“We cannot but regard the fact of this trial as a salutary occurrence.”—Charleston Courier.
Having given some account of what sort of statutes2 are to be found on the law-books of slavery, the reader will hardly be satisfied without knowing what sort of trials are held under them. We will quote one specimen3 of a trial, reported in the Charleston Courier of May 6th, 1847. The Charleston Courier is one of the leading papers of South Carolina, and the case is reported with the utmost apparent innocence4 that there was anything about the trial that could reflect in the least on the character of the state for the utmost legal impartiality5. In fact, the Charleston Courier ushers7 it into public view with the following flourish of trumpets8, as something which is forever to confound those who say that South Carolina does not protect the life of the slave:
THE TRIAL FOR MURDER.
Our community was deeply interested and excited, yesterday, by a case of great importance, and also of entire novelty in our jurisprudence. It was the trial of a lady of respectable family, and the mother of a large family, charged with the murder of her own or her husband’s slave. The court-house was thronged9 with spectators of the exciting drama, who remained, with unabated interest and undiminished numbers, until the verdict was rendered acquitting10 the prisoner. We cannot but regard the fact of this trial as a salutary, although in itself lamentable12 occurrence, as it will show to the world that, however panoplied13 in station and wealth, and although challenging those sympathies which are the right and inheritance of the female sex, no one will be suffered, in this community, to escape the most sifting14 scrutiny15, at the risk of even an ignominious16 death, who stands charged with the suspicion of murdering a slave,—to whose life our law now extends the ?gis of protection, in the same manner as it does to that of the white man, save only in the character of the evidence necessary for conviction or defence. While evil-disposed persons at home are thus taught that they may expect rigorous trial and condign17 punishment, when, actuated by malignant18 passions, they invade the life of the humble20 slave, the enemies of our domestic institution abroad will find, their calumnies21 to the contrary notwithstanding, that we are resolved, in this particular, to do the full measure of our duty to the laws of humanity. We subjoin a report of the case.
The proceedings22 of the trial are thus given:
TRIAL FOR THE MURDER OF A SLAVE.
State v. Eliza Rowand.—Spring Term, May 5, 1847.
Tried before his Honor Judge O’Neall.
The prisoner was brought to the bar and arraigned23, attended by her husband and mother, and humanely24 supported, during the trying scene, by the sheriff, J. B. Irving, Esq. On her arraignment26, she pleaded “Not Guilty,” and for her trial, placed herself upon “God and her country.” After challenging John M. Deas, James Bancroft, H. F. Harbers, C. J. Beckman, E. R. Cowperthwaite, Parker J. Holland, Moses D. Hyams, Thomas Glaze28, John Lawrence, B. Archer29, J. S. Addison, B. P. Colburn, B. M. Jenkins, Carl Houseman, Geo. Jackson, and Joseph Coppenberg, the prisoner accepted the subjoined panel, who were duly sworn, and charged with the case: 1. John L. Nowell, foreman. 2. Elias Whilden. 3. Jesse Coward. 4. Effington Wagner. 5. Wm. Whaley. 6. James Culbert. 7. R. L. Baker30. 8. S. Wiley. 9. W. S. Chisolm. 10. T. M. Howard. 11. John Bickley. 12. John Y. Stock.
93The following is the indictment31 on which the prisoner was arraigned for trial:
The State v. Eliza Rowand—Indictment for murder of a slave.
State of South Carolina, } to wit:
Charleston District, }
At a Court of General Sessions, begun and holden in and for the district of Charleston, in the State of South Carolina, at Charleston, in the district and state aforesaid, on Monday, the third day of May, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven:
The jurors of and for the district of Charleston, aforesaid, in the State of South Carolina, aforesaid, upon their oaths present, that Eliza Rowand, the wife of Robert Rowand, Esq., not having the fear of God before her eyes, but being moved and seduced32 by the instigation of the devil, on the 6th day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, with force and arms, at Charleston, in the district of Charleston, and state aforesaid, in and upon a certain female slave of the said Robert Rowand, named Maria, in the peace of God, and of the said state, then and there being, feloniously, maliciously34, wilfully36, deliberately38, and of her malice39 aforethought, did make an assault; and that a certain other slave of the said Robert Rowand, named Richard, then and there, being then and there in the presence and by the command of the said Eliza Rowand, with a certain piece of wood, which he the said Richard in both his hands then and there had and held, the said Maria did beat and strike, in and upon the head of her the said Maria, then and there giving to her the said Maria, by such striking and beating, as aforesaid, with the piece of wood aforesaid, divers40 mortal bruises41 on the top, back, and sides of the head of her the said Maria, of which several mortal bruises she, the said Maria, then and there instantly died; and that the said Eliza Rowand was then and there present, and then and there feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did order, command, and require, the said slave named Richard the murder and felony aforesaid, in manner and form aforesaid, to do and commit. And as the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do say, that the said Eliza Rowand her the said slave named Maria, in the manner and by the means, aforesaid, feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did kill and murder, against the form of the act of the General Assembly of the said state in such case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the same state aforesaid.
And the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do further present, that the said Eliza Rowand, not having the fear of God before her eyes, but being moved and seduced by the instigation of the devil, on the sixth day of January, in the year of our Lord one thousand eight hundred and forty-seven, with force and arms, at Charleston, in the district of Charleston, and state aforesaid, in and upon a certain other female slave of Robert Rowand, named Maria, in the peace of God, and of the said state, then and there being, feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did make an assault; and that the said Eliza Rowand, with a certain piece of wood, which she, the said Eliza Rowand, in both her hands then and there had and held, her the said last-mentioned slave named Maria did then and there strike, and beat, in and upon the head of her the said Maria, then and there giving to her the said Maria, by such striking and beating aforesaid, with the piece of wood aforesaid, divers mortal bruises, on the top, back, and side of the head, of her the said Maria, of which said several mortal bruises she the said Maria then and there instantly died. And so the jurors aforesaid, upon their oaths aforesaid, do say, that the said Eliza Rowand her the said last-mentioned slave named Maria, in the manner and by the means last mentioned, feloniously, maliciously, wilfully, deliberately, and of her malice aforethought, did kill and murder, against the form of the act of the General Assembly of the said state in such case made and provided, and against the peace and dignity of the same state aforesaid.
H. Bailey, Attorney-general.
As some of our readers may not have been in the habit of endeavoring to extract anything like common sense or information from documents so very concisely42 and luminously43 worded, the author will just state her own opinion that the above document is intended to charge Mrs. Eliza Rowand with having killed her slave Maria, in one of two ways: either with beating her on the head with her own hands, or having the same deed performed by proxy44, by her slave-man Richard. The whole case is now presented. In order to make the reader clearly understand the arguments, it is necessary that he bear in mind that the law of 1740, as we have before shown, punished the murder of the slave only with fine and disfranchisement, while the law of 1821 punishes it with death.
On motion of Mr. Petigru, the prisoner was allowed to remove from the bar, and take her place by her counsel; the judge saying he granted the motion only because the prisoner was a woman, but that no such privilege would have been extended by him to any man.
The Attorney-general, Henry Bailey, Esq., then rose and opened the case for the state, in substance, as follows: He said that, after months of anxiety and expectation, the curtain had at length risen, and he and the jury were about to bear their part in the sad drama of real life, which had so long engrossed45 the public mind. He and they were called to the discharge of an important, painful, and solemn duty. They were to pass between the prisoner and the state—to take an inquisition of blood; on their decision hung the life or death, the honor or ignominy, of the prisoner; yet he trusted he and they would have strength and ability to perform their duty faithfully; and, whatever might be the result, their consciences would be consoled and quieted by that reflection. He bade the jury pause and reflect on the great sanctions and solemn responsibilities under which they were acting46. The constitution of the state invested them with power over all that affected47 the life and was dear to the family of the unfortunate lady on trial before them. 94They were charged, too, with the sacred care of the law of the land; and to their solution was submitted one of the most solemn questions ever intrusted to the arbitrament of man. They should pursue a direct and straight-forward course, turning neither to the right hand nor to the left—influenced neither by prejudice against the prisoner, nor by a morbid48 sensibility in her behalf. Some of them might practically and personally be strangers to their present duty; but they were all familiar with the laws, and must be aware of the responsibilities of jurymen. It was scarcely necessary to tell them that, if evidence fixed49 guilt27 on this prisoner, they should not hesitate to record a verdict of guilty, although they should write that verdict in tears of blood. They should let no sickly sentimentality, or morbid feeling on the subject of capital punishments, deter51 them from the discharge of their plain and obvious duty. They were to administer, not to make, the law; they were called on to enforce the law, by sanctioning the highest duty to God and to their country. If any of them were disturbed with doubts or scruples52 on this point, he scarcely supposed they would have gone into the jury-box. The law had awarded capital punishment as the meet retribution for the crime under investigation53, and they were sworn to administer that law. It had, too, the full sanction of Holy Writ50; we were there told that “the land cannot be cleansed54 of the blood shed therein, except by the blood of him that shed it.” He felt assured, then, that they would be swayed only by a firm resolve to act on this occasion in obedience55 to the dictates56 of sound judgments57 and enlightened consciences. The prisoner, however, had claims on them, as well as the community; she was entitled to a fair and impartial6 trial. By the wise and humane25 principles of our law, they were bound to hold the prisoner innocent, and she stood guiltless before them, until proved guilty, by legal, competent, and satisfactory evidence. Deaf alike to the voice of sickly humanity and heated prejudice, they should proceed to their task with minds perfectly58 equipoised and impartial; they should weigh the circumstances of the case with a nice and careful hand; and if, by legal evidence, circumstantial and satisfactory, although not positive, guilt be established, they should unhesitatingly, fearlessly and faithfully, record the result of their convictions. He would next call their attention to certain legal distinctions, but would not say a word of the facts; he would leave them to the lips of the witnesses, unaffected by any previous comments of his own. The prisoner stood indicted59 for the murder of a slave. This was supposed not to be murder at common law. At least, it was not murder by our former statute1; but the act of 1821 had placed the killing60 of the white man and the black man on the same footing. He here read the act of 1821, declaring that “any person who shall wilfully, deliberately, and maliciously murder a slave, shall, on conviction thereof, suffer death without benefit of clergy61.” The rules applicable to murder at common law were generally applicable, however, to the present case. The inquiries62 to be made may be reduced to two: 1. Is the party charged guilty of the fact of killing? This must be clearly made out by proof. If she be not guilty of killing, there is an end of the case. 2. The character of that killing, or of the offence. Was it done with malice aforethought? Malice is the essential ingredient of the crime. Where killing takes place, malice is presumed, unless the contrary appear; and this must be gathered from the attending circumstances. Malice is a technical term, importing a different meaning from that conveyed by the same word in common parlance63. According to the learned Michael Foster, it consists not in “malevolence to particulars,” it does not mean hatred64 to any particular individual, but is general in its import and application. But even killing, with intention to kill, is not always murder; there may be justifiable65 and excusable homicide, and killing in sudden heat and passion is so modified to manslaughter. Yet there may be murder when there is no ill-feeling,—nay, perfect indifference66 to the slain,—as in the case of the robber who slays67 to conceal68 his crime. Malice aforethought is that depraved feeling of the heart, which makes one regardless of social duty, and fatally bent69 on mischief70. It is fulfilled by that recklessness of law and human life which is indicated by shooting into a crowd, and thus doing murder on even an unknown object. Such a feeling the law regards as hateful, and visits, in its practical exhibition, with condign punishment, because opposed to the very existence of law and society. One may do fatal mischief without this recklessness; but when the act is done, regardless of consequences, and death ensues, it is murder in the eye of the law. If the facts to be proved in this case should not come up to these requisitions, he implored71 the jury to acquit11 the accused, as at once due to law and justice. They should note every fact with scrutinizing72 eye, and ascertain73 whether the fatal result proceeded from passing accident or from brooding revenge, which the law stamped with the odious74 name of malice. He would make no further preliminary remarks, but proceed at once to lay the facts before them, from the mouths of the witnesses.
Evidence.
J. Porteous Deveaux sworn.—He is the coroner of Charleston district; held the inquest, on the seventh of January last, on the body of the deceased slave, Maria, the slave of Robert Rowand, at the residence of Mrs. T. C. Bee (the mother of the prisoner), in Logan-street. The body was found in an outbuilding—a kitchen; it was the body of an old and emaciated75 person, between fifty and sixty years of age; it was not examined in his presence by physicians; saw some few scratches about the face; adjourned76 to the City Hall. Mrs. Rowand was examined; her examination was in writing; it was here produced, and read, as follows:
“Mrs. Eliza Rowand sworn.—Says Maria is her nurse, and had misbehaved on yesterday morning; deponent sent Maria to Mr. Rowand’s house, to be corrected by Simon; deponent sent Maria from the house about seven o’clock, A. M.; she returned to her about nine o’clock; came into her chamber77; Simon did not come into the chamber at any time previous to the death of Maria; deponent says Maria fell down in the chamber; deponent had her seated up by Richard, who was then in the chamber, and deponent gave Maria some asaf?tida; deponent then left the room; Richard came down and said Maria was dead; deponent says Richard did not strike Maria, nor did any one else strike her, in deponent’s chamber. Richard left the chamber immediately with deponent; Maria was about fifty-two years of age; 95deponent sent Maria by Richard to Simon, to Mr Rowand’s house, to be corrected; Mr. Rowand was absent from the city; Maria died about twelve o’clock; Richard and Maria were on good terms; deponent was in the chamber all the while that Richard and Maria were there together.
“Eliza Rowand.
“Sworn to before me this seventh January, 1847.
“J. P. Deveaux, Coroner, D. C.”
Witness went to the chamber of prisoner, where the death occurred; saw nothing particular; some pieces of wood in a box, set in the chimney; his attention was called to one piece, in particular, eighteen inches long, three indies wide, and about one and a half inch thick; did not measure it; the jury of inquest did; it was not a light-wood knot; thinks it was of oak; there was some pine wood and some split oak. Dr. Peter Porcher was called to examine the body professionally, who did so out of witness’ presence.
Before this witness left the stand, B. F. Hunt, Esq., one of the counsel for the prisoner, rose and opened the defence before the jury, in substance as follows:
He said that the scene before them was a very novel one; and whether for good or evil, he would not pretend to prophesy78. It was the first time, in the history of this state, that a lady of good character and respectable connections stood arraigned at the bar, and had been put on trial for her life, on facts arising out of her domestic relations to her own slave. It was a spectacle consoling, and cheering, perhaps, to those who owed no good will to the institutions of our country; but calculated only to excite pain and regret among ourselves. He would not state a proposition so revolting to humanity as that crime should go unpunished; but judicial79 interference between the slave and the owner was a matter at once of delicacy80 and danger. It was the first time he had ever stood between a slave-owner and the public prosecutor81, and his sensations were anything but pleasant. This is an entirely82 different case from homicide between equals in society. Subordination is indispensable where slavery exists; and in this there is no new principle involved. The same principle prevails in every country; on shipboard and in the army a large discretion83 is always left to the superior. Charges by inferiors against their superiors were always to be viewed with great circumspection84 at least, and especially when the latter are charged with cruelty or crime against subordinates. In the relation of owner and slave there is an absence of the usual motives86 for murder, and strong inducements against it on the part of the former. Life is usually taken from avarice87 or passion. The master gains nothing, but loses much, by the death of his slave; and when he takes the life of the latter deliberately, there must be more than ordinary malice to instigate88 the deed. The policy of altering the old law of 1740, which punished the killing of a slave with fine and political disfranchisement, was more than doubtful. It was the law of our colonial ancestors; it conformed to their policy and was approved by their wisdom, and it continued undisturbed by their posterity89 until the year 1821. It was engrafted on our policy in counteraction90 of the schemes and machinations, or in deference91 to the clamors, of those who formed plans for our improvement, although not interested in nor understanding our institutions, and whose interference led to the tragedy of 1822. He here adverted92 to the views of Chancellor93 Harper on this subject, who, in his able and philosophical94 memoir95 on slavery, said: “It is a somewhat singular fact, that when there existed in our state no law for punishing the murder of a slave, other than a pecuniary96 fine, there were, I will venture to say, at least ten murders of freemen for one murder of a slave. Yet it is supposed that they are less protected than their masters.” “The change was made in subserviency97 to the opinions and clamor of others, who were utterly98 incompetent99 to form an opinion on the subject; and a wise act is seldom the result of legislation in this spirit. From the fact I have stated, it is plain they need less protection. Juries are, therefore, less willing to convict, and it may sometimes happen that the guilty will escape all punishment. Security is one of the compensations of their humble position. We challenge the comparison, that with us there have been fewer murders of slaves than of parents, children, apprentices100, and other murders, cruel and unnatural101, in society where slavery does not exist.”
Such was the opinion of Chancellor Harper on this subject, who had profoundly studied it, and whose views had been extensively read on this continent and in Europe. Fortunately, the jury, he said, were of the country, acquainted with our policy and practice; composed of men too independent and honorable to be led astray by the noise and clamor out of doors. All was now as it should be;—at least, a court of justice had assembled, to which his client had fled for refuge and safety; its threshold was sacred; no profane102 clamors entered there; but legal investigation was had of facts, derived103 from the testimony104 of sworn witnesses; and this should teach the community to shut their bosoms105 against sickly humanity, and their ears to imaginary tales of blood and horror, the food of a depraved appetite. He warned the jury that they were to listen to no testimony but that of free white persons, given on oath in open court. They were to imagine none that came not from them. It was for this that they were selected,—their intelligence putting them beyond the influence of unfounded accusations107, unsustained by legal proof; of legends of aggravated108 cruelty, founded on the evidence of negroes, and arising from weak and wicked falsehoods. Were slaves permitted to testify against their owner, it would cut the cord that unites them in peace and harmony, and enable them to sacrifice their masters to their ill will or revenge. Whole crews had been often leagued to charge captains of vessels109 with foulest110 murder, but judicial trial had exposed the falsehood. Truth has been distorted in this case, and murder manufactured out of what was nothing more than ordinary domestic discipline. Chastisement111 must be inflicted112 until subordination is produced; and the extent of the punishment is not to be judged of by one’s neighbors, but by himself. The event in this case has been unfortunate and sad; but there was no motive85 for the taking of life. There is no pecuniary interest in the owner to destroy his slave; the murder of his slave can only happen from ferocious113 passions of the master, filling his own bosom106 with anguish114 and contrition115. This case has no other basis but unfounded rumor116, commonly believed, on evidence that will not venture here, the offspring of that passion and depravity which make up falsehood. 96The hope of freedom, of change of owners, revenge, are all motives with slave witnesses to malign19 their owners; and to credit such testimony would be to dissolve human society. Where deliberate, wilful37, and malicious35 murder is done, whether by male or female, the retribution of the law is a debt to God and man; but the jury should beware lest it fall upon the innocent. The offence charged was not strictly117 murder at common law. The act of 1740 was founded on the practical good sense of our old planters, and its spirit still prevails. The act of 1821 is, by its terms, an act only to increase the punishment of persons convicted of murdering a slave,—and this is a refinement118 in humanity of doubtful policy. But, by the act of 1821, the murder must be wilful, deliberate and malicious; and, when punishment is due to the slave, the master must not be held to strict account for going an inch beyond the mark; whether for doing so he shall be a felon33, is a question for the jury to solve. The master must conquer a refractory119 slave; and deliberation, so as to render clear the existence of malice, is necessary to bring the master within the provision of the act. He bade the jury remember the words of Him who spake as never man spake,—“Let him that has never sinned throw the first stone.” They, as masters, might regret excesses to which they have themselves carried punishment. He was not at all surprised at the course of the attorney-general; it was his wont120 to treat every case with perfect fairness. He (Colonel H.) agreed that the inquiry121 should be—
1. Into the fact of the death.
2. The character or motive of the act.
The examination of the prisoner showed conclusively122 that the slave died a natural death, and not from personal violence. She was chastised123 with a lawful124 weapon,—was in weak health, nervous, made angry by her punishment,—excited. The story was then a plain one; the community had been misled by the creations of imagination, or the statements of interested slaves. The negro came into her mistress’ chamber; fell on the floor; medicine was given her; it was supposed she was asleep, but she slept the sleep of death. To show the wisdom and policy of the old act of 1740 (this indictment is under both acts,—the punishment only altered by that of 1821), he urged that a case like this was not murder at common law; nor is the same evidence applicable at common law. There, murder was presumed from killing; not so in the case of a slave. The act of 1740 permits a master, when his slave is killed in his presence, there being no other white person present, to exculpate125 himself by his own oath; and this exculpation126 is complete, unless clearly contravened127 by the evidence of two white witnesses. This is exactly what the prisoner has done; she has, as the law permits, by calling on God, exculpated128 herself. And her oath is good, at least against the slander129 of her own slaves. Which, then, should prevail, the clamors of others, or the policy of the law established by our colonial ancestors? There would not be a tittle of positive evidence against the prisoner, nothing but circumstantial evidence; and ingenious combination might be made to lead to any conclusion. Justice was all that his client asked. She appealed to liberal and high-minded men,—and she rejoiced in the privilege of doing so,—to accord her that justice they would demand for themselves.
Mr. Deveaux was not cross-examined.
Evidence resumed.
Dr. E. W. North sworn.—(Cautioned by attorney-general to avoid hearsay130 evidence.) Was the family physician of Mrs. Rowand. Went on the 6th January, at Mrs. Rowand’s request, to see her at her mother’s, in Logan-street; found her down stairs, in sitting-room131. She was in a nervous and excited state; had been so for a month before; he had attended her; she said nothing to witness of slave Maria; found Maria in a chamber, up stairs, about one o’clock, P. M.; she was dead; she appeared to have been dead about an hour and a half; his attention was attracted to a piece of pine wood on a trunk or table in the room; it had a large knot on one end; had it been used on Maria, it must have caused considerable contusion; other pieces of wood were in a box, and much smaller ones; the corpse132 was lying one side in the chamber; it was not laid out; presumed she died there; the marks on the body were, to witness’ view, very slight; some scratches about the face; he purposely avoided making an examination; observed no injuries about the head; had no conversation with Mrs. Rowand about Maria; left the house; it was on the 6th January last,—the day before the inquest; knew the slave before, but had never attended her.
Cross-examined.—Mrs. Rowand was in feeble health, and nervous; the slave Maria was weak and emaciated in appearance; sudden death of such a person, in such a state, from apoplexy or action of nervous system, not unlikely; her sudden death would not imply violence; had prescribed asaf?tida for Mrs. Rowand on a former visit; it is an appropriate remedy for nervous disorders133. Mrs. Rowand was not of bodily strength to handle the pine knot so as to give a severe blow; Mrs. Rowand has five or six children, the elder of them large enough to have carried pieces of the wood about the room; there must have been a severe contusion, and much extravasation of blood, to infer death from violence in this case; apoplexy is frequently attended with extravasation of blood; there were two Marias in the family.
In reply.—Mrs. Rowand could have raised the pine knot, but could not have struck a blow with it; such a piece of wood could have produced death, but it would have left its mark; saw the fellow Richard; he was quite capable of giving such a blow.
Dr. Peter Porcher.—Was called in by the Coroner’s jury to examine Maria’s body; found it in the wash-kitchen; it was the corpse of one feeble and emaciated; partly prepared for burial; had the clothes removed; the body was lacerated with stripes; abrasions134 about face and knuckles135; skin knocked off; passed his hand over the head; no bone broken; on request, opened her thorax, and examined the viscera; found them healthy; heart unusually so for one of her age; no particular odor; some undigested food; no inflammation; removed the scalp, and found considerable extravasation between scalp and skull136; scalp bloodshot; just under the scalp, found the effects of a single blow, just over the right ear; after removing the scalp, lifted the bone; no rupture137 of any blood-vessel; some softening138 of the brain in the upper hemisphere; there was considerable extravasation under the scalp, the result of a succession of blows on the top of the head; this extravasation was general, but that over the ear was a single spot; 97the butt-end of a cowhide would have sufficed for this purpose; an ordinary stick, a heavy one, would have done it; a succession of blows on the head, in a feeble woman, would lead to death, when, in a stronger one, it would not; saw no other appearance about her person, to account for her death, except those blows.
Cross-examined.—To a patient in this woman’s condition, the blows would probably cause death; they were not such as were calculated to kill an ordinary person; witness saw the body twenty-four hours after her death; it was winter, and bitter cold; no disorganization, and the examination was therefore to be relied on; the blow behind the ear might have resulted from a fall, but not the blow on the top of the head, unless she fell head foremost; came to the conclusion of a succession of blows, from the extent of the extravasation; a single blow would have shown a distinct spot, with a gradual spreading or diffusion139; one large blow could not account for it, as the head was spherical140; no blood on the brain; the softening of the brain did not amount to much; in an ordinary dissection141 would have passed it over; anger sometimes produces apoplexy, which results in death; blood between the scalp and the bone of the skull; it was evidently a fresh extravasation; twenty-four hours would scarcely have made any change; knew nothing of this negro before; even after examination, the cause of death is sometimes inscrutable,—not usual, however.
In reply.—Does not attribute the softening of the brain to the blows; it was slight, and might have been the result of age; it was some evidence of impairment of vital powers by advancing age.
Dr. A. P. Hayne.—At request of the coroner, acted with Dr. Porcher; was shown into an outhouse; saw on the back of the corpse evidences of contusion; arms swollen142 and enlarged; laceration of body; contusions on head and neck; between scalp and skull extravasation of blood, on the top of head, and behind the right ear; a burn on the hand; the brain presented healthy appearance; opened the body, and no evidences of disease in the chest or viscera; attributed the extravasation of blood to external injury from blows,—blows from a large and broad and blunt instrument; attributes the death to those blows; supposes they were adequate to cause death, as she was old, weak and emaciated.
Cross-examined.—Would not have caused death in a young and robust143 person.
The evidence for the prosecution144 here closed, and no witnesses were called for the defence.
The jury were then successively addressed, ably and eloquently145, by J. L. Petigru and James S. Rhett, Esqrs., on behalf of the prisoner, and H. Bailey, Esq., on behalf of the state, and by B. F. Hunt, Esq., in reply. Of those speeches, and also of the judge’s charge, we have taken full notes, but have neither time nor space to insert them here.
His Honor, Judge O’Neall, then charged the jury eloquently and ably on the facts, vindicating146 the existing law, making death the penalty for the murder of a slave; but, on the law, intimated to the jury that he held the act of 1740 so far still in force as to admit of the prisoner’s exculpation by her own oath, unless clearly disproved by the oaths of two witnesses; and that they were, therefore, in his opinion, bound to acquit,—although he left it to them, wholly, to say whether the prisoner was guilty of murder, killing in sudden heat and passion, or not guilty.
The jury then retired147, and, in about twenty or thirty minutes, returned with a verdict of “Not Guilty.”
There are some points which appear in this statement of the trial, especially in the plea for the defence. Particular attention is called to the following passage:
“Fortunately,” said the lawyer, “the jury were of the country;—acquainted with our policy and practice; composed of men too honorable to be led astray by the noise and clamor out of doors. All was now as it should be; at least, a court of justice had assembled to which his client had fled for refuge and safety; its threshold was sacred; no profane clamors entered there; but legal investigation was had of facts.”
From this it plainly appears that the case was a notorious one; so notorious and atrocious as to break through all the apathy148 which slave-holding institutions tend to produce, and to surround the court-house with noise and clamor.
From another intimation in the same speech, it would appear that there was abundant testimony of slaves to the direct fact,—testimony which left no kind of doubt on the popular mind. Why else does he thus earnestly warn the jury?
He warned the jury that they were to listen to no evidence but that of free white persons, given on oath in open court; they were to imagine none that came not from them. It was for this that they were selected;—their intelligence putting them beyond the influence of unfounded accusations, unsustained by legal proof; of legends of aggravated cruelty, founded on the evidence of negroes, and arising from weak and wicked falsehoods.
See also this remarkable149 admission:—“Truth had been distorted in this case, and murder manufactured out of what was nothing more than ORDINARY DOMESTIC DISCIPLINE.” If the reader refers to the testimony, he will find it testified that the woman appeared to be about sixty years old; that she was much emaciated; that there had been a succession of blows on the top of her head, and one violent one over the ear; and that, in the opinion of a surgeon, these blows were sufficient to cause death. Yet the lawyer for the defence coolly remarks that “murder had been manufactured out of what was ordinary domestic discipline.” Are we to understand that beating feeble old women on the head, in this manner, is a specimen of ordinary domestic discipline in Charleston? What would have been said if any anti-slavery newspaper at the North had made such an assertion as this? Yet the Charleston Courier reports this statement without comment or denial. But let us hear the lady’s lawyer go still further in vindication150 of this ordinary domestic discipline: “Chastisement must be inflicted until subordination is produced; and the extent of the punishment is not to be judged by one’s neighbors, but by himself. The event, IN THIS CASE, has been unfortunate and sad.” The lawyer admits that the result of thumping151 a feeble old woman on the head has, in this case, been “unfortunate and sad.” The old thing had not strength to bear it, and had no greater regard for the convenience of the family, and the reputation of “the institution,” than to die, and so get the family and the community generally into trouble. It will appear from this that in most cases where old women are thumped152 on the head they have stronger constitutions—or more consideration.
Again he says, “When punishment is due to the slave, the master must not be held to strict account for going an inch beyond the mark.” And finally, and most astounding153 of all, comes this: “He bade the jury remember the words of him who spake as never man spake,—‘Let him that hath never sinned throw the first stone.’ They, as masters, might regret excesses to which they themselves might have carried punishment.”
What sort of an insinuation is this? Did he mean to say that almost all the jurymen had probably done things of the same sort, and therefore could have nothing to say in this case? and did no member of the jury get up and resent such a charge? From all that appears, the jury acquiesced154 in it as quite a matter of course; and the Charleston Courier quotes it without comment, in the record of a trial which it says “will show to the world HOW the law extends the ?gis of her protection alike over the white man and the humblest slave.”
Lastly, notice the decision of the judge, which has become law in South Carolina. What point does it establish? That the simple oath of the master, in face of all circumstantial evidence to the contrary, may clear him, when the murder of a slave is the question. And this trial is paraded as a triumphant155 specimen of legal impartiality and equity156! “If the light that is in thee be darkness, how great is that darkness!”
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1
statute
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| n.成文法，法令，法规；章程，规则，条例 | |
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statutes
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| 成文法( statute的名词复数 )； 法令； 法规； 章程 | |
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specimen
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| n.样本，标本 | |
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innocence
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| n.无罪；天真；无害 | |
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impartiality
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| n. 公平, 无私, 不偏 | |
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impartial
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| adj.(in,to)公正的，无偏见的 | |
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ushers
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| n.引座员( usher的名词复数 )；招待员；门房；助理教员v.引，领，陪同( usher的第三人称单数 ) | |
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trumpets
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| 喇叭( trumpet的名词复数 )； 小号； 喇叭形物； （尤指）绽开的水仙花 | |
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thronged
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| v.成群，挤满( throng的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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acquitting
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| 宣判…无罪( acquit的现在分词 )； 使（自己）作出某种表现 | |
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acquit
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| vt.宣判无罪；(oneself)使(自己)表现出 | |
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lamentable
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| adj.令人惋惜的，悔恨的 | |
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panoplied
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| adj.全套披甲的，装饰漂亮的 | |
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sifting
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| n.筛，过滤v.筛( sift的现在分词 )；筛滤；细查；详审 | |
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scrutiny
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| n.详细检查，仔细观察 | |
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ignominious
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| adj.可鄙的，不光彩的，耻辱的 | |
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condign
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| adj.应得的，相当的 | |
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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malign
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| adj.有害的；恶性的；恶意的；v.诽谤，诬蔑 | |
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humble
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| adj.谦卑的，恭顺的；地位低下的；v.降低，贬低 | |
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calumnies
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| n.诬蔑，诽谤，中伤（的话）( calumny的名词复数 ) | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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arraigned
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| v.告发( arraign的过去式和过去分词 )；控告；传讯；指责 | |
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humanely
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| adv.仁慈地；人道地；富人情地；慈悲地 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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arraignment
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| n.提问，传讯，责难 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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glaze
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| v.因疲倦、疲劳等指眼睛变得呆滞，毫无表情 | |
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archer
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| n.射手，弓箭手 | |
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baker
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| n.面包师 | |
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indictment
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| n.起诉；诉状 | |
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seduced
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| 诱奸( seduce的过去式和过去分词 )； 勾引； 诱使堕落； 使入迷 | |
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felon
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| n.重罪犯；adj.残忍的 | |
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maliciously
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| adv.有敌意地 | |
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malicious
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| adj.有恶意的，心怀恶意的 | |
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wilfully
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| adv.任性固执地；蓄意地 | |
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wilful
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| adj.任性的，故意的 | |
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deliberately
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| adv.审慎地；蓄意地；故意地 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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40
divers
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| adj.不同的；种种的 | |
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bruises
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| n.瘀伤，伤痕，擦伤( bruise的名词复数 ) | |
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concisely
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| adv.简明地 | |
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luminously
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| 发光的； 明亮的； 清楚的； 辉赫 | |
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proxy
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| n.代理权，代表权；（对代理人的）委托书；代理人 | |
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engrossed
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| adj.全神贯注的 | |
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46
acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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48
morbid
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| adj.病的；致病的；病态的；可怕的 | |
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49
fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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50
writ
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| n.命令状，书面命令 | |
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51
deter
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| vt.阻止，使不敢，吓住 | |
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52
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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53
investigation
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| n.调查，调查研究 | |
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54
cleansed
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| 弄干净，清洗( cleanse的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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55
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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56
dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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57
judgments
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| 判断( judgment的名词复数 )； 鉴定； 评价； 审判 | |
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58
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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indicted
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| 控告，起诉( indict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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60
killing
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| n.巨额利润；突然赚大钱，发大财 | |
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61
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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63
parlance
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| n.说法；语调 | |
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64
hatred
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| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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65
justifiable
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| adj.有理由的，无可非议的 | |
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66
indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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67
slays
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的第三人称单数 ) | |
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conceal
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| v.隐藏，隐瞒，隐蔽 | |
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bent
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| n.爱好，癖好；adj.弯的；决心的，一心的 | |
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70
mischief
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| n.损害，伤害，危害；恶作剧，捣蛋，胡闹 | |
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71
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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scrutinizing
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| v.仔细检查，详审( scrutinize的现在分词 ) | |
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73
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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74
odious
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| adj.可憎的，讨厌的 | |
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75
emaciated
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| adj.衰弱的，消瘦的 | |
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76
adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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prophesy
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| v.预言；预示 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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delicacy
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| n.精致，细微，微妙，精良；美味，佳肴 | |
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81
prosecutor
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| n.起诉人；检察官，公诉人 | |
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82
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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83
discretion
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| n.谨慎；随意处理 | |
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84
circumspection
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| n.细心，慎重 | |
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85
motive
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| n.动机，目的；adv.发动的，运动的 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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87
avarice
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| n.贪婪；贪心 | |
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88
instigate
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| v.教唆，怂恿，煽动 | |
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posterity
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| n.后裔，子孙，后代 | |
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counteraction
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| 反对的行动，抵抗，反动 | |
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91
deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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adverted
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| 引起注意（advert的过去式与过去分词形式） | |
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93
chancellor
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| n.(英)大臣；法官；(德、奥)总理；大学校长 | |
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philosophical
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| adj.哲学家的，哲学上的，达观的 | |
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memoir
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| n.[pl.]回忆录，自传；记事录 | |
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96
pecuniary
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| adj.金钱的；金钱上的 | |
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subserviency
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| n.有用，裨益 | |
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utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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incompetent
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| adj.无能力的，不能胜任的 | |
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apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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101
unnatural
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| adj.不自然的；反常的 | |
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102
profane
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| adj.亵神的，亵渎的；vt.亵渎，玷污 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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104
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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105
bosoms
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| 胸部( bosom的名词复数 )； 胸怀； 女衣胸部（或胸襟）； 和爱护自己的人在一起的情形 | |
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106
bosom
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| n.胸，胸部；胸怀；内心；adj.亲密的 | |
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107
accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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108
aggravated
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| 使恶化( aggravate的过去式和过去分词 )； 使更严重； 激怒； 使恼火 | |
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109
vessels
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| n.血管( vessel的名词复数 )；船；容器；（具有特殊品质或接受特殊品质的）人 | |
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110
foulest
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| adj.恶劣的( foul的最高级 )；邪恶的；难闻的；下流的 | |
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chastisement
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| n.惩罚 | |
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112
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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113
ferocious
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| adj.凶猛的，残暴的，极度的，十分强烈的 | |
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114
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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115
contrition
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| n.悔罪，痛悔 | |
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116
rumor
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| n.谣言，谣传，传说 | |
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117
strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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118
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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refractory
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| adj.倔强的，难驾驭的 | |
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120
wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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121
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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122
conclusively
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| adv.令人信服地，确凿地 | |
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123
chastised
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| v.严惩（某人）（尤指责打）( chastise的过去式 ) | |
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124
lawful
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| adj.法律许可的，守法的，合法的 | |
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125
exculpate
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| v.开脱，使无罪 | |
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exculpation
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| n.使无罪，辩解 | |
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127
contravened
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| v.取消，违反( contravene的过去式 ) | |
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exculpated
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| v.开脱，使无罪( exculpate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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slander
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| n./v.诽谤，污蔑 | |
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130
hearsay
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| n.谣传，风闻 | |
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131
sitting-room
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| n.（BrE）客厅，起居室 | |
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132
corpse
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| n.尸体，死尸 | |
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133
disorders
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| n.混乱( disorder的名词复数 )；凌乱；骚乱；（身心、机能）失调 | |
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134
abrasions
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| n.磨损( abrasion的名词复数 )；擦伤处；摩擦；磨蚀（作用） | |
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135
knuckles
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| n.（指人）指关节( knuckle的名词复数 )；（指动物）膝关节，踝v.（指人）指关节( knuckle的第三人称单数 )；（指动物）膝关节，踝 | |
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skull
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| n.头骨；颅骨 | |
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rupture
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| n.破裂；(关系的)决裂；v.(使)破裂 | |
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138
softening
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| 变软，软化 | |
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139
diffusion
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| n.流布；普及；散漫 | |
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140
spherical
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| adj.球形的；球面的 | |
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141
dissection
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| n.分析；解剖 | |
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142
swollen
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| adj.肿大的，水涨的；v.使变大，肿胀 | |
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143
robust
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| adj.强壮的，强健的，粗野的，需要体力的，浓的 | |
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prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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eloquently
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| adv. 雄辩地(有口才地, 富于表情地) | |
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146
vindicating
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的现在分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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retired
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| adj.隐退的，退休的，退役的 | |
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apathy
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| n.漠不关心，无动于衷；冷淡 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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vindication
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| n.洗冤，证实 | |
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151
thumping
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| adj.重大的，巨大的；重击的；尺码大的；极好的adv.极端地；非常地v.重击(thump的现在分词)；狠打；怦怦地跳；全力支持 | |
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152
thumped
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| v.重击， （指心脏）急速跳动( thump的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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153
astounding
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| adj.使人震惊的vt.使震惊，使大吃一惊astound的现在分词) | |
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154
acquiesced
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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triumphant
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| adj.胜利的，成功的；狂欢的，喜悦的 | |
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equity
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| n.公正，公平，（无固定利息的）股票 | |
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