To this noble course the united voice of Christians4 in all other countries is urgently calling the American church. Expressions of this feeling have come from Christians of all denominations in England, in Scotland, in Ireland, in France, in Switzerland, in Germany, in Persia, in the Sandwich Islands, and in China. All seem to be animated6 by one spirit. They have loved and honored this American church. They have rejoiced in the brightness of her rising. Her prosperity and success have been to them as their own, and they have had hopes that God meant to confer inestimable blessings7 through her upon all nations. The American church has been to them like the rising of a glorious sun, shedding healing from his wings, dispersing8 mists and fogs, and bringing songs of birds and voices of cheerful industry, and sounds of gladness, contentment and peace. But, lo! in this beautiful orb9 is seen a disastrous10 spot of dim eclipse, whose gradually widening shadow threatens a total darkness. Can we wonder that the voice of remonstrance11 comes to us from those who have so much at stake in our prosperity and success? We have sent out our missionaries12 to all quarters of the globe; but how shall they tell their heathen converts the things that are done in Christianized America? How shall our missionaries in Mahometan countries hold up their heads, and proclaim the superiority of our religion, when we tolerate barbarities which they have repudiated13!
A missionary15 among the Karens, in Asia, writes back that his course is much embarrassed by a suspicion that is afloat among the Karens that the Americans intend to steal and sell them. He says:
I dread16 the time when these Karens will be able to read our books, and get a full knowledge of all that is going on in our country. Many of them are very inquisitive17 now, and often ask me questions that I find it very difficult to answer.
No, there is no resource. The church of the United States is shut up, in the providence18 of God, to one work. She can never fulfil her mission till this is done. So long as she neglects this, it will lie in the way of everything else which she attempts to do
She must undertake it for another reason,—because she alone can perform the work peaceably. If this fearful problem is left to take its course as a mere19 political question, to be ground out between the upper and nether20 millstones of political parties, then what will avert21 agitation22, angry collisions, and the desperate rending23 the union? No, there is no safety but in making it a religious enterprise, and pursuing it in a Christian5 spirit, and by religious means.
If it now be asked what means shall the church employ, we answer, this evil must be abolished by the same means which the apostles first used for the spread of Christianity, and the extermination24 of all the social evils which then filled a world lying in wickedness. Hear the apostle enumerate25 them: “By pureness, by knowledge, by long-suffering, by the Holy Ghost, by love unfeigned, by the armor of righteousness on the right hand and on the left.”
We will briefly26 consider each of these means.
First, “by Pureness.” Christians in the Northern free states must endeavor to purify themselves and the country from various malignant27 results of the system of slavery; and, in particular, they must endeavor to 251abolish that which is the most sinful,—the unchristian prejudice of caste.
In Hindostan there is a class called the Pariahs28, with which no other class will associate, eat or drink. Our missionaries tell the converted Hindoo that this prejudice is unchristian; for God hath made of one blood all who dwell on the face of the earth, and all mankind are brethren in Christ. With what face shall they tell this to the Hindoo, if he is able to reply, “In your own Christian country there is a class of Pariahs who are treated no better than we treat ours. You do not yourselves believe the things you teach us.”
Let us look at the treatment of the free negro at the North. In the States of Indiana and Illinois the most oppressive and unrighteous laws have been passed with regard to him. No law of any slave state could be more cruel in its spirit than that recently passed in Illinois, by which every free negro coming into the state is taken up and sold for a certain time, and then, if he do not leave the state, is sold again.
With what face can we exhort29 our Southern brethren to emancipate30 their slaves, if we do not set the whole moral power of the church at the North against such abuses as this? Is this course justified31 by saying that the negro is vicious and idle? This is adding insult to injury.
What is it these Christian states do? To a great extent they exclude the colored population from their schools; they discourage them from attending their churches by invidious distinctions; as a general fact, they exclude them from their shops, where they might learn useful arts and trades; they crowd them out of the better callings where they might earn an honorable livelihood32; and, having thus discouraged every elevated aspiration33, and reduced them to almost inevitable34 ignorance, idleness and vice35, they fill up the measure of iniquity36 by making cruel laws to expel them from their states, thus heaping up wrath37 against the day of wrath.
If we say that every Christian at the South who does not use his utmost influence against their iniquitous38 slave-laws is guilty, as a republican citizen, of sustaining those laws, it is no less true that every Christian at the North who does not do what in him lies to procure39 the repeal40 of such laws in the free states is, so far, guilty for their existence. Of late years we have had abundant quotations41 from the Old Testament42 to justify43 all manner of oppression. A Hindoo, who knew nothing of this generous and beautiful book, except from such pamphlets as Mr. Smylie’s, might possibly think it was a treatise44 on piracy45, and a general justification46 of robbery. But let us quote from it the directions which God gives for the treatment of the stranger: “If a stranger sojourn47 with you in your land, ye shall not vex48 him. But the stranger that dwelleth among you shall be as one born among you: thou shall love him as thyself.” How much more does this apply when the stranger has been brought into our land by the injustice49 and cruelty of our fathers!
We are happy to say, however, that the number of states in which such oppressive legislation exists is small. It is also matter of encouragement and hope that the unphilosophical and unchristian prejudice of caste is materially giving way, in many parts of our country, before a kinder and more Christian spirit.
Many of our schools and colleges are willing to receive the colored applicant50 on equal terms with the white. Some of the Northern free states accord to the colored free man full political equality and privileges. Some of the colored people, under this encouragement, have, in many parts of our country, become rich and intelligent. A very fair proportion of educated men is rising among them. There are among them respectable editors, eloquent51 orators52, and laborious53 and well-instructed clergymen. It gives us pleasure to say that among intelligent and Christian people these men are treated with the consideration they deserve; and, if they meet with insult and ill-treatment, it is commonly from the less-educated class, who, being less enlightened, are always longer under the influence of prejudice. At a recent ordination54 at one of the largest and most respectable churches in New York, the moderator of the presbytery was a black man, who began life as a slave; and it was undoubtedly55 a source of gratification to all his Christian brethren to see him presiding in this capacity. He put the questions to the candidate in the German language, the church being in part composed of Germans. Our Christian friends in Europe may, at least, infer from this that, if we have had our faults in times past, we have, some of us, seen and are endeavoring to correct them.
To bring this head at once to a practical conclusion, the writer will say to every individual Christian, who wishes to do something for the abolition of slavery, begin by 252doing what lies in your power for the colored people in your vicinity. Are there children excluded from schools by unchristian prejudice? Seek to combat that prejudice by fair arguments, presented in a right spirit. If you cannot succeed, then endeavor to provide for the education of these children in some other manner. As far as in you lies, endeavor to secure for them, in every walk of life, the ordinary privileges of American citizens. If they are excluded from the omnibus and railroad-car in the place where you reside, endeavor to persuade those who have the control of these matters to pursue a more just and reasonable course. Those Christians who are heads of mechanical establishments can do much for the cause by receiving colored apprentices56. Many masters excuse themselves for excluding the colored apprentice57 by saying that if they receive him all their other hands will desert them. To this it is replied, that if they do the thing in a Christian temper and for a Christian purpose, the probability is that, if their hands desert at first, they will return to them at last—all of them, at least, whom they would care to retain.
A respectable dressmaker in one of our towns has, as a matter of principle, taken colored girls for apprentices, thus furnishing them with a respectable means of livelihood. Christian mechanics, in all the walks of life, are earnestly requested to consider this subject, and see if, by offering their hand to raise this poor people to respectability and knowledge and competence58, they may not be performing a service which the Lord will accept as done unto himself.
Another thing which is earnestly commended to Christians is the raising and comforting of those poor churches of colored people, who have been discouraged, dismembered and disheartened, by the operation of the fugitive59 slave law.
In the city of Boston is a church, which, even now, is struggling with debt and embarrassment60, caused by being obliged to buy its own deacons, to shield them from the terrors of that law.
Lastly, Christians at the North, we need not say, should abstain61 from all trading in slaves, whether direct or indirect, whether by partnership62 with Southern houses or by receiving immortal63 beings as security for debt. It is not necessary to expand this point. It speaks for itself.
By all these means the Christian church at the North must secure for itself purity from all complicity with the sin of slavery, and from the unchristian customs and prejudices which have resulted from it.
The second means to be used for the abolition of slavery is “Knowledge.”
Every Christian ought thoroughly64, carefully and prayerfully, to examine this system of slavery. He should regard it as one upon which he is bound to have right views and right opinions, and to exert a right influence in forming and concentrating a powerful public sentiment, of all others the most efficacious remedy. Many people are deterred66 from examining the statistics on this subject, because they do not like the men who have collected them. They say they do not like abolitionists, and therefore they will not attend to those facts and figures which they have accumulated. This, certainly, is not wise or reasonable. In all other subjects which deeply affect our interests, we think it best to take information where we can get it, whether we like the persons who give it to us or not.
Every Christian ought seriously to examine the extent to which our national government is pledged and used for the support of slavery. He should thoroughly look into the statistics of slavery in the District of Columbia, and, above all, into the statistics of that awful system of legalized piracy and oppression by which hundreds and thousands are yearly torn from home and friends, and all that heart holds dear, and carried to be sold like beasts in the markets of the South. The smoke from this bottomless abyss of injustice puts out the light of our Sabbath suns in the eyes of all nations. Its awful groans67 and wailings drown the voice of our psalms68 and religious melodies. All nations know these things of us, and shall we not know them of ourselves? Shall we not have courage, shall we not have patience, to investigate thoroughly our own bad case, and gain a perfect knowledge of the length and breadth of the evil we seek to remedy?
The third means for the abolition of slavery is “Long-suffering.”
Of this quality there has been some lack in the attempts that have hitherto been made. The friends of the cause have not had patience with each other, and have not been able to treat each other’s opinions with forbearance. There have been many painful things in the past history of this subject; but is it not time when all the friends of the slave should adopt the motto, “forgetting the things that are behind, and reaching 253forth unto those which are before”? Let not the believers of immediate70 abolition call those who believe in gradual emancipation71 time-servers and traitors72; and let not the upholders of gradual emancipation call the advocates of immediate abolition fanatics73 and incendiaries. Surely some more brotherly way of convincing good men can be found, than by standing74 afar off on some Ebal and Gerizim, and cursing each other. The truth spoken in love will always go further then the truth spoken in wrath: and, after all, the great object is to persuade our Southern brethren to admit the idea of any emancipation at all. When we have succeeded in persuading them that anything is necessary to be done, then will be the time for bringing up the question whether the object shall be accomplished75 by an immediate or a gradual process. Meanwhile, let our motto be, “Whereto we have already attained76, let us walk by the same rule, let us mind the same things; and if any man be otherwise minded, God shall reveal even this unto him.” “Let us receive even him that is weak in the faith, but not to doubtful disputations.” Let us not reject the good there is in any, because of some remaining defects.
We come now to the consideration of a power without which all others must fail,—“the Holy Ghost.”
The solemn creed77 of every Christian church, whether Roman, Greek, Episcopal or Protestant, says, “I believe in the Holy Ghost.” But how often do Christians, in all these denominations, live and act, and even conduct their religious affairs, as if they had “never so much as heard whether there be any Holy Ghost.” If we trust to our own reasonings, our own misguided passions, and our own blind self-will, to effect the reform of abuses, we shall utterly78 fail. There is a power, silent, convincing, irresistible79, which moves over the dark and troubled heart of man, as of old it moved over the dark and troubled waters of Chaos80, bringing light out of darkness, and order out of confusion.
Is it not evident to every one who takes enlarged views of human society that a gentle but irresistible influence is pervading81 the human race, prompting groanings and longings82 and dim aspirations83 for some coming era of good? Worldly men read the signs of the times, and call this power the Spirit of the Age,—but should not the church acknowledge it as the spirit of God?
Let it not be forgotten, however, that the gift of his most powerful regenerating84 influence, at the opening of the Christian dispensation, was conditioned on prayer The mighty85 movement that began on the day of Pentecost was preceded by united, fervent86 persevering87 prayer. A similar spirit of prayer must precede the coming of the divine Spirit, to effect a revolution so great as that at which we aim. The most powerful instrumentality which God has delegated to man, and around which cluster all his glorious promises, is prayer. All past prejudices and animosities on this subject must be laid aside, and the whole church unite as one man in earnest, fervent prayer. Have we forgotten the promise of the Holy Ghost? Have we forgotten that He was to abide88 with us forever? Have we forgotten that it is He who is to convince the world of sin, of righteousness and of judgment89? O, divine and Holy Comforter! Thou promise of the Father! Thou only powerful to enlighten, convince and renew! Return, we beseech90 thee, and visit this vine and this vineyard of thy planting! With thee nothing is impossible; and what we, in our weakness, can scarcely conceive, thou canst accomplish!
Another means for the abolition of slavery is “Love unfeigned.”
In all moral conflicts, that party who can preserve, through every degree of opposition91 and persecution92, a divine, un-provokable spirit of love, must finally conquer. Such are the immutable93 laws of the moral world. Anger, wrath, selfishness and jealousy94, have all a certain degree of vitality95. They often produce more show, more noise and temporary results, than love. Still, all these passions have, in themselves, the seeds of weakness. Love, and love only, is immortal; and when all the grosser passions of the soul have spent themselves by their own force, love looks forth69 like the unchanging star, with a light that never dies.
In undertaking96 this work, we must love both the slave-holder and the slave. We must never forget that both are our brethren. We must expect to be misrepresented, to be slandered97, and to be hated. How can we attack so powerful an interest without it? We must be satisfied simply with the pleasure of being true friends, while we are treated as bitter enemies.
This holy controversy98 must be one of principle, and not of sectional bitterness. We must not suffer it to degenerate99, in our hands, into a violent prejudice against the South; and, to this end, we must keep continually before our minds the more amiable100 features and attractive qualities of those 254with whose principles we are obliged to conflict. If they say all manner of evil against us, we must reflect that we expose them to great temptation to do so when we assail101 institutions to which they are bound by a thousand ties of interest and early association, and to whose evils habit has made them in a great degree insensible. The apostle gives us this direction in cases where we are called upon to deal with offending brethren, “Consider thyself, lest thou also be tempted102.” We may apply this to our own case, and consider that if we had been exposed to the temptations which surround our friends at the South, and received the same education, we might have felt and thought and acted as they do. But, while we cherish all these considerations, we must also remember that it is no love to the South to countenance103 and defend a pernicious system; a system which is as injurious to the master as to the slave; a system which turns fruitful fields to deserts; a system ruinous to education, to morals, and to religion and social progress; a system of which many of the most intelligent and valuable men at the South are weary, and from which they desire to escape, and by emigration are yearly escaping. Neither must we concede the rights of the slave; for he is also our brother, and there is a reason why we should speak for him which does not exist in the case of his master. He is poor, uneducated and ignorant, and cannot speak for himself. We must, therefore, with greater jealousy, guard his rights. Whatever else we compromise, we must not compromise the rights of the helpless, nor the eternal principles of rectitude and morality.
We must never concede that it is an honorable thing to deprive working men of their wages, though, like many other abuses, it is customary, reputable, and popular, and though amiable men, under the influence of old prejudices, still continue to do it. Never, not even for a moment, should we admit the thought that an heir of God and a joint104 heir of Jesus Christ may lawfully105 be sold upon the auction-block, though it be a common custom. We must repudiate14, with determined106 severity, the blasphemous107 doctrine108 of property in human beings.
Some have supposed it an absurd refinement109 to talk about separating principles and persons, or to admit that he who upholds a bad system can be a good man. All experience proves the contrary. Systems most unjust and despotic have been defended by men personally just and humane110. It is a melancholy111 consideration, but no less true, that there is almost no absurdity112 and no injustice that has not, at some period of the world’s history, had the advantage of some good man’s virtues113 in its support.
It is a part of our trial in this imperfect life;—were evil systems only supported by the evil, our moral discipline would be much less severe than it is, and our course in attacking error far plainer.
On the whole, we cannot but think that there was much Christian wisdom in the remark, which we have before quoted, of a poor old slave-woman, whose whole life had been darkened by this system, that we must “hate the sin, but love the sinner.”
The last means for the abolition of slavery is the “Armor of Righteousness on the right hand and on the left.”
By this we mean an earnest application of all straight-forward, honorable and just measures, for the removal of the system of slavery. Every man, in his place, should remonstrate114 against it. All its sophistical arguments should be answered, its biblical defences unmasked by correct reasoning and interpretation115. Every mother should teach the evil of it to her children. Every clergyman should fully65 and continually warn his church against any complicity with such a sin. It is said that this would be introducing politics into the pulpit. It is answered, that since people will have to give an account of their political actions in the day of judgment, it seems proper that the minister should instruct them somewhat as to their political responsibilities. In that day Christ will ask no man whether he was of this or that party; but he certainly will ask him whether he gave his vote in the fear of God, and for the advancement116 of the kingdom of righteousness.
It is often objected that slavery is a distant sin, with which we have nothing to do. If any clergyman wishes to test this fact, let him once plainly and faithfully preach upon it. He will probably then find that the roots of the poison-tree have run under the very hearth-stone of New England families, and that in his very congregation are those in complicity with this sin.
It is no child’s play to attack an institution which has absorbed into itself so much of the political power and wealth of this nation, and they who try it will soon find that they wrestle117 “not with flesh and blood.” No armor will do for this warfare118 but the “armor of righteousness.”
To our brethren in the South God has 255pointed out a more arduous119 conflict. The very heart shrinks to think what the faithful Christian must endure who assails120 this institution on its own ground; but it must be done. How was it at the North? There was a universal effort to put down the discussion of it here by mob law. Printing-presses were broken, houses torn down, property destroyed. Brave men, however, stood firm; martyr121 blood was shed for the right of free opinion and speech; and so the right of discussion was established. Nobody tries that sort of argument now,—its day is past. In Kentucky, also, they tried to stop the discussion by similar means. Mob violence destroyed a printing-press, and threatened the lives of individuals. But there were brave men there, who feared not violence or threats of death; and emancipation is now open for discussion in Kentucky. The fact is, the South must discuss the matter of slavery. She cannot shut it out, unless she lays an embargo122 on the literature of the whole civilized123 world. If it be, indeed, divine and God-appointed, why does she so tremble to have it touched? If it be of God, all the free inquiry124 in the world cannot overthrow125 it. Discussion must and will come. It only requires courageous126 men to lead the way.
Brethren in the South, there are many of you who are truly convinced that slavery is a sin, a tremendous wrong: but, if you confess your sentiments, and endeavor to propagate your opinions, you think that persecution, affliction, and even death, await you. How can we ask you, then, to come forward? We do not ask it. Ourselves weak, irresolute127 and worldly, shall we ask you to do what perhaps we ourselves should not dare? But we will beseech Him to speak to you, who dared and endured more than this for your sake, and who can strengthen you to dare and endure for His. He can raise you above all temporary and worldly considerations. He can inspire you with that love to himself which will make you willing to leave father and mother, and wife and child, yea, to give up life itself, for his sake. And if he ever brings you to that place where you and this world take a final farewell of each other, where you make up your mind solemnly to give all up for his cause, where neither life nor death, nor things present nor things to come, can move you from this purpose,—then will you know a joy which is above all other joy, a peace constant and unchanging as the eternal God from whom it springs.
Dear brethren, is this system to go on forever in your land? Can you think these slave-laws anything but an abomination to a just God? Can you think this internal slave-trade to be anything but an abomination in his sight?
Look, we beseech you, into those awful slave-prisons which are in your cities. Do the groans and prayers which go up from those dreary128 mansions129 promise well for the prosperity of our country?
Look, we beseech you, at the mournful march of the slave-coffles; follow the bloody130 course of the slave-ships on your coast. What, suppose you, does the Lamb of God think of all these things? He whose heart was so tender that he wept, at the grave of Lazarus, over a sorrow that he was so soon to turn into joy,—what does he think of this constant, heart-breaking, yearly-repeated anguish131? What does he think of Christian wives forced from their husbands, and husbands from their wives? What does he think of Christian daughters, whom his church first educates, indoctrinates and baptizes, and then leaves to be sold as merchandise?
Think you such prayers as poor Paul Edmondson’s, such death-bed scenes as Emily Russell’s, are witnessed without emotion by that generous Saviour132, who regards what is done to his meanest servant as done to himself?
Did it never seem to you, O Christian! when you have read the sufferings of Jesus, that you would gladly have suffered with him? Does it never seem almost ungenerous to accept eternal life as the price of such anguish on his part, while you bear no cross for him? Have you ever wished you could have watched with him in that bitter conflict at Gethsemane, when even his chosen slept? Have you ever wished that you could have stood by him when all forsook133 him and fled,—that 256you could have owned when Peter denied,—that you could have honored him when buffeted134 and spit upon? Would you think it too much honor, could you, like Mary, have followed him to the cross, and stood a patient sharer of that despised, unpitied agony? That you cannot do. That hour is over. Christ, now, is exalted135, crowned, glorified,—all men speak well of him; rich churches rise to him, and costly136 sacrifice goes up to him. What chance have you, among the multitude, to prove your love,—to show that you would stand by him discrowned, dishonored, tempted, betrayed, and suffering? Can you show it in any way but by espousing137 the cause of his suffering poor? Is there a people among you despised and rejected of men, heavy with oppression, acquainted with grief, with all the power of wealth and fashion, of political and worldly influence, arrayed against their cause,—Christian, you can acknowledge Christ in them!
If you turn away indifferent from this cause,—“if thou forbear to deliver them that are drawn138 unto death, and those that be ready to be slain139; if thou sayest, Behold140, we knew it not, doth not he that pondereth the heart consider it, and he that keepeth the soul, doth he not know it, shall he not render to every man according to his works?”
In the last judgment will He not say to you, “I have been in the slave-prison,—in the slave-coffle. I have been sold in your markets; I have toiled141 for naught142 in your fields; I have been smitten143 on the mouth in your courts of justice; I have been denied a hearing in my own church,—and ye cared not for it. Ye went, one to his farm, and another to his merchandise.” And if ye shall answer, “When, Lord?” He shall say unto you, “Inasmuch as ye have done it to the least of these, my brethren, ye have done it unto me.”
The End
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denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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avowed
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abolition
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Christians
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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blessings
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| n.（上帝的）祝福( blessing的名词复数 )；好事；福分；因祸得福 | |
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dispersing
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orb
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disastrous
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remonstrance
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missionaries
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repudiated
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| v.（正式地）否认( repudiate的过去式和过去分词 )；拒绝接受；拒绝与…往来；拒不履行（法律义务） | |
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repudiate
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missionary
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dread
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inquisitive
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providence
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mere
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nether
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avert
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agitation
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rending
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extermination
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enumerate
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briefly
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malignant
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| adj.恶性的，致命的；恶意的，恶毒的 | |
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pariahs
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| n.被社会遗弃者( pariah的名词复数 )；贱民 | |
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29
exhort
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| v.规劝，告诫 | |
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30
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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31
justified
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| a.正当的，有理的 | |
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32
livelihood
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| n.生计，谋生之道 | |
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33
aspiration
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| n.志向，志趣抱负；渴望；(语)送气音；吸出 | |
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34
inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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35
vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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36
iniquity
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| n.邪恶；不公正 | |
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37
wrath
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| n.愤怒，愤慨，暴怒 | |
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38
iniquitous
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| adj.不公正的；邪恶的；高得出奇的 | |
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39
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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40
repeal
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| n.废止，撤消；v.废止，撤消 | |
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41
quotations
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| n.引用( quotation的名词复数 )；[商业]行情（报告）；（货物或股票的）市价；时价 | |
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42
testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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43
justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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44
treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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45
piracy
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| n.海盗行为，剽窃，著作权侵害 | |
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46
justification
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| n.正当的理由；辩解的理由 | |
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47
sojourn
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| v./n.旅居，寄居；逗留 | |
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48
vex
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| vt.使烦恼，使苦恼 | |
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49
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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50
applicant
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| n.申请人，求职者，请求者 | |
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51
eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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52
orators
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| n.演说者，演讲家( orator的名词复数 ) | |
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53
laborious
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| adj.吃力的，努力的，不流畅 | |
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54
ordination
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| n.授任圣职 | |
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55
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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56
apprentices
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| 学徒，徒弟( apprentice的名词复数 ) | |
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57
apprentice
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| n.学徒，徒弟 | |
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58
competence
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| n.能力，胜任，称职 | |
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59
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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60
embarrassment
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| n.尴尬；使人为难的人(事物)；障碍；窘迫 | |
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61
abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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62
partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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63
immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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64
thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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65
fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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66
deterred
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| v.阻止，制止( deter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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67
groans
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| n.呻吟，叹息( groan的名词复数 )；呻吟般的声音v.呻吟( groan的第三人称单数 )；发牢骚；抱怨；受苦 | |
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68
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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69
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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70
immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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71
emancipation
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| n.（从束缚、支配下）解放 | |
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72
traitors
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| 卖国贼( traitor的名词复数 )； 叛徒； 背叛者； 背信弃义的人 | |
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73
fanatics
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| 狂热者，入迷者( fanatic的名词复数 ) | |
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74
standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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75
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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76
attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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77
creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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78
utterly
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| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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79
irresistible
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| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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80
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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81
pervading
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| v.遍及，弥漫( pervade的现在分词 ) | |
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82
longings
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| 渴望，盼望( longing的名词复数 ) | |
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83
aspirations
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| 强烈的愿望( aspiration的名词复数 )； 志向； 发送气音； 发 h 音 | |
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84
regenerating
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| v.新生，再生( regenerate的现在分词 )；正反馈 | |
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85
mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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86
fervent
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| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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87
persevering
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| a.坚忍不拔的 | |
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88
abide
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| vi.遵守；坚持；vt.忍受 | |
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89
judgment
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| n.审判；判断力，识别力，看法，意见 | |
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90
beseech
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| v.祈求，恳求 | |
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91
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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92
persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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93
immutable
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| adj.不可改变的，永恒的 | |
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94
jealousy
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| n.妒忌，嫉妒，猜忌 | |
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95
vitality
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| n.活力，生命力，效力 | |
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96
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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97
slandered
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| 造谣中伤( slander的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98
controversy
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| n.争论，辩论，争吵 | |
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99
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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100
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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101
assail
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| v.猛烈攻击，抨击，痛斥 | |
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102
tempted
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| v.怂恿（某人）干不正当的事；冒…的险（tempt的过去分词） | |
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103
countenance
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| n.脸色，面容；面部表情；vt.支持，赞同 | |
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104
joint
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| adj.联合的，共同的；n.关节，接合处；v.连接，贴合 | |
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105
lawfully
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| adv.守法地，合法地；合理地 | |
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106
determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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107
blasphemous
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| adj.亵渎神明的，不敬神的 | |
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108
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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109
refinement
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| n.文雅；高尚；精美；精制；精炼 | |
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110
humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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111
melancholy
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| n.忧郁，愁思；adj.令人感伤（沮丧）的，忧郁的 | |
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112
absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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113
virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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114
remonstrate
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| v.抗议，规劝 | |
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115
interpretation
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| n.解释，说明，描述；艺术处理 | |
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116
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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117
wrestle
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| vi.摔跤，角力；搏斗；全力对付 | |
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118
warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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119
arduous
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| adj.艰苦的，费力的，陡峭的 | |
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120
assails
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| v.攻击( assail的第三人称单数 )；困扰；质问；毅然应对 | |
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121
martyr
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| n.烈士，殉难者；vt.杀害，折磨，牺牲 | |
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122
embargo
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| n.禁运（令）；vt.对...实行禁运，禁止（通商） | |
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123
civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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124
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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125
overthrow
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| v.推翻，打倒，颠覆；n.推翻，瓦解，颠覆 | |
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126
courageous
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| adj.勇敢的，有胆量的 | |
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127
irresolute
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| adj.无决断的，优柔寡断的，踌躇不定的 | |
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128
dreary
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| adj.令人沮丧的，沉闷的，单调乏味的 | |
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129
mansions
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| n.宅第，公馆，大厦( mansion的名词复数 ) | |
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130
bloody
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| adj.非常的的；流血的；残忍的；adv.很；vt.血染 | |
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131
anguish
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| n.(尤指心灵上的)极度痛苦，烦恼 | |
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132
saviour
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| n.拯救者，救星 | |
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133
forsook
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| forsake的过去式 | |
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134
buffeted
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| 反复敲打( buffet的过去式和过去分词 )； 连续猛击； 打来打去； 推来搡去 | |
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135
exalted
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| adj.(地位等)高的，崇高的；尊贵的，高尚的 | |
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136
costly
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| adj.昂贵的，价值高的，豪华的 | |
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137
espousing
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| v.（决定）支持，拥护（目标、主张等）( espouse的现在分词 ) | |
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138
drawn
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| v.拖，拉，拔出；adj.憔悴的，紧张的 | |
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139
slain
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| 杀死，宰杀，杀戮( slay的过去分词 )； (slay的过去分词) | |
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140
behold
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| v.看，注视，看到 | |
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141
toiled
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| 长时间或辛苦地工作( toil的过去式和过去分词 )； 艰难缓慢地移动，跋涉 | |
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142
naught
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| n.无，零 [=nought] | |
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143
smitten
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| 猛打，重击，打击( smite的过去分词 ) | |
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