Accordingly, in 1752, he was sent to Daventry, then under the charge of Mr Ashworth. He was now nineteen. Although of a weakly constitution, his health was sufficiently1 re-established to enable him to stand the strain of preparation for the calling to which he now assiduously devoted2 himself. In mental equipments he was so much in advance of his fellows that he was excused all the studies of the first year and a great part of those of the second. He remained at the Academy three years.
No student ever dwelt more fondly on the memory of his Alma Mater than did Priestley on Daventry and all that it meant to him. Its atmosphere was wholly congenial to him, steadying, stimulating3 and strengthening the naturally vigorous powers of his mind. It was, he says, peculiarly favourable4 to the serious pursuit of truth, and every question of much importance, such as liberty and necessity, the sleep of the soul, and all the articles of theological orthodoxy and heresy5 were the subjects of continual discussion between the teachers and the taught. The general plan of studies was exceedingly favourable to free inquiry6: the students were referred to authors on both sides of every question and were required to give an account of them, abridging7 the more important for future use.
18
Concerning this small seminary for the training of Dissenting8 ministers, the Rev9. Mr Hargrove in his account of Priestley in the Inquirer of 1904, says:[4]—
“A miserable10 little place it must have seemed to the eyes of neighbouring clergy11, with nothing in it of the venerable traditions, the ancestral wealth, the beauty and the dignity of the old colleges at Oxford12 and Cambridge. There was nothing grand about this building, nor did any sacred associations hallow its homeliness13. But while the lamp of learning burnt low in the ancient universities during the eighteenth century, their gates kept fast closed against all who were too intelligent not to doubt the doctrines15 of the Established Church, or too honest to conceal16 their doubts, it burnt bright and clear, tiny though the flame might be, in obscure and poor haunts like this of Daventry. As Priestley proudly, and not untruly, boasted, at a later time, to the Prime Minister of England:
“‘Shutting the doors of the universities against us, and keeping the means of learning to yourselves, you may think to keep us in ignorance and so less capable to give you disturbance17. But though ignominiously18 and unjustly excluded from the seats of learning, and driven to the expedient19 of providing at a great expense for scientific education among ourselves, we have had this advantage, that our institutions, being formed in a more enlightened age, are more liberal and therefore better calculated to answer the purpose of a truly liberal education. Thus while your universities resemble pools of stagnant20 water secured by dams and mounds21, ours are like rivers which, taking their natural course, fertilise a whole country.’”
The manner in which he occupied his time, the range of his studies, and the miscellaneous nature of his reading at Daventry, may be seen from his following extract from his journal for 1755:—
BUSINESS DONE IN JANUARY, FEBRUARY AND MARCH
Practical
Howe’s Blessedness of the Righteous; Bennel’s Pastoral Care; Norris’s Letters and Some Sermons.
19
Controversial
Taylor on Atonement; Hampton’s Answer; Sherlock’s Discourse22, vol. i.; Christianity not founded in Argument; Doddridge’s Answer; Warburton’s Divine Legation; Benson on the First Planting of Christianity; King’s Constitution of the Primitive24 Church.
Classics
Josephus, vol. i. from p. 39 to 770; Ovid’s Metamorphoses, to p. 139; Tacitus’s History, Life of Agricola, and Manners of the Germans.
Scriptures26
John the Evangelist; The Acts of the Apostles; The Epistles to the Romans, Galatians, Ephesians; 1 and 2 Corinthians, in Greek; Isaiah to the 8th chapter, in Hebrew.
Mathematics
Maclaurin’s Algebra27, to part ii.
Entertaining
Irene; Prince Arthur; Ecclesiastical Characters; Dryden’s Fables28; Peruvian Tales; Voyage round the World; Oriental Tales; Massey’s Travels; Life of Hai Ebn Yokdam; History of Abdallah.
Composition
A Sermon on the Wisdom of God; An Oration29 on the Means of Virtue30; 1st vol. of the Institutes of Natural and Revealed Religion.
With one of his classmates he engaged to rise early and so “dispatched many articles of business every day. One of them, which continued all the time we were at the academy, was to read every day ten folio pages in some Greek author, and generally a Greek play in the course of the week besides. By this means we became very well acquainted with that language and with the 20 most valuable authors in it.... My attention was always more drawn31 to mathematical and philosophical32 studies than his was.”
Throughout the whole of his time at the academy, and despite the attractions which scholarship and literary studies had for him, and notwithstanding his eagerness to satisfy “the immense range of his curiosity in all things, physical, moral or social,” he never, he says, lost sight of the great object of his studies, which was the duties of a Christian23 minister.
“There it was that I laid the general plan which I have executed since. Particularly I there composed the first copy of my Institutes of Natural and Revealed Religion, Mr Clark, to whom I communicated my scheme, carefully perusing33 every section of it and talking over the subject of it with me.”
What three years of this mental, moral and intellectual discipline meant to the young Arminian may be summed up in his own words: he saw reason to embrace what he says is usually called the heterodox side of almost every question. And this notwithstanding that Dr Ashworth was earnestly desirous of making him as orthodox as possible.
“Notwithstanding the great freedom of our speculations34 and debates, the extreme of heresy among us was Arianism; and all of us, I believe, left the academy with a belief, more or less qualified35, of the doctrine14 of atonement.”
Priestley, even at this early stage in his career, gave abundant proof of that resolute36 regard for truth which constituted the motive37 power of his life. His sturdy independence of thought, and his almost passionate38 resentment39 of dogmatic authority—among the most significant of his intellectual traits—were plainly manifested in his youth and early manhood. They continued to 21 the end to be the dominant40 notes of his character and to be the springs of his action. They were at once the sources of his strength and the causes of his misfortunes.
Priestley had now finished with Daventry. He was twenty-two years of age, and ready, and indeed eager, to minister in all the glory of a full-bottomed wig41 to any congregation that might solicit42 his services.
The young divines at the academy were an unworldly set, taking but little thought of their future situations in life. They often, indeed, amused themselves, as Priestley tells us, with the idea of their dispersion in all parts of the kingdom, after living so happily together, and with the camaraderie43 of youth used to propose plans of meeting at certain times, and smile at the different appearances they would probably make after being ten or twenty years settled in the world.
Priestley set out on his career with the highest ideal of his calling; indeed to him the office of a Christian minister was the most honourable44 of any on earth, and he had no other ambition than to distinguish himself by his application to the studies proper to that profession. That he laboured unselfishly and with no idea of place and preferment is certain from the circumstance that he suffered from a physical disability which he must have recognised could not but tell strongly against his chance of worldly success. He had an inveterate45 stammer46 which, at times, made preaching as irksome to him as it was trying to those who had to listen to him. In spite of many and repeated attempts he never wholly overcame this trial. And yet nothing is more characteristic of him than, as he reviewed his career in the evening of his life, he should see that, like St Paul’s thorn in the flesh, his impediment had not been without its use.
22
“Without some such check as this,” he says, “I might have been disputatious in company, or might have been seduced47 by the love of popular applause as a preacher; whereas, my conversation and my delivery in the pulpit having nothing in them that was generally striking, I hope I have been more attentive48 to qualifications of a superior kind.”
The thorn in the flesh was probably not without its use in other ways. It probably drove him to literature. If he had none of the graces of pulpit oratory49, he had at least the gift of facile composition. If he could not hope to move men’s minds by oral appeals, he might aspire50 to sway them by the power of the pen.
His first call came from an inconsiderable congregation at Needham Market in Suffolk. It was a poor and needy51 place, nominally52 under the charge of a superannuated53 minister, the prospects54 bounded by the possibilities attaching to a stipend55 of forty pounds a year. And these prospects, limited as they were, were still further curtailed56 by Priestley’s own action. He found that his congregation had been used to receive assistance from both Presbyterian and Independent funds. Priestley was no longer in the mood to receive assistance from the Independents, and told his congregation that he “did not choose to have anything to do” with that body. That little difference between the elders and himself concerning the sin of Adam and its consequence, together with his three years’ sojourn57 at Daventry, were beginning to bear fruit. The congregation readily consented to give up the Independent fund and promised to make good the deficiency themselves. Priestley, however, quickly realised that they deceived themselves either as to their ability or their willingness to redeem58 this promise, for the most, he says, he ever received from 23 them was in the proportion of about thirty pounds per annum. They also deceived him in another sense. Their readiness in consenting to do without the assistance of the Independents disposed him to think “they could not have much bigotry59 among them.” Although he made it a rule to introduce nothing in the pulpit that could, or should, lead to controversy60, he made no secret of his real opinions in conversation, or in his lectures on the theory of religion which he had composed at the academy and which he proceeded to give to all persons, without distinction of sex or age, who chose to come and listen to him. He then found that when he came to treat of the Unity61 of God merely as an article of religion his hearers were attentive to nothing but the soundness of his faith in the doctrine of the Trinity, and they quickly discovered, what he was at no pains to conceal, that he was a very pronounced Arian. From the time of this discovery, he says, his hearers fell off apace, especially as the old minister, as might have been expected, took a decided62 part against him. To add to his difficulties his aunt stopped his remittances63. This was in part due to the ill offices of his orthodox, i.e., Independent, relations, but mainly because the worthy64 Mrs Keighley had largely exhausted65 her liberality in supporting others of her needy dependants66, and in particular a deformed67 niece, her constant companion, and who could not, Priestley thinks, have subsisted68 without the greatest part, at least, of all she had to bequeath. He himself was the first to recognise that, being apparently69 settled in the world, he ought to be no longer burdensome to her. She had spared no expense in his education, and that, he says, was doing more for him than giving him an estate. Whatever the world might 24 have thought as to his being settled in it, it had little to offer him beyond the dignity of his profession, and it is difficult to live on dignity alone. The respectable and agreeable families in the place, to whom he had flattered himself he would be useful, were not very prompt to support that dignity, and eventually it had to sustain itself on the wages of an agricultural labourer. Indeed, he says, had it not been for the good offices of Dr Benson and Dr Kippis, eminent70 eighteenth century divines, who procured71 him “now and then an extraordinary five pounds from different charities,” he believed he should have starved.[5]
“At Needham” he says, “I felt the effect of a low, despised situation, together with that arising from the want of popular talents. There were several vacancies73 in congregations in that neighbourhood where my sentiments would have been no objection to me, but I was never thought of. Even my next neighbour, whose sentiments were as free as my own, and known to be so, declined making exchanges with me, which, when I left that part of the country, he acknowledged was not owing to any dislike his people had to me as heretical, but for other reasons, the more genteel part of his hearers always absenting themselves when they heard I was to preach for him. But visiting that country some years afterwards, when I had raised myself to some degree of notice in the world, and being invited to preach in that very pulpit, the same people crowded to hear me, though my elocution was not much improved, and they professed74 to admire one of the same discourses75 they had formerly76 despised.”
The iron would have entered the soul of a weaker 25 man, but Priestley, true to himself, never lost hope or faltered77 in his courage. However short his commons, Providence78 had endowed him with the continual feast of a contented79 mind. He firmly believed, even during the darkest hours of that Suffolk time, that this same wise Providence was disposing everything for the best. Notwithstanding his unfavourable circumstances, “I was,” he says, “far from being unhappy at Needham.” He boarded with a family for whose kindness he was always grateful. He had free access to one or two private libraries in the district, in particular one belonging to Mr Alexander, a Quaker.
“Here it was,” he says, “that I was first acquainted with any person of that persuasion80; and I must acknowledge my obligation to many of them in every future stage of my life. I have met with the noblest instances of liberality of sentiment and the truest generosity81 among them.”
There can be little doubt, however, in spite of his robust82 optimism and the courage with which he confronted the world, the young divine led a cheerless and solitary83 existence at Needham. And it is no less certain that it was during this dark and troubled time that he sowed the seed—the wheat and the tares—which in the fulness of time was to furnish the harvest of good and evil he eventually garnered—fame, obloquy84, insult, persecution85, respect, affection and his position among the immortals86.
Although the account which Priestley has left us of his life and work at Needham is somewhat meagre, it is sufficiently full to enable us to trace in it the initial stages of his evolution as a theological thinker. Indeed, he says his studies at this period were chiefly theological, theology being the business of his life and the 26 vocation87 to which he had been called. He had left the academy with a qualified belief in the doctrine of atonement, and as he was desirous of getting some more definite ideas on the subject he set himself to peruse88 the whole of the Old and New Testament89 and to collect from them, with the greatest care, all the texts that appeared to him to have any relation to the subject, and to arrange them under a great variety of heads.
“The consequence of this was,” he says, “what I had no apprehension90 of when I began the work, viz., a full persuasion that the doctrine of atonement, even in its most qualified sense, had no countenance91 either from Scripture25 or reason.”
He then proceeded to digest his observations into a regular treatise92, a part only of which was at that time published, under the title of the Doctrine of Remission. The portion omitted had reference to an examination of the writings of the Apostle Paul, whose reasoning, he was satisfied, was in many places far from being conclusive93. This examination grew into a separate work, in which he tested every passage in which the reasoning appeared to him to be defective94 or the conclusions ill-supported; and, as he says, he thought them to be pretty numerous.
His friend Kippis advised him to publish this treatise under the character of an unbeliever, in order to draw the more attention to it.
“This” he says, “I did not choose, having always had a great aversion to assume any character that was not my own, even so much as disputing for the sake of discovering truth. I cannot ever say that I was quite reconciled to the idea of writing to a fictitious95 person, as in my Letters to a Philosophical Unbeliever, though nothing can be more innocent, or sometimes 27 more proper, our Saviour’s parables96 implying a much greater departure from strict truth than those letters do. I therefore wrote the book with great freedom indeed, but as a Christian and an admirer of the Apostle Paul, as I always was in other respects.”
When nine sheets of the work were printed off, Dr Kippis dissuaded97 him from proceeding98, or indeed from publishing anything of the kind, until he should be more known and his character better established, and accordingly he desisted. All that he considered of consequence in this work he subsequently inserted in the Theological Repository, “in order to its being submitted to the examination of learned Christians99.”
Another task that he imposed on himself at Needham, and in part executed, was an accurate comparison of the Hebrew text of the Hagiographa and the Prophets with the version of the Septuagint, noting all the variations.
It was, perhaps, in connection with this inquiry that his name appears in the second list of subscribers to Taylor’s Hebrew Concordance, the second volume of which was published in 1757. The subscription100 was three guineas, a very considerable sum to the young divine in those days. The fact that he should have entered his name at all is an indication of the ardour and spirit of self-sacrifice with which he invariably pursued his inquiries101, whether theological or scientific.
Priestley, to the end of his days, cared little for money except as the means of procuring102 the material for his investigations103, and he was always ready to part with it, to the extent of his opportunity, in any cause in which his sympathies were enlisted104.
His circumstances were now so straitened that, despite the great aversion which he conceived he had to 28 the business of a schoolmaster—having often said that he would have recourse to anything else for a maintenance in preference to it—he was at length compelled to make some attempt that way. He therefore printed and distributed proposals to teach classics, mathematics, etc., for half a guinea a quarter, and to board the pupils in the house with himself for twelve guineas a year. It was recognised that he was not unqualified for this work, but although there was no obvious connection between Arianism and arithmetic it was enough that he was tainted105 with heresy, and not a pupil was entrusted106 to his care.
He then proposed to give lectures to grown persons on such branches of science as he could procure72 the means of illustrating107, and began with a course of twelve lectures on the use of “A New and Correct Globe of the Earth.” His one course of ten hearers did little more than pay for his globes.
At this juncture108 a distant relative procured him an opportunity of preaching as a candidate at Sheffield, but his trial sermon was not approved: his manner was thought “too gay and airy.” One of the ministers at Sheffield had, however, more discrimination, and by his good offices he was recommended to a congregation at Nantwich, in Cheshire, who gave him an invitation to preach there for a year certain. Accordingly, he put together his few worldly possessions—his globes, his beloved books, his stock of sermons, and the manuscripts of the theological treatises109 he was too poor or too diffident to give to the world—and took the Ipswich packet to London as the least expensive way of getting down to Cheshire.
The chapel110 in which Priestley preached at Needham 29 was taken down and rebuilt in 1837. When Rutt was preparing his edition of Priestley’s Memoirs111, his daughter, Mrs Notcutt, who lived in Ipswich, made inquiries respecting Priestley, but with no result.
No reminiscences of him could be found at Needham. He was evidently thought too poor and too obscure for his memory to be treasured.
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1 sufficiently | |
adv.足够地,充分地 | |
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2 devoted | |
adj.忠诚的,忠实的,热心的,献身于...的 | |
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3 stimulating | |
adj.有启发性的,能激发人思考的 | |
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4 favourable | |
adj.赞成的,称赞的,有利的,良好的,顺利的 | |
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5 heresy | |
n.异端邪说;异教 | |
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6 inquiry | |
n.打听,询问,调查,查问 | |
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7 abridging | |
节略( abridge的现在分词 ); 减少; 缩短; 剥夺(某人的)权利(或特权等) | |
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8 dissenting | |
adj.不同意的 | |
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9 rev | |
v.发动机旋转,加快速度 | |
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10 miserable | |
adj.悲惨的,痛苦的;可怜的,糟糕的 | |
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11 clergy | |
n.[总称]牧师,神职人员 | |
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12 Oxford | |
n.牛津(英国城市) | |
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13 homeliness | |
n.简朴,朴实;相貌平平 | |
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14 doctrine | |
n.教义;主义;学说 | |
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15 doctrines | |
n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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16 conceal | |
v.隐藏,隐瞒,隐蔽 | |
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17 disturbance | |
n.动乱,骚动;打扰,干扰;(身心)失调 | |
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18 ignominiously | |
adv.耻辱地,屈辱地,丢脸地 | |
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19 expedient | |
adj.有用的,有利的;n.紧急的办法,权宜之计 | |
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20 stagnant | |
adj.不流动的,停滞的,不景气的 | |
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21 mounds | |
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22 discourse | |
n.论文,演说;谈话;话语;vi.讲述,著述 | |
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23 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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24 primitive | |
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25 scripture | |
n.经文,圣书,手稿;Scripture:(常用复数)《圣经》,《圣经》中的一段 | |
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26 scriptures | |
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27 algebra | |
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28 fables | |
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29 oration | |
n.演说,致辞,叙述法 | |
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30 virtue | |
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31 drawn | |
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32 philosophical | |
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33 perusing | |
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34 speculations | |
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35 qualified | |
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36 resolute | |
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39 resentment | |
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41 wig | |
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43 camaraderie | |
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45 inveterate | |
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46 stammer | |
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47 seduced | |
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48 attentive | |
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51 needy | |
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52 nominally | |
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53 superannuated | |
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54 prospects | |
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55 stipend | |
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56 curtailed | |
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57 sojourn | |
v./n.旅居,寄居;逗留 | |
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58 redeem | |
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59 bigotry | |
n.偏见,偏执,持偏见的行为[态度]等 | |
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60 controversy | |
n.争论,辩论,争吵 | |
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61 unity | |
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62 decided | |
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n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 );汇款,汇款额 | |
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64 worthy | |
adj.(of)值得的,配得上的;有价值的 | |
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65 exhausted | |
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66 dependants | |
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67 deformed | |
adj.畸形的;变形的;丑的,破相了的 | |
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68 subsisted | |
v.(靠很少的钱或食物)维持生活,生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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69 apparently | |
adv.显然地;表面上,似乎 | |
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70 eminent | |
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v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的过去式和过去分词 );拉皮条 | |
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72 procure | |
vt.获得,取得,促成;vi.拉皮条 | |
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73 vacancies | |
n.空房间( vacancy的名词复数 );空虚;空白;空缺 | |
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74 professed | |
公开声称的,伪称的,已立誓信教的 | |
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75 discourses | |
论文( discourse的名词复数 ); 演说; 讲道; 话语 | |
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76 formerly | |
adv.从前,以前 | |
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77 faltered | |
(嗓音)颤抖( falter的过去式和过去分词 ); 支吾其词; 蹒跚; 摇晃 | |
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78 providence | |
n.深谋远虑,天道,天意;远见;节约;上帝 | |
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79 contented | |
adj.满意的,安心的,知足的 | |
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80 persuasion | |
n.劝说;说服;持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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81 generosity | |
n.大度,慷慨,慷慨的行为 | |
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82 robust | |
adj.强壮的,强健的,粗野的,需要体力的,浓的 | |
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83 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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84 obloquy | |
n.斥责,大骂 | |
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85 persecution | |
n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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86 immortals | |
不朽的人物( immortal的名词复数 ); 永生不朽者 | |
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87 vocation | |
n.职业,行业 | |
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88 peruse | |
v.细读,精读 | |
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89 testament | |
n.遗嘱;证明 | |
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90 apprehension | |
n.理解,领悟;逮捕,拘捕;忧虑 | |
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91 countenance | |
n.脸色,面容;面部表情;vt.支持,赞同 | |
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92 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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93 conclusive | |
adj.最后的,结论的;确凿的,消除怀疑的 | |
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94 defective | |
adj.有毛病的,有问题的,有瑕疵的 | |
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95 fictitious | |
adj.虚构的,假设的;空头的 | |
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96 parables | |
n.(圣经中的)寓言故事( parable的名词复数 ) | |
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97 dissuaded | |
劝(某人)勿做某事,劝阻( dissuade的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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98 proceeding | |
n.行动,进行,(pl.)会议录,学报 | |
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99 Christians | |
n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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100 subscription | |
n.预订,预订费,亲笔签名,调配法,下标(处方) | |
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101 inquiries | |
n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 );疑问;探究;打听 | |
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102 procuring | |
v.(努力)取得, (设法)获得( procure的现在分词 );拉皮条 | |
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103 investigations | |
(正式的)调查( investigation的名词复数 ); 侦查; 科学研究; 学术研究 | |
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104 enlisted | |
adj.应募入伍的v.(使)入伍, (使)参军( enlist的过去式和过去分词 );获得(帮助或支持) | |
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105 tainted | |
adj.腐坏的;污染的;沾污的;感染的v.使变质( taint的过去式和过去分词 );使污染;败坏;被污染,腐坏,败坏 | |
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106 entrusted | |
v.委托,托付( entrust的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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107 illustrating | |
给…加插图( illustrate的现在分词 ); 说明; 表明; (用示例、图画等)说明 | |
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108 juncture | |
n.时刻,关键时刻,紧要关头 | |
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109 treatises | |
n.专题著作,专题论文,专著( treatise的名词复数 ) | |
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110 chapel | |
n.小教堂,殡仪馆 | |
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111 memoirs | |
n.回忆录;回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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