This first part of our task is by no means difficult; since it consists only in an enumeration11 of existing evils. Of these there is no scarcity12, and most of them are by no means obscure or mysterious. Many of them are the veriest commonplaces of moralists, though the roots even of these lie deeper than moralists usually attempt to penetrate13. So various are they that the only difficulty is to make any approach to an exhaustive catalogue. We shall content ourselves for the present with mentioning a few of the principal. And let one thing be remembered by the reader. When item after item of the enumeration passes before him, and he finds one fact after another which he has been accustomed to include among the necessities of nature urged [25]as an accusation14 against social institutions, he is not entitled to cry unfairness, and to protest that the evils complained of are inherent in Man and Society, and are such as no arrangements can remedy. To assert this would be to beg the very question at issue. No one is more ready than Socialists15 to admit—they affirm it indeed much more decidedly than truth warrants—that the evils they complain of are irremediable in the present constitution of society. They propose to consider whether some other form of society may be devised which would not be liable to those evils, or would be liable to them in a much less degree. Those who object to the present order of society, considered as a whole and who accept as an alternative the possibility of a total change, have a right to set down all the evils which at present exist in society as part of their case, whether these are apparently16 attributable to social arrangements or not, provided they do not flow from physical laws which human power is not adequate, or human knowledge has not yet learned, to counteract17. Moral evils [26]and such physical evils as would be remedied if all persons did as they ought, are fairly chargeable against the state of society which admits of them; and are valid18 as arguments until it is shown that any other state of society would involve an equal or greater amount of such evils. In the opinion of Socialists, the present arrangements of society in respect to Property and the Production and Distribution of Wealth, are as means to the general good, a total failure. They say that there is an enormous mass of evil which these arrangements do not succeed in preventing; that the good, either moral or physical, which they realize is wretchedly small compared with the amount of exertion19 employed, and that even this small amount of good is brought about by means which are full of pernicious consequences, moral and physical.
First among existing social evils may be mentioned the evil of Poverty. The institution of Property is upheld and commended principally as being the means by which labor20 and frugality21 are insured their reward, and mankind enabled [27]to emerge from indigence22. It may be so; most Socialists allow that it has been so in earlier periods of history. But if the institution can do nothing more or better in this respect than it has hitherto done, its capabilities23, they affirm, are very insignificant24. What proportion of the population, in the most civilized25 countries of Europe, enjoy in their own persons anything worth naming of the benefits of property? It may be said, that but for property in the hands of their employers they would be without daily bread; but, though this be conceded, at least their daily bread is all that they have; and that often in insufficient26 quantity; almost always of inferior quality; and with no assurance of continuing to have it at all; an immense proportion of the industrious27 classes being at some period or other of their lives (and all being liable to become) dependent, at least temporarily, on legal or voluntary charity. Any attempt to depict28 the miseries29 of indigence, or to estimate the proportion of mankind who in the most advanced countries are habitually30 given up during their [28]whole existence to its physical and moral sufferings, would be superfluous31 here. This may be left to philanthropists, who have painted these miseries in colors sufficiently32 strong. Suffice it to say that the condition of numbers in civilized Europe, and even in England and France, is more wretched than that of most tribes of savages33 who are known to us.
It may be said that of this hard lot no one has any reason to complain, because it befalls those only who are outstripped34 by others, from inferiority of energy or of prudence35. This, even were it true, would be a very small alleviation36 of the evil. If some Nero or Domitian was to require a hundred persons to run a race for their lives, on condition that the fifty or twenty who came in hindmost should be put to death, it would not be any diminution37 of the injustice38 that the strongest or nimblest would, except through some untoward39 accident, be certain to escape. The misery40 and the crime would be that they were put to death at all. So in the economy of society; if there be any who suffer physical privation or [29]moral degradation41, whose bodily necessities are either not satisfied or satisfied in a manner which only brutish creatures can be content with, this, though not necessarily the crime of society, is pro1 tanto a failure of the social arrangements. And to assert as a mitigation of the evil that those who thus suffer are the weaker members of the community, morally or physically42, is to add insult to misfortune. Is weakness a justification43 of suffering? Is it not, on the contrary, an irresistible44 claim upon every human being for protection against suffering? If the minds and feelings of the prosperous were in a right state, would they accept their prosperity if for the sake of it even one person near them was, for any other cause than voluntary fault, excluded from obtaining a desirable existence?
One thing there is, which if it could be affirmed truly, would relieve social institutions from any share in the responsibility of these evils. Since the human race has no means of enjoyable existence, or of existence at all, but what it derives45 from its own labor and [30]abstinence, there would be no ground for complaint against society if every one who was willing to undergo a fair share of this labor and abstinence could attain46 a fair share of the fruits. But is this the fact? Is it not the reverse of the fact? The reward, instead of being proportioned to the labor and abstinence of the individual, is almost in an inverse47 ratio to it: those who receive the least, labor and abstain48 the most. Even the idle, reckless, and ill-conducted poor, those who are said with most justice to have themselves to blame for their condition, often undergo much more and severer labor, not only than those who are born to pecuniary49 independence, but than almost any of the more highly remunerated of those who earn their subsistence; and even the inadequate51 self-control exercised by the industrious poor costs them more sacrifice and more effort than is almost ever required from the more favored members of society. The very idea of distributive justice, or of any proportionality between success and merit, or between success and exertion, is in the present state of society so [31]manifestly chimerical52 as to be relegated53 to the regions of romance. It is true that the lot of individuals is not wholly independent of their virtue54 and intelligence; these do really tell in their favor, but far less than many other things in which there is no merit at all. The most powerful of all the determining circumstances is birth. The great majority are what they were born to be. Some are born rich without work, others are born to a position in which they can become rich by work, the great majority are born to hard work and poverty throughout life, numbers to indigence. Next to birth the chief cause of success in life is accident and opportunity. When a person not born to riches succeeds in acquiring them, his own industry and dexterity55 have generally contributed to the result; but industry and dexterity would not have sufficed unless there had been also a concurrence56 of occasions and chances which falls to the lot of only a small number. If persons are helped in their worldly career by their virtues57, so are they, and perhaps quite as often, by their vices58: by [32]servility and sycophancy60, by hard-hearted and close-fisted selfishness, by the permitted lies and tricks of trade, by gambling61 speculations62, not seldom by downright knavery63. Energies and talents are of much more avail for success in life than virtues; but if one man succeeds by employing energy and talent in something generally useful, another thrives by exercising the same qualities in out-generalling and ruining a rival. It is as much as any moralist ventures to assert, that, other circumstances being given, honesty is the best policy, and that with parity7 of advantages an honest person has a better chance than a rogue64. Even this in many stations and circumstances of life is questionable65; anything more than this is out of the question. It cannot be pretended that honesty, as a means of success, tells for as much as a difference of one single step on the social ladder. The connection between fortune and conduct is mainly this, that there is a degree of bad conduct, or rather of some kinds of bad conduct, which suffices to ruin any amount of good fortune; but the converse66 is not true: in [33]the situation of most people no degree whatever of good conduct can be counted upon for raising them in the world, without the aid of fortunate accidents.
These evils, then—great poverty, and that poverty very little connected with desert—are the first grand failure of the existing arrangements of society. The second is human misconduct; crime, vice59, and folly67, with all the sufferings which follow in their train. For, nearly all the forms of misconduct, whether committed towards ourselves or towards others, may be traced to one of three causes: Poverty and its temptations in the many; Idleness and des?uvrement in the few whose circumstances do not compel them to work; bad education, or want of education, in both. The first two must be allowed to be at least failures in the social arrangements, the last is now almost universally admitted to be the fault of those arrangements—it may almost be said the crime. I am speaking loosely and in the rough, for a minuter analysis of the sources of faults of character and errors of conduct [34]would establish far more conclusively68 the filiation which connects them with a defective69 organization of society, though it would also show the reciprocal dependence50 of that faulty state of society on a backward state of the human mind.
At this point, in the enumeration of the evils of society, the mere70 levellers of former times usually stopped; but their more far-sighted successors, the present Socialists, go farther. In their eyes the very foundation of human life as at present constituted, the very principle on which the production and repartition of all material products is now carried on, is essentially71 vicious and anti-social. It is the principle of individualism, competition, each one for himself and against all the rest. It is grounded on opposition72 of interests, not harmony of interests, and under it every one is required to find his place by a struggle, by pushing others back or being pushed back by them. Socialists consider this system of private war (as it may be termed) between every one and every one, especially [35]fatal in an economical point of view and in a moral. Morally considered, its evils are obvious. It is the parent of envy, hatred73, and all uncharitableness; it makes every one the natural enemy of all others who cross his path, and every one's path is constantly liable to be crossed. Under the present system hardly any one can gain except by the loss or disappointment of one or of many others. In a well-constituted community every one would be a gainer by every other person's successful exertions74; while now we gain by each other's loss and lose by each other's gain, and our greatest gains come from the worst source of all, from death, the death of those who are nearest and should be dearest to us. In its purely75 economical operation the principle of individual competition receives as unqualified condemnation77 from the social reformers as in its moral. In the competition of laborers78 they see the cause of low wages; in the competition of producers the cause of ruin and bankruptcy79; and both evils, they affirm, tend constantly to increase as population and wealth make [36]progress; no person (they conceive) being benefited except the great proprietors80 of land, the holders82 of fixed83 money incomes, and a few great capitalists, whose wealth is gradually enabling them to undersell all other producers, to absorb the whole of the operations of industry into their own sphere, to drive from the market all employers of labor except themselves, and to convert the laborers into a kind of slaves or serfs, dependent on them for the means of support, and compelled to accept these on such terms as they choose to offer. Society, in short, is travelling onward84, according to these speculators, towards a new feudality, that of the great capitalists.
As I shall have ample opportunity in future chapters to state my own opinion on these topics, and on many others connected with and subordinate to them, I shall now, without further preamble85, exhibit the opinions of distinguished Socialists on the present arrangements of society, in a selection of passages from their published writings. For the present I desire to be considered as a mere reporter of the opinions of [37]others. Hereafter it will appear how much of what I cite agrees or differs with my own sentiments.
The clearest, the most compact, and the most precise and specific statement of the case of the Socialists generally against the existing order of society in the economical department of human affairs, is to be found in the little work of M. Louis Blanc, Organisation86 du Travail87. My first extracts, therefore, on this part of the subject, shall be taken from that treatise88.
"Competition is for the people a system of extermination89. Is the poor man a member of society, or an enemy to it? We ask for an answer.
"All around him he finds the soil preoccupied90. Can he cultivate the earth for himself? No; for the right of the first occupant has become a right of property. Can he gather the fruits which the hand of God ripens91 on the path of man? No; for, like the soil, the fruits have been appropriated. Can he hunt or fish? No; for that is a right which is dependent upon the government. Can he draw water from a spring enclosed in a field? No; for the proprietor81 of the field is, in virtue of his right to the field, [38]proprietor of the fountain. Can he, dying of hunger and thirst, stretch out his hands for the charity of his fellow-creatures? No; for there are laws against begging. Can he, exhausted92 by fatigue93 and without a refuge, lie down to sleep upon the pavement of the streets? No; for there are laws against vagabondage. Can he, dying from the cruel native land where everything is denied him, seek the means of living far from the place where life was given him? No; for it is not permitted to change your country except on certain conditions which the poor man cannot fulfil.
"What, then, can the unhappy man do? He will say, 'I have hands to work with, I have intelligence, I have youth, I have strength; take all this, and in return give me a morsel94 of bread.' This is what the working-men do say. But even here the poor man may be answered, 'I have no work to give you.' What is he to do then?"
"What is competition from the point of view of the workman? It is work put up to auction95. A contractor96 wants a workman: three present themselves.—How much for your work?—Half-a-crown; I have a wife and children.—Well; and how much for yours?—Two shillings: I have no children, but I have a wife.—Very well; and now how much for you?—One and eightpence are enough for me; I am single. Then you shall [39]have the work. It is done; the bargain is struck. And what are the other two workmen to do? It is to be hoped they will die quietly of hunger. But what if they take to thieving? Never fear; we have the police. To murder? We have got the hangman. As for the lucky one, his triumph is only temporary. Let a fourth workman make his appearance, strong enough to fast every other day, and his price will run down still lower; then there will be a new outcast, a new recruit for the prison perhaps!
"Will it be said that these melancholy97 results are exaggerated; that at all events they are only possible when there is not work enough for the hands that seek employment? But I ask, in answer, Does the principle of competition contain, by chance, within itself any method by which this murderous disproportion is to be avoided? If one branch of industry is in want of hands, who can answer for it that, in the confusion created by universal competition, another is not overstocked? And if, out of thirty-four millions of men, twenty are really reduced to theft for a living, this would suffice to condemn76 the principle.
"But who is so blind as not to see that under the system of unlimited98 competition, the continual fall of wages is no exceptional circumstance, but a necessary and general fact? Has the population a limit which it cannot exceed? Is [40]it possible for us to say to industry—industry given up to the accidents of individual egotism and fertile in ruin—can we say, 'Thus far shalt thou go, and no farther?' The population increases constantly: tell the poor mother to become sterile99, and blaspheme the God who made her fruitful, for if you do not, the lists will soon become too narrow for the combatants. A machine is invented: command it to be broken, and anathematize science, for if you do not, the thousand workmen whom the new machine deprives of work will knock at the door of the neighboring workshop, and lower the wages of their companions. Thus systematic100 lowering of wages, ending in the driving out of a certain number of workmen, is the inevitable101 effect of unlimited competition. It is an industrial system by means of which the working-classes are forced to exterminate102 one another."
"If there is an undoubted fact, it is that the increase of population is much more rapid among the poor than among the rich. According to the Statistics of European Population, the births at Paris are only one-thirty-second of the population in the rich quarters, while in the others they rise to one-twenty-sixth. This disproportion is a general fact, and M. de Sismondi, in his work on Political Economy, has explained it by the impossibility for the workmen of hopeful [41]prudence. Those only who feel themselves assured of the morrow can regulate the number of their children according to their income; he who lives from day to day is under the yoke103 of a mysterious fatality104, to which he sacrifices his children as he was sacrificed to it himself. It is true the workhouses exist, menacing society with an inundation105 of beggars—what way is there of escaping from the cause?... It is clear that any society where the means of subsistence increase less rapidly than the numbers of the population, is a society on the brink106 of an abyss.... Competition produces destitution107; this is a fact shown by statistics. Destitution is fearfully prolific108; this is shown by statistics. The fruitfulness of the poor throws upon society unhappy creatures who have need of work and cannot find it; this is shown by statistics. At this point society is reduced to a choice between killing109 the poor or maintaining them gratuitously—between atrocity110 or folly."
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4 judgment | |
n.审判;判断力,识别力,看法,意见 | |
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5 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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7 parity | |
n.平价,等价,比价,对等 | |
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n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 );教义;学说;(政府政策的)正式声明 | |
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9 postpone | |
v.延期,推迟 | |
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10 undertaking | |
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12 scarcity | |
n.缺乏,不足,萧条 | |
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15 socialists | |
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18 valid | |
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19 exertion | |
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21 frugality | |
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22 indigence | |
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n.能力( capability的名词复数 );可能;容量;[复数]潜在能力 | |
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24 insignificant | |
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27 industrious | |
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28 depict | |
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30 habitually | |
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35 prudence | |
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39 untoward | |
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49 pecuniary | |
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缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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61 gambling | |
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63 knavery | |
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83 fixed | |
adj.固定的,不变的,准备好的;(计算机)固定的 | |
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84 onward | |
adj.向前的,前进的;adv.向前,前进,在先 | |
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85 preamble | |
n.前言;序文 | |
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86 organisation | |
n.组织,安排,团体,有机休 | |
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87 travail | |
n.阵痛;努力 | |
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88 treatise | |
n.专著;(专题)论文 | |
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89 extermination | |
n.消灭,根绝 | |
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90 preoccupied | |
adj.全神贯注的,入神的;被抢先占有的;心事重重的v.占据(某人)思想,使对…全神贯注,使专心于( preoccupy的过去式) | |
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91 ripens | |
v.成熟,使熟( ripen的第三人称单数 ) | |
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92 exhausted | |
adj.极其疲惫的,精疲力尽的 | |
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93 fatigue | |
n.疲劳,劳累 | |
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94 morsel | |
n.一口,一点点 | |
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95 auction | |
n.拍卖;拍卖会;vt.拍卖 | |
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96 contractor | |
n.订约人,承包人,收缩肌 | |
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97 melancholy | |
n.忧郁,愁思;adj.令人感伤(沮丧)的,忧郁的 | |
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98 unlimited | |
adj.无限的,不受控制的,无条件的 | |
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99 sterile | |
adj.不毛的,不孕的,无菌的,枯燥的,贫瘠的 | |
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100 systematic | |
adj.有系统的,有计划的,有方法的 | |
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101 inevitable | |
adj.不可避免的,必然发生的 | |
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102 exterminate | |
v.扑灭,消灭,根绝 | |
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103 yoke | |
n.轭;支配;v.给...上轭,连接,使成配偶 | |
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104 fatality | |
n.不幸,灾祸,天命 | |
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105 inundation | |
n.the act or fact of overflowing | |
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106 brink | |
n.(悬崖、河流等的)边缘,边沿 | |
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107 destitution | |
n.穷困,缺乏,贫穷 | |
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108 prolific | |
adj.丰富的,大量的;多产的,富有创造力的 | |
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109 killing | |
n.巨额利润;突然赚大钱,发大财 | |
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110 atrocity | |
n.残暴,暴行 | |
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