It has been the writer’s object to separate carefully, as far as possible, the system from the men. It is her sincere belief that, while the irresponsible power of slavery is such that no human being ought ever to possess it, probably that power was never exercised more leniently1 than in many cases in the Southern States. She has been astonished to see how, under all the disadvantages which attend the early possession of arbitrary power, all the temptations which every reflecting mind must see will arise from the possession of this power in various forms, there are often developed such fine and interesting traits of character. To say that these cases are common, alas2! is not in our power. Men know human nature too well to believe us, if we should. But the more dreadful the evil to be assailed3, the more careful should we be to be just in our apprehensions4, and to balance the horror which certain abuses must necessarily excite, by a consideration of those excellent and redeeming5 traits which are often found in individuals connected with the system.
The twin brothers, Alfred and Augustine St. Clare, represent two classes of men which are to be found in all countries. They are the radically6 aristocratic and democratic men. The aristocrat7 by position is not always the aristocrat by nature, and vice9 versa; but the aristocrat by nature, whether he be in a higher or lower position in society, is he who, though he may be just, generous and humane10, to those whom he considers his equals, is entirely11 insensible to the wants, and sufferings, and common humanity, of those whom he considers the lower orders. The sufferings of a countess would make him weep; the sufferings of a seamstress are quite another matter.
On the other hand, the democrat8 is often found in the highest position of life. To this man, superiority to his brother is a thing which he can never boldly and nakedly assert 36without a secret pain. In the lowest and humblest walk of life, he acknowledges the sacredness of a common humanity; and however degraded by the opinions and institutions of society any particular class may be, there is an instinctive12 feeling in his soul which teaches him that they are men of like passions with himself. Such men have a penetration13 which at once sees through all the false shows of outward custom which make one man so dissimilar to another, to those great generic14 capabilities15, sorrows, wants and weaknesses, wherein all men and women are alike; and there is no such thing as making them realize that one order of human beings have any prescriptive right over another order, or that the tears and sufferings of one are not just as good as those of another order.
That such men are to be found at the South in the relation of slave-masters, that when so found they cannot and will not be deluded16 by any of the shams17 and sophistry18 wherewith slavery has been defended, that they look upon it as a relic19 of a barbarous age, and utterly20 scorn and contemn21 all its apologists, we can abundantly show. Many of the most illustrious Southern men of the Revolution were of this class, and many men of distinguished23 position of later day have entertained the same sentiments.
Witness the following letter of Patrick Henry, the sentiments of which are so much an echo of those of St. Clare that the reader might suppose one to be a copy of the other:
LETTER OF PATRICK HENRY.
Hanover, January 18th, 1773.
Dear Sir: I take this opportunity to acknowledge the receipt of Anthony Benezet’s book against the slave-trade; I thank you for it. Is it not a little surprising that the professors of Christianity, whose chief excellence25 consists in softening26 the human heart, in cherishing and improving its finer feelings, should encourage a practice so totally repugnant to the first impressions of right and wrong? What adds to the wonder is, that this abominable27 practice has been introduced in the most enlightened ages. Times that seem to have pretensions28 to boast of high improvements in the arts and sciences, and refined morality, have brought into general use, and guarded by many laws, a species of violence and tyranny which our more rude and barbarous, but more honest ancestors detested29. Is it not amazing that at a time when the rights of humanity are defined and understood with precision, in a country above all others fond of liberty,—that in such an age and in such a country we find men professing30 a religion the most mild, humane, gentle and generous, adopting such a principle, as repugnant to humanity as it is inconsistent with the Bible, and destructive to liberty? Every thinking, honest man rejects it in speculation31. How free in practice from conscientious32 motives33!
Would any one believe that I am master of slaves of my own purchase? I am drawn34 along by the general inconvenience of living here without them. I will not, I cannot, justify35 it. However culpable36 my conduct, I will so far pay my devoir to virtue37 as to own the excellence and rectitude of her precepts38, and lament39 my want of conformity40 to them.
I believe a time will come when an opportunity will be offered to abolish this lamentable41 evil. Everything we can do is to improve it, if it happens in our day; if not, let us transmit to our descendants, together with our slaves, a pity for their unhappy lot, and an abhorrence43 for slavery. If we cannot reduce this wished-for reformation to practice, let us treat the unhappy victims with lenity. It is the furthest advance we can make towards justice. It is a debt we owe to the purity of our religion, to show that it is at variance44 with that law which warrants slavery.
I know not when to stop. I could say many things on the subject, a serious view of which gives a gloomy prospect45 to future times!
What a sorrowful thing it is that such men live an inglorious life, drawn along by the general current of society, when they ought to be its regenerators! Has God endowed them with such nobleness of soul, such clearness of perception, for nothing? Should they, to whom he has given superior powers of insight and feeling, live as all the world live?
Southern men of this class have often risen up to reprove the men of the North, when they are drawn in to apologize for the system of slavery. Thus, on one occasion, a representative from one of the northern states, a gentleman now occupying the very highest rank of distinction and official station, used in Congress the following language:
The great relation of servitude, in some form or other, with greater or less departure from the theoretic equality of men, is inseparable from our nature. Domestic slavery is not, in my judgment46, to be set down as an immoral47 or irreligious relation. The slaves of this country are better clothed and fed than the peasantry of some of the most prosperous states of Europe.
He was answered by Mr. Mitchell, of Tennessee, in these words:
Sir, I do not go the length of the gentleman from Massachusetts, and hold that the existence of slavery in this country is almost a blessing48. On the contrary, I am firmly settled in the opinion that it is a great curse,—one of the greatest that could have been interwoven in our system. I, Mr. Chairman, am one of those whom these poor wretches49 call masters. I do not task them; I feed and clothe them well; but yet, alas! they are slaves, and slavery is a curse in any shape. It is no doubt true that there are persons in Europe far more degraded than our slaves,—worse fed, worse 37clothed, &c., but, sir, this is far from proving that negroes ought to be slaves.
The celebrated50 John Randolph, of Roanoke, said in Congress, on one occasion:
Sir, I envy neither the heart nor the head of that man from the North who rises here to defend slavery on principle.
The following lines from the will of this eccentric man show that this clear sense of justice, which is a gift of superior natures, at last produced some appropriate fruits in practice:
I give to my slaves their freedom, to which my conscience tells me they are justly entitled. It has a long time been a matter of the deepest regret to me, that the circumstances under which I inherited them, and the obstacles thrown in the way by the laws of the land, have prevented my emancipating51 them in my lifetime, which it is my full intention to do in case I can accomplish it.
The influence on such minds as these of that kind of theological teaching which prevails in the majority of pulpits at the South, and which justifies53 slavery directly from the Bible, cannot be sufficiently54 regretted. Such men are shocked to find their spiritual teachers less conscientious than themselves; and if the Biblical argument succeeds in bewildering them, it produces scepticism with regard to the Bible itself. Professor Stowe states that, during his residence in Ohio, he visited at the house of a gentleman who had once been a Virginian planter, and during the first years of his life was an avowed55 sceptic. He stated that his scepticism was entirely referable to this one cause,—that his minister had constructed a scriptural argument in defence of slavery which he was unable to answer, and that his moral sense was so shocked by the idea that the Bible defended such an atrocious system, that he became an entire unbeliever, and so continued until he came under the ministration of a clergyman in Ohio, who succeeded in presenting to him the true scriptural view of the subject. He immediately threw aside his scepticism, and became a member of a Christian24 church.
So we hear the Baltimore Sun, a paper in a slave state, and no way suspected of leaning towards abolitionism, thus scornfully disposing of the scriptural argument:
Messrs. Burgess, Taylor & Co., Sun Iron Building, send us a copy of a work of imposing57 exterior58, a handsome work of nearly six hundred pages, from the pen of Rev22. Josiah Priest, A.M., and published by Rev. W. S. Brown, M.D., at Glasgow, Kentucky, the copy before us conveying the assurance that it is the “fifth edition—stereotyped.” And we have no doubt it is; and the fiftieth edition may be published; but it will amount to nothing, for there is nothing in it. The book comprises the usually quoted facts associated with the history of slavery as recorded in the Scriptures60, accompanied by the opinions and arguments of another man in relation thereto. And this sort of thing may go on to the end of time. It can accomplish nothing towards the perpetuation61 of slavery. The book is called “Bible Defence of Slavery; and Origin, Fortunes, and History, of the Negro Race.” Bible defence of slavery! There is no such thing as a Bible defence of slavery at the present day. Slavery in the United States is a social institution, originating in the convenience and cupidity62 of our ancestors, existing by state laws and recognized to a certain extent—for the recovery of slave property—by the constitution. And nobody would pretend that, if it were inexpedient and unprofitable for any man or any state to continue to hold slaves, they would be bound to do so, on the ground of a “Bible defence” of it. Slavery is recorded in the Bible, and approved, with many degrading characteristics. War is recorded in the Bible, and approved, under what seems to us the extreme of cruelty. But are slavery and war to endure forever, because we find them in the Bible? Or, are they to cease at once and forever, because the Bible inculcates peace and brotherhood63?
The book before us exhibits great research, but is obnoxious64 to severe criticism, on account of its gratuitous65 assumptions. The writer is constantly assuming this, that, and the other. In a work of this sort, a “doubtless” this, and “no doubt” the other, and “such is our belief,” with respect to important premises66, will not be acceptable to the intelligent reader. Many of the positions assumed are ludicrous; and the fancy of the writer runs to exuberance67 in putting words and speeches into the mouths of the ancients, predicated upon the brief record of Scripture59 history. The argument from the curse of Ham is not worth the paper it is written upon. It is just equivalent to that of Blackwood’s Magazine, we remember examining some years since, in reference to the admission of Rothschild to Parliament. The writer maintained the religious obligation of the Christian public to perpetuate68 the political disabilities of the Jews, because it would be resisting the Divine will to remove them, in view of the “curse” which the aforesaid Christian Pharisee understood to be levelled against the sons of Abraham. Admitting that God has cursed both the Jewish race and the descendants of Ham, He is able to fulfil His purpose, though the “rest of mankind” should in all things act up to the benevolent69 precepts of the “Divine law.” Man may very safely cultivate the highest principles of the Christian dispensation, and leave God to work out the fulfilment of His curse.
According to the same book and the same logic52, all mankind being under a “curse,” none of us ought to work out any alleviation70 for ourselves, and we are sinning heinously71 in harnessing steam to the performance of manual labor72, cutting wheat by McCormick’s diablerie, and laying hold of the lightning to carry our messages for us, instead of footing it ourselves as our father Adam did. With a little more common sense, and much less of the uncommon73 38sort, we should better understand Scripture, the institutions under which we live, the several rights of our fellow-citizens in all sections of the country, and the good, sound, practical, social relations, which ought to contribute infinitely74 more than they do to the happiness of mankind.
If the reader wishes to know what kind of preaching it is that St. Clare alludes75 to, when he says he can learn what is quite as much to the purpose from the Picayune, and that such scriptural expositions of their peculiar76 relations don’t edify77 him much, he is referred to the following extract from a sermon preached in New Orleans, by the Rev. Theophilus Clapp. Let our reader now imagine that he sees St. Clare seated in the front slip, waggishly79 taking notes of the following specimen80 of ethics81 and humanity.
Let all Christian teachers show our servants the importance of being submissive, obedient, industrious82, honest and faithful to the interests of their masters. Let their minds be filled with sweet anticipations83 of rest eternal beyond the grave. Let them be trained to direct their views to that fascinating and glorious futurity, where the sins, sorrows, and troubles of earth, will be contemplated84 under the aspect of means indispensable to our everlasting85 progress in knowledge, virtue and happiness. I would say to every slave in the United States, “You should realize that a wise, kind, and merciful Providence86 has appointed for you your condition in life; and, all things considered, you could not be more eligibly87 situated88. The burden of your care, toils89 and responsibilities, is much lighter90 than that which God has imposed on your master. The most enlightened philanthropists, with unlimited91 resources, could not place you in a situation more favorable to your present and everlasting welfare than that which you now occupy. You have your troubles. So have all. Remember how evanescent are the pleasures and joys of human life.”
But, as Mr. Clapp will not, perhaps, be accepted as a representation of orthodoxy, let him be supposed to listen to the following declarations of the Rev. James Smylie, a clergyman of great influence in the Presbyterian church, in a tract78 upon slavery, which he states in the introduction to have been written with particular reference to removing the conscientious scruples92 of religious people in Mississippi and Louisiana, with regard to its propriety93.
If I believed, or was of opinion, that it was the legitimate94 tendency of the gospel to abolish slavery, how would I approach a man, possessing as many slaves as Abraham had, and tell him I wished to obtain his permission to preach to his slaves?
Suppose the man to be ignorant of the gospel, and that he would inquire of me what was my object. I would tell him candidly95 (and every minister ought to be candid) that I wished to preach the gospel, because its legitimate tendency is to make his slaves honest, trusty and faithful: not serving “with eye service, as men pleasers,” “not purloining96, but showing all good fidelity97.” “And is this,” he would ask, “really the tendency of the gospel?” I would answer, Yes. Then I might expect that a man who had a thousand slaves, if he believed me, would not only permit me to preach to his slaves, but would do more. He would be willing to build me a house, furnish me a garden, and ample provision for a support. Because, he would conclude, verily, that this preacher would be worth more to him than a dozen overseers. But, suppose, then, he would tell me that he had understood that the tendency of the gospel was to abolish slavery, and inquire of me if that was the fact. Ah! this is the rub. He has now cornered me. What shall I say? Shall I, like a dishonest man, twist and dodge98, and shift and turn, to evade99 an answer? No. I must Kentuckian like, come out, broad, flat-footed, and tell him that abolition56 is the tendency of the gospel. What am I now to calculate upon? I have told the man that it is the tendency of the gospel to make him so poor as to oblige him to take hold of the maul and wedge himself; he must catch, curry100, and saddle his own horse; he must black his own brogans (for he will not be able to buy boots). His wife must go, herself, to the wash-tub, take hold of the scrubbing-broom, wash the pots, and cook all that she and her rail mauler will eat.
Query101.—Is it to be expected that a master ignorant heretofore of the tendency of the gospel would fall so desperately102 in love with it, from a knowledge of its tendency, that he would encourage the preaching of it among his slaves? Verily, NO.
But suppose, when he put the last question to me, as to its tendency, I could and would, without a twist or quibble, tell him, plainly and candidly, that it was a slander103 on the gospel to say that emancipation104 or abolition was its legitimate tendency. I would tell him that the commandments of some men, and not the commandments of God, made slavery a sin.—Smylie on Slavery, p. 71.
One can imagine the expression of countenance105 and tone of voice with which St. Clare would receive such expositions of the gospel. It is to be remarked that this tract does not contain the opinions of one man only, but that it has in its appendix a letter from two ecclesiastical bodies of the Presbyterian church, substantially endorsing106 its sentiments.
Can any one wonder that a man like St. Clare should put such questions as these?
“Is what you hear at church religion? Is that which can bend and turn, and descend42 and ascend107, to fit every crooked108 phase of selfish, worldly society, religion? Is that religion, which is less scrupulous109, less generous, less just, less considerate for man, than even my own ungodly, worldly, blinded nature? No! When I look for a religion, I must look for something above me, and not something beneath.”
The character of St. Clare was drawn by the writer with enthusiasm and with hope. Will this hope never be realized? Will those men at the South, to whom God has given the power to perceive and the heart to feel the unutterable wrong and injustice110 of slavery, always remain silent and inactive? What nobler ambition to a Southern man than to deliver his country from this disgrace? From the South must the deliverer arise. How long shall he delay? There is a crown brighter than any earthly ambition has ever worn,—there is a laurel which will not fade: it is prepared and waiting for that hero who shall rise up for liberty at the South, and free that noble and beautiful country from the burden and disgrace of slavery.
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leniently
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| 温和地，仁慈地 | |
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alas
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| int.唉(表示悲伤、忧愁、恐惧等) | |
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assailed
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| v.攻击( assail的过去式和过去分词 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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apprehensions
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redeeming
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| 补偿的，弥补的 | |
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radically
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| ad.根本地，本质地 | |
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aristocrat
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| n.贵族，有贵族气派的人，上层人物 | |
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democrat
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| n.民主主义者，民主人士；民主党党员 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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instinctive
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penetration
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generic
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| adj.一般的，普通的，共有的 | |
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capabilities
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| n.能力( capability的名词复数 )；可能；容量；[复数]潜在能力 | |
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deluded
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shams
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| 假象( sham的名词复数 )； 假货； 虚假的行为（或感情、言语等）； 假装…的人 | |
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sophistry
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relic
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utterly
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contemn
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rev
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distinguished
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Christian
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excellence
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softening
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abominable
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pretensions
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detested
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professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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speculation
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conscientious
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motives
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drawn
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justify
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culpable
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virtue
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precepts
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lament
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conformity
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lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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descend
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| vt./vi.传下来，下来，下降 | |
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abhorrence
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| n.憎恶；可憎恶的事 | |
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variance
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prospect
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| n.前景，前途；景色，视野 | |
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judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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immoral
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| adj.不道德的，淫荡的，荒淫的，有伤风化的 | |
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blessing
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wretches
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celebrated
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emancipating
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| v.解放某人（尤指摆脱政治、法律或社会的束缚）( emancipate的现在分词 ) | |
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logic
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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imposing
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| adj.使人难忘的，壮丽的，堂皇的，雄伟的 | |
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exterior
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| adj.外部的，外在的；表面的 | |
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scripture
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| n.经文，圣书，手稿；Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》，《圣经》中的一段 | |
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scriptures
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| 经文，圣典( scripture的名词复数 )； 经典 | |
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61
perpetuation
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| n.永存，不朽 | |
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cupidity
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| n.贪心，贪财 | |
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63
brotherhood
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| n.兄弟般的关系，手中情谊 | |
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64
obnoxious
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| adj.极恼人的，讨人厌的，可憎的 | |
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gratuitous
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| adj.无偿的，免费的；无缘无故的，不必要的 | |
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premises
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| n.建筑物，房屋 | |
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exuberance
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| n.丰富；繁荣 | |
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68
perpetuate
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| v.使永存，使永记不忘 | |
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benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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alleviation
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| n. 减轻，缓和，解痛物 | |
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heinously
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| adv.可憎地，极恶地 | |
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72
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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73
uncommon
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| adj.罕见的，非凡的，不平常的 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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alludes
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| 提及，暗指( allude的第三人称单数 ) | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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77
edify
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| v.陶冶；教化；启发 | |
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tract
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| n.传单，小册子，大片(土地或森林) | |
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waggishly
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| adv.waggish（滑稽的，诙谐的）的变形 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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ethics
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| n.伦理学；伦理观，道德标准 | |
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industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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anticipations
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| 预期( anticipation的名词复数 )； 预测； （信托财产收益的）预支； 预期的事物 | |
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contemplated
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| adj. 预期的 动词contemplate的过去分词形式 | |
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everlasting
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| adj.永恒的，持久的，无止境的 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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eligibly
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| 适当地 | |
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situated
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| adj.坐落在...的，处于某种境地的 | |
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toils
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| 网 | |
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lighter
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| n.打火机，点火器；驳船；v.用驳船运送；light的比较级 | |
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unlimited
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| adj.无限的，不受控制的，无条件的 | |
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scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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propriety
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| n.正当行为；正当；适当 | |
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legitimate
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| adj.合法的，合理的，合乎逻辑的；v.使合法 | |
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candidly
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| adv.坦率地，直率而诚恳地 | |
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purloining
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| v.偷窃( purloin的现在分词 ) | |
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fidelity
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| n.忠诚，忠实；精确 | |
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98
dodge
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| v.闪开，躲开，避开；n.妙计，诡计 | |
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evade
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| vt.逃避，回避；避开，躲避 | |
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100
curry
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| n.咖哩粉，咖哩饭菜；v.用咖哩粉调味，用马栉梳，制革 | |
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101
query
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| n.疑问，问号，质问；vt.询问，表示怀疑 | |
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102
desperately
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| adv.极度渴望地，绝望地，孤注一掷地 | |
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103
slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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104
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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105
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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106
endorsing
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| v.赞同( endorse的现在分词 )；在（尤指支票的）背面签字；在（文件的）背面写评论；在广告上说本人使用并赞同某产品 | |
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107
ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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108
crooked
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| adj.弯曲的；不诚实的，狡猾的，不正当的 | |
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109
scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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110
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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