eighteen months, but one death that I remember,—that of a man fully2 sixty-five years of age. The bill for medical attendance, from the second day of last November, comprising upwards108 of a year, is less than forty dollars.
The following accounts are taken from “Ingraham’s Travels in the South-west,” a work which seems to have been written as much to show the beauties of slavery as anything else. Speaking of the state of things on some Southern plantations, he gives the following pictures, which are presented without note or comment:
The little candidates for “field honors” are useless articles on a plantation42 during the first five or six years of their existence. They are then to take their first lesson in the elementary part of their education. When they have learned their manual alphabet tolerably well, they are placed in the field to take a spell at cotton-picking. The first day in the field is their proudest day. The young negroes look forward to it with as much restlessness and impatience109 as school-boys to a vacation. Black children are not put to work so young as many children of poor parents in the North. It is often the case that the children of the domestic servants become pets in the house, and the playmates of the white children of the family. No scene can be livelier or more interesting to a Northerner, than that which the negro quarters of a well-regulated plantation present on a Sabbath morning, just before church-hours. In every cabin the men are shaving and dressing110; the women, arrayed in their gay muslins, are arranging their frizzly hair,—in which they take no little pride,—or investigating the condition of their children; the old people, neatly111 clothed, are quietly conversing112 or smoking about the doors; and those of the younger portion who are not undergoing the infliction113 of the wash-tub are enjoying themselves in the shade of the trees, or around some little pond, with as much zest114 as though slavery and freedom were synonymous terms. When all are dressed, and the hour arrives for worship, they lock up their cabins, and the whole population of the little village proceeds to the chapel, where divine service is performed, sometimes by an officiating clergyman, and often by the planter himself, if a church-member. The whole plantation is also frequently formed into a Sabbath class, which is instructed by the planter, or some member of his family; and often, such is the anxiety of the master that they should perfectly115 understand what they are taught,—a hard matter in the present state of their intellect,—that no means calculated to advance their progress are left untried. I was not long since shown a manuscript catechism, drawn116 up with great care and judgment117 by a distinguished118 planter, on a plan admirably adapted to the comprehension of the negroes.
It is now popular to treat slaves with kindness; and those planters who are known to be inhumanly119 rigorous to their slaves are scarcely countenanced120 by the more intelligent and humane portion of the community. Such instances, however, are very rare; but there are unprincipled men everywhere, who will give vent58 to their ill feelings and bad passions, not with less good will upon the back of an indented121 apprentice122, than upon that of a purchased slave. Private chapels123 are now introduced upon most of the plantations of the more wealthy, which are far from any church; Sabbath-schools are instituted for the black children, and Bible-classes for the parents, which are superintended by the planter, a chaplain, or some of the female members of the family.
Nor are planters indifferent to the comfort of their gray-headed slaves. I have been much affected124 at beholding125 many exhibitions of their kindly feeling towards them. They always address them in a mild and pleasant manner, as “Uncle,” or “Aunty,”—titles as peculiar126 to the old negro and negress as “boy” and “girl” to all under forty years of age. Some old Africans are allowed to spend their last years in their houses, without doing any kind of labor; these, if not too infirm, cultivate little patches of ground, on which they raise a few vegetables,—for vegetables grow nearly all the year round in this climate,—and make a little money to purchase a few extra comforts. They are also always receiving presents 12from their masters and mistresses, and the negroes on the estate, the latter of whom are extremely desirous of seeing the old people comfortable. A relation of the extra comforts which some planters allow their slaves would hardly obtain credit at the North. But you must recollect127 that Southern planters are men, and men of feeling, generous and high-minded, and possessing as much of the “milk of human kindness” as the sons of colder climes—although they may have been educated to regard that as right which a different education has led Northerners to consider wrong.
With regard to the character of Mrs. Shelby the writer must say a few words. While travelling in Kentucky, a few years since, some pious128 ladies expressed to her the same sentiments with regard to slavery which the reader has heard expressed by Mrs. Shelby.
There are many whose natural sense of justice cannot be made to tolerate the enormities of the system, even though they hear it defended by clergymen from the pulpit, and see it countenanced by all that is most honorable in rank and wealth.
A pious lady said to the author, with regard to instructing her slaves, “I am ashamed to teach them what is right; I know that they know as well as I do that it is wrong to hold them as slaves, and I am ashamed to look them in the face.” Pointing to an intelligent mulatto woman who passed through the room, she continued, “Now, there’s B——. She is as intelligent and capable as any white woman I ever knew, and as well able to have her liberty and take care of herself; and she knows it isn’t right to keep her as we do, and I know it too; and yet I cannot get my husband to think as I do, or I should be glad to set them free.”
A venerable friend of the writer, a lady born and educated a slave-holder, used to the writer the very words attributed to Mrs. Shelby:—“I never thought it was right to hold slaves. I always thought it was wrong when I was a girl, and I thought so still more when I came to join the church.” An incident related by this friend of her examination for the church shows in a striking manner what a difference may often exist between theoretical and practical benevolence129.
A certain class of theologians in America have advocated the doctrine130 of disinterested131 benevolence with such zeal132 as to make it an imperative133 article of belief that every individual ought to be willing to endure everlasting134 misery135, if by doing so they could, on the whole, produce a greater amount of general good in the universe; and the inquiry was sometimes made of candidates for church-membership whether they could bring themselves to this point, as a test of their sincerity136. The clergyman who was to examine this lady was particularly interested in these speculations137. When he came to inquire of her with regard to her views as to the obligations of Christianity, she informed him decidedly that she had brought her mind to the point of emancipating138 all her slaves, of whom she had a large number. The clergyman seemed rather to consider this as an excess of zeal, and recommended that she should take time to reflect upon it. He was, however, very urgent to know whether, if it should appear for the greatest good of the universe, she would be willing to be damned. Entirely unaccustomed to theological speculations, the good woman answered, with some vehemence, that “she was sure she was not;” adding, naturally enough, that if that had been her purpose she need not have come to join the church. The good lady, however, was admitted, and proved her devotion to the general good by the more tangible139 method of setting all her slaves at liberty, and carefully watching over their education and interests after they were liberated140.
Mrs. Shelby is a fair type of the very best class of Southern women; and while the evils of the institution are felt and deplored141, and while the world looks with just indignation on the national support and patronage142 which is given to it, and on the men who, knowing its nature, deliberately143 make efforts to perpetuate144 and extend it, it is but justice that it should bear in mind the virtues145 of such persons.
Many of them, surrounded by circumstances over which they can have no control, perplexed146 by domestic cares of which women in free states can have very little conception, loaded down by duties and responsibilities which wear upon the very springs of life, still go on bravely and patiently from day to day, doing all they can to alleviate147 what they cannot prevent, and, as far as the sphere of their own immediate148 power extends, rescuing those who are dependent upon them from the evils of the system.
We read of Him who shall at last come to judgment, that “His fan is in his hand, and he will thoroughly purge149 his floor, and gather his wheat into the garner150.” Out of the great abyss of national sin he will rescue every grain of good and honest purpose and intention. His eyes, which are as a flame of fire, penetrate151 at once those intricate mazes152 where human judgment is lost, and will save and honor at last the truly good and sincere, however they may have been involved with the evil; and such souls as have resisted the greatest temptations, and persisted in good under the most perplexing circumstances, are those of whom he has written, “And they shall be mine, saith the Lord of Hosts, in that day when I make up my jewels; and I will spare them as a man spareth his own son that serveth him.”
1. The leader of the insurrection in lower Virginia, in which upwards of a hundred white persons, principally women and children, were massacred in cold blood.
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skilfully
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| adv. (美skillfully)熟练地 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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judiciously
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| adv.明断地，明智而审慎地 | |
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amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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domain
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| n.(活动等)领域，范围；领地，势力范围 | |
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query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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dwelling
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succor
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| n.援助，帮助；v.给予帮助 | |
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proprietors
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| n.所有人，业主( proprietor的名词复数 ) | |
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proprietor
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| n.所有人；业主；经营者 | |
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formerly
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mansion
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| n.大厦，大楼；宅第 | |
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scourged
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| 鞭打( scourge的过去式和过去分词 )； 惩罚，压迫 | |
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tenure
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| n.终身职位；任期；(土地)保有权，保有期 | |
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subdivided
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| 再分，细分( subdivide的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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humane
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patriotic
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infancy
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| n.婴儿期；幼年期；初期 | |
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attachment
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condemn
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| vt.谴责，指责；宣判(罪犯)，判刑 | |
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attentive
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determined
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entirely
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discretion
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rations
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situated
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venerated
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| 敬重（某人或某事物），崇敬( venerate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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liberate
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| v.解放，使获得自由，释出，放出；vt.解放，使获自由 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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32
awe
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| n.敬畏，惊惧；vt.使敬畏，使惊惧 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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34
mingled
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| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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35
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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36
runaway
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| n.逃走的人，逃亡，亡命者；adj.逃亡的，逃走的 | |
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37
bestow
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| v.把…赠与，把…授予；花费 | |
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38
enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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39
laborers
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| n.体力劳动者，工人( laborer的名词复数 )；（熟练工人的）辅助工 | |
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40
transgress
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| vt.违反，逾越 | |
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41
impunity
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| n.(惩罚、损失、伤害等的)免除 | |
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42
plantation
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| n.种植园，大农场 | |
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43
plantations
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| n.种植园，大农场( plantation的名词复数 ) | |
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44
specified
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| adj.特定的 | |
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45
aged
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| adj.年老的，陈年的 | |
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46
muskrat
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| n.麝香鼠 | |
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47
muskrats
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| n.麝鼠（产于北美，毛皮珍贵）( muskrat的名词复数 ) | |
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48
ingenuity
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| n.别出心裁；善于发明创造 | |
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49
provident
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| adj.为将来做准备的，有先见之明的 | |
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50
fowls
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| 鸟( fowl的名词复数 )； 禽肉； 既不是这； 非驴非马 | |
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51
fowl
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| n.家禽，鸡，禽肉 | |
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52
catching
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| adj.易传染的，有魅力的，迷人的，接住 | |
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53
marshes
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| n.沼泽，湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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54
curtailment
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| n.缩减，缩短 | |
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55
restrictions
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| 约束( restriction的名词复数 )； 管制； 制约因素； 带限制性的条件（或规则） | |
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56
hearty
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| adj.热情友好的；衷心的；尽情的，纵情的 | |
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57
waggish
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| adj.诙谐的，滑稽的 | |
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58
vent
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| n.通风口，排放口；开衩；vt.表达，发泄 | |
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59
fluency
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| n.流畅，雄辩，善辩 | |
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60
kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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61
discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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62
frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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63
lingo
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| n.语言不知所云，外国话，隐语 | |
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64
vehemence
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| n.热切；激烈；愤怒 | |
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65
ERECTED
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| adj. 直立的，竖立的，笔直的 vt. 使 ... 直立，建立 | |
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66
chapel
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| n.小教堂，殡仪馆 | |
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67
persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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68
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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69
bliss
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| n.狂喜，福佑，天赐的福 | |
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70
folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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71
tunes
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| n.曲调，曲子( tune的名词复数 )v.调音( tune的第三人称单数 )；调整；（给收音机、电视等）调谐；使协调 | |
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72
hymns
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| n.赞美诗，圣歌，颂歌( hymn的名词复数 ) | |
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73
primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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74
superannuated
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| adj.老朽的，退休的；v.因落后于时代而废除，勒令退学 | |
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invalid
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| n.病人，伤残人；adj.有病的，伤残的；无效的 | |
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76
improvident
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| adj.不顾将来的，不节俭的，无远见的 | |
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77
applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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78
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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79
pretexts
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| n.借口，托辞( pretext的名词复数 ) | |
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81
capes
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| 碎谷； 斗篷( cape的名词复数 )； 披肩； 海角； 岬 | |
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82
bust
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| vt.打破；vi.爆裂；n.半身像；胸部 | |
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83
yarn
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| n.纱，纱线，纺线；奇闻漫谈，旅行轶事 | |
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84
spun
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| v.纺，杜撰，急转身 | |
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85
orphans
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| 孤儿( orphan的名词复数 ) | |
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86
spacious
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| adj.广阔的，宽敞的 | |
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87
assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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88
gratuities
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| n.报酬( gratuity的名词复数 )；小账；小费；养老金 | |
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89
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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90
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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91
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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92
disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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93
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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94
versed
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| adj. 精通，熟练 | |
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95
housekeeper
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| n.管理家务的主妇，女管家 | |
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96
emancipated
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|
| adj.被解放的，不受约束的v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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97
legacy
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| n.遗产，遗赠；先人(或过去)留下的东西 | |
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98
apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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99
qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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100
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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101
legacies
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| n.遗产( legacy的名词复数 )；遗留之物；遗留问题；后遗症 | |
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102
mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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103
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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104
longevity
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| n.长命；长寿 | |
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105
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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106
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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107
dearth
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| n.缺乏，粮食不足，饥谨 | |
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108
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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109
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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110
dressing
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| n.(食物)调料；包扎伤口的用品，敷料 | |
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111
neatly
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| adv.整洁地，干净地，灵巧地，熟练地 | |
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112
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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113
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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114
zest
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| n.乐趣；滋味，风味；兴趣 | |
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115
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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116
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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117
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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118
distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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119
inhumanly
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| adv.无人情味地，残忍地 | |
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120
countenanced
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| v.支持，赞同，批准( countenance的过去式 ) | |
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121
indented
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| adj.锯齿状的，高低不平的；缩进排版 | |
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122
apprentice
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| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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123
chapels
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| n.小教堂， （医院、监狱等的）附属礼拜堂( chapel的名词复数 )；（在小教堂和附属礼拜堂举行的）礼拜仪式 | |
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124
affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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125
beholding
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| v.看，注视( behold的现在分词 )；瞧；看呀；（叙述中用于引出某人意外的出现）哎哟 | |
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126
peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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127
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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128
pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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129
benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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130
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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131
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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132
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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133
imperative
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| n.命令，需要；规则；祈使语气；adj.强制的；紧急的 | |
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134
everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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135
misery
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| n.痛苦，苦恼，苦难；悲惨的境遇，贫苦 | |
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136
sincerity
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| n.真诚，诚意；真实 | |
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137
speculations
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| n.投机买卖( speculation的名词复数 )；思考；投机活动；推断 | |
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138
emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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139
tangible
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| adj.有形的，可触摸的，确凿的，实际的 | |
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140
liberated
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| a.无拘束的，放纵的 | |
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141
deplored
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| v.悲叹，痛惜，强烈反对( deplore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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142
patronage
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| n.赞助，支援，援助；光顾，捧场 | |
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143
deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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144
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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145
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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146
perplexed
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| adj.不知所措的 | |
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147
alleviate
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| v.减轻，缓和，缓解(痛苦等) | |
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148
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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149
purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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150
garner
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| v.收藏；取得 | |
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151
penetrate
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| v.透(渗)入；刺入，刺穿；洞察，了解 | |
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152
mazes
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| 迷宫( maze的名词复数 )； 纷繁复杂的规则； 复杂难懂的细节； 迷宫图 | |
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