It appears that Lord George Bentinck had offended some of his followers30 by an opinion expressed in his address to his constituency in ‘47, that in accordance with the suggestion of Mr. Pitt, some provision should be made for the Roman Catholic priesthood of Ireland out of the land. Although this opinion might offend the religious sentiments of some, and might be justly looked upon by others as a scheme ill-suited to the character of an age adverse31 to any further religious endowments, it must be acknowledged that no member of the Protectionist party had any just cause of complaint against Lord George for the expression of an opinion which he had always upheld, and of his constancy to which he had fairly given his friends notice. This was so generally felt that the repining died away. The Jewish question, as it was called, revived these religious emotions. These feelings, as springing from the highest sentiment of our nature, and founded, however mistaken in their application, on religious truth, are entitled to deep respect and tenderness; but no one can indulge them by the compromise of the highest principles, or by sanctioning a course which he really believes to be destructive of the very object which their votaries32 wish to cherish.
As there are very few Englishmen of what is commonly called the Jewish faith, and as therefore it was supposed that political considerations could not enter into the question, it was hoped by many of the followers of Lord George Bentinck that he would not separate himself from his party on this subject, and very earnest requests and representations were made to him with that view. He was not insensible to them; he gave them prolonged and painful consideration; they greatly disquieted33 him. In his confidential34 correspondence he often recurs35 to the distress36 and anxiety which this question and its consequences as regarded his position with those friends to whom he was much attached occasioned him. It must not, therefore, be supposed that, in the line he ultimately took with reference to this question, he was influenced, as some have unkindly and unwarrantably fancied, by a self-willed, inexorable, and imperious spirit. He was no doubt, by nature, a proud man, inclined even to arrogance37, and naturally impatient of contradiction; but two severe campaigns in the House of Commons had already mitigated38 these characteristics: he understood human nature, he was fond of his party, and, irrespective of other considerations, it pained his ardent39 and generous heart to mortify40 his comrades. It was therefore not in any degree from temper, but from principle,—from as pure, as high, and as noble a sense of duty as ever actuated a man in public life,—that Lord George Bentinck ultimately resolved that it was impossible for him to refuse to vote for the removal of what are commonly called Jewish disabilities. He had voted in this particular cause shortly after his entrance into public life; it was in accordance with that general principle of religious liberty to which he was an uncompromising adherent41; it was in complete agreement with the understanding which subsisted42 between himself and the Protectionist party, when at their urgent request he unwillingly44 assumed the helm. He was entreated45 not to vote at all; to stay away, which the severe indisposition under which he was then labouring warranted. He did not rudely repulse46 these latter representations, as has been circulated. On the contrary, he listened to them with kindness, and was not uninfluenced by them. Enfeebled by illness, he had nearly brought himself to a compliance47 with a request urged with affectionate importunity48, but from which his reason and sense of duty held him aloof49. After long and deep and painful pondering, when the hour arrived, he rose from his bed of sickness, walked into the House of Commons, and not only voted, but spoke50 in favour of his convictions. His speech remains51, one of the best ever delivered on the subject, not only full of weighty argument, but touched with a high and even tender vein52 of sentiment.
This vote and speech of Lord George Bentinck no doubt mortified53 at the moment a considerable portion of his followers, and occasioned great dissatisfaction among a very respectable though limited section of them. This latter body must either have forgotten or they must have been strangely unacquainted with the distinct understanding on which Lord George had undertaken the lead of the party, or otherwise they could not have felt authorized54 in conveying to him their keen sense of disapprobation. Unfortunately he received this when the House had adjourned55 for the holidays, and when Mr. Bankes, who had been the organ of communication with him in ‘46, was in the country, and when the party was of course generally dispersed56. Lord George did not take any pains to ascertain57 whether the representation which was made to him was that of the general feeling of a large party, or that only of a sincere, highly estimable, but limited section. He was enfeebled and exhausted58 by indisposition; he often felt, even when in health, that the toil59 of his life was beyond both his physical and moral energies; and though he was of that ardent and tenacious60 nature that he never would have complained, but have died at his post, the opportunity of release coming to him at a moment when he was physically61 prostrate62 was rather eagerly seized, and the world suddenly learnt at Christmas, with great astonishment63, that the renowned64 leader of the Protectionist party had relinquished65 his trust.
The numerous communications which he received must have convinced him that the assumed circumstances under which he acted had not been accurately66 appreciated by him. He was implored67 to reconsider his course, as one very detrimental68 to the cause to which he was devoted, and which would probably tend to the triumph of those whose policy he had attempted to defeat, and whose personal conduct he had at least succeeded in punishing.
‘The prophesied69 time has come,’ he wrote to his friend Mr. Bankes, on the 23rd of December, 1847, ‘when I have ceased to be able to serve the party, the great cause of Protection, or my country, by any longer retaining the commission bestowed70 on me in the spring of 1846. You will remember, however, that when unfeignedly and honestly, but in vain, trying to escape from being raised to a position which I foresaw I must fail to maintain with advantage to you or honour to myself, I at last gave my consent, I only did so on the express understanding that my advancement71 should be held to be merely a pro2 tempore appointment, waiting till the country should have the opportunity of sending to Parliament other men better fitted to lead the country gentlemen of England. I have recalled these circumstances to your mind with no other purpose than that the party may feel how entirely72 free they are, without even the suspicion of doing an injustice73 to me or of showing me in this any disrespect, to remodel74 their arrangements, and to supersede75 my lieutenancy76 by the appointment of a superior and permanent commander.’
And again on Christmas-day, to the same gentleman, in reply to an acknowledgment of the preceding, he says, while thanking Mr. Bankes ‘for his warm-hearted letter as very grateful to his feelings,’—’ Confidentially77 I tell you, that far from feeling in the least annoyed, I shall feel greatly relieved by a restoration to privacy and freedom. I worked upon my spirit in ‘46 and ‘47; but I have learnt now that I have shaken my constitution to the foundation, and I seriously doubt my being able to work on much longer.’
He wrote on the 24th of December to one of his most intimate friends and warmest supporters, Mr. Christopher, the member for Lincolnshire, who had remonstrated78 with him as to his decision: ‘It is not in my nature to retain a station one moment after I get a hint even that any portion of those who raised me to it are wearied of seeing me there. The old members of the party will all recollect79 how clearly I foresaw and foretold80 that I should be found a very inconvenient81 as well as a very inefficient82 leader, so soon as the great Protection battle was brought to a close. I predicted all that has since occurred; and no one more cordially agrees than I do in the wisdom of the present decision, the spirit I presume of which is that no great party or large body of men can be successfully, or to any good purpose, led except by a man who heart and soul sympathizes with them in all their feelings, partialities, and prejudices. Cold reason has a poor chance against such influences. There can be no esprit de corps83 and no zeal84 where there is not a union of prejudices as well as of commercial opinions. The election of a leader united with the great body of the party in these respects, will tend greatly to reunite its scattered85 particles, even on those questions where I shall be able to give my aid with all my wonted zeal, which will not be the less spirited because it will be free and independent.’
At a later period, acknowledging an address signed by the great body of the Protectionist party, and presented to him by the present Earl Talbot, then a member of the House of Commons, Lord George wrote, ‘The considerations which obliged me to surrender a post of honour which every independent and high-minded English gentleman has at all times prized above the highest rewards in the gift of the crown, “the leadership of the country gentlemen of England,” will never influence me to swerve86 from any endeavours of which my poor abilities and bodily energies are capable in the promotion87 of the prosperity of all classes in the British empire at home and in the colonies, any more than they can ever make me forget the attachment, the friendship, and the enthusiastic support of those who stood by me to the end of the death struggle for British interests and for English good faith and political honour, and to whose continued friendship and constancy I know I am indebted for this graceful88 and grateful compliment.’
If Lord George Bentinck was inexorable to the entreaties89 of his friends, it must not be supposed that he was influenced in the course which he pursued, as was presumed by many at the time not acquainted with the circumstances, by any feeling of pique90 or brooding sullenness91. No high-spirited man under vexatious and distressing92 circumstances ever behaved with more magnanimity. In this he was actuated in a great degree by a sense of duty, but still more by that peculiar93 want of selfishness which was one of the most beautiful traits of his character. The moment he had at all recovered from the severe attack by which, to use his own language, he had been ‘struck down in the first week of the session,’ and from the effects of which it may be doubted whether he ever entirely recovered, he laboured zealously94 to induce some competent person to undertake the office which he had thought it expedient95 to resign, offering in several instances to serve in the ranks, and to assist with his utmost energies, both in and out of the House, the individual who would undertake the responsible direction in the Commons.
These efforts, though indefatigable96, were not successful, for those who were competent to the office cared not to serve under any one except himself. About this time, a personage of great station, and who very much admired Lord George Bentinck, wrote to him, and recommended him not to trouble himself about the general discipline of the party, but to follow his own course, and lead that body of friends who under all circumstances would adhere to him, instancing the case of Mr. Canning, under circumstances not altogether dissimilar. Lord George replied: ‘As for my rallying a personal party round myself, as Mr. Canning did, I have no pretension97 to anything of the kind; when Mr. Canning did that, the House of Commons, and England too, acknowledged him to be the greatest orator98 who had survived Pitt and Fox; he had been Secretary of State for foreign affairs, and had taken a conspicuous99 part in rousing the country to carry on the war against France.’
The nature of the subject, dealing100 as it necessarily does with so many personal details, renders it impossible to make public the correspondence in which Lord George Bentinck was engaged at this time in his attempts to place the Protectionist party under the guidance of one who would unite all sympathies; but were that publication possible, it would place Lord George Bentinck in a very noble and amiable101 light, and prove a gentleness and softness in his nature for which those who were not very intimate with him did not give him credit. Not that it must be for a moment supposed that he was insensible to what was occurring. He was the most sensitive as well as the proudest of men. When the writer called at Harcourt House, to bid him farewell, before the Christmas holidays, and, conversing102 very frankly103 on the course which he was then pursuing, inquired as to his future proceedings104, Lord George said with emotion: ‘In this cause I have shaken my constitution and shortened my days, and I will succeed or die.’ In the course of the year 1848, walking home, talking together, from the House of Commons, he twice recurred105 to this terrible alternative.
But all considerations were merged106 at this moment in the predominant one which was to keep the party together. He wrote to a friend at the end of January, who urged him, as the hour of work approached and the injurious inconveniences of his abdication107 would be more felt, to confer with his former followers and reconsider his position, that no personal feeling prevented his taking that course, but that he felt any resumption of responsibility on his part would not be pleasing to a section of those who formerly108 served with him, and that there would be a ‘split’ in the ranks. ‘As far as I am personally concerned,’ he added, ‘I could submit to anything short of having my ears cut off and appearing as a “Croppy,” to be free again. My pride cannot stand leading an unwilling43 party; I would just as soon thrust myself into a dinner-room where I was at once an uninvited and an unwelcome guest.’
In the meantime, according to his custom, the moment that he had sufficiently109 recovered from his illness, he prepared with the utmost zeal for the coming struggle respecting the fate of our sugar colonies, in which subject he was soon absorbed.
Parliament reassembled on the 3rd of February, and on that night Lord George Bentinck brought forward his motion for ‘a select committee to inquire into the present condition and prospects110 of the interests connected with and dependent on sugar and coffee planting in her Majesty’s East and West Indian possessions and the Mauritius, and to consider whether any and what measures can be adopted by Parliament for their relief.’ When he entered the House, Lord George walked up to the head of the second bench below the gangway, on the opposition111 side, and thus significantly announced that he was no longer the responsible leader of the Protectionist party. It was the wish of the writer of these pages, who had resolved to stand or fall by him, to have followed his example and to have abdicated112 the prominent seat in which the writer had been unwillingly and fortuitously placed; but by the advice, or rather at the earnest request, of Lord George Bentinck, this course was relinquished as indicative of schism113, which he wished to discourage; and the circumstance is only mentioned as showing that Lord George was not less considerate at this moment of the interests of the Protectionist party than when he led them with so much confidence and authority. The session, however, was to commence without a leader, without any recognized organ of communication between parties, or any responsible representative of opinion in debate. All again was chaos114. There is, however, something so vital in the Conservative party that it seems always to rally under every disadvantage.
Lord George spoke well to his resolution: the House soon recognized he was master of his case, and though few foresaw at the moment the important consequences to which this motion would lead, the House was interested from the first; and though there was no division, the debate lasted two days, and was sustained on both sides with great animation115.
The mover vindicated116 himself very successfully for only proposing a committee of inquiry117. ‘It has been represented to me,’ he said, ‘by the colonies and by persons in this country who are interested in them, that the course which I am proposing is not consistent with the necessities of the case; that there is something pusillanimous118 in the motion which I am going to make; that in point of fact the interests connected with sugar and coffee planting are in extremis; and that while the question of their redress119 is being discussed in a committee above-stairs, these great interests will perish. They say to me that a committee of inquiry will be to them of the nature of that comfort which,
“Like cordials after death, come late; ”
and that before the committee shall have reported, the West-Indian interest will be altogether past recovery. But, sir, it is for me to consider what my power is to obtain any substantial relief by a direct vote of this House; and when I remember that in July, 1846, I moved a resolution the purport120 of which was, to maintain the protection for the West-Indian and the East-Indian free-labour colonies which they now seek, and that I had but one hundred and thirty gentlemen to support me, while two hundred and sixty-five votes were recorded in favour of the measure of the Government admitting slave-labour sugar, I feel that it is hopeless for me to endeavour in this House, where I have no reason to suppose any addition has been made to the members acquiescing121 in my views, to convert that minority into a majority; and more especially when I recollect that on that occasion but five gentlemen connected with the West-Indian and East-Indian interests recorded their votes with me, I think the West-Indian interest has not a good case against me when they blame me for not taking a more resolute122 step on this occasion.’
He was not, however, without hope from the course which he had decided123 to pursue. ‘Looking, as I have done, at the deplorable state of the West Indies, the East Indies, and the Mauritius, and holding, as I do, in my hand a list of forty-eight great houses in England—twenty-six of the first commercial houses in London, sixteen in Liverpool, and six elsewhere—which have failed, and whose liabilities amount in the whole to ?￡6,300,000 and upwards124, none of which I believe would have fallen had it not been for the ruin brought upon them by the change in the sugar duties and the consequent reduction in the price of their produce,—I do hope, through the intervention125 of a committee of this House, I may be able to prevail upon the House to change its policy with regard to this great question.’
Lord George was supported in this debate by Mr. Thomas Baring, in one of the best speeches ever made in the House of Commons. Few more combine mastery of the case with parliamentary point than this gentleman. It is not impossible to find a man capable of addressing the House of Commons who understands the subject; it is not impossible to find a man who can convey his impressions on any subject to the House in a lively and captivating manner, though both instances are rarer than the world would imagine; but a man who at the same time understands a question and can handle it before a popular assembly in a popular style, who teaches without being pedantic126, can convey an argument in an epigram, and instruct as the Mexicans did by picture, possesses a talent for the exercise of which he is responsible to his sovereign and his country.
Mr. Baring said that he could not perfectly127 agree either with Lord John Russell or Lord George Bentinck, that Protection or Free Trade must be in what they called a circle, round which in their legislation they must always move; that they must either give protection to everything or free trade to everything. He could not say that because sugar claimed protection, coals must have protection also. Neither would he, on the other hand, apply free trade to every article. He acknowledged the advantage of competition as a stimulus128: he thought that, placing things on equal grounds, competition was undoubtedly129 a great advantage. He could understand a competition to try the mutual130 speed of race-horses; but there could be no competition between a race-horse and a steam-engine, for the power of the animal could bear no comparison with that of the machine!
Mr. Baring could look back to no legislation more humiliating than the legislation regarding our colonies. No great interest was ever so much trifled with, so much sacrificed to the cry of the day; at one moment to no slavery and another to cheap sugar.
The committee was granted, and it was generally felt that the question was consequently quieted for the session.
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1
professing
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| 声称( profess的现在分词 )； 宣称； 公开表明； 信奉 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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profess
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| v.声称，冒称，以...为业，正式接受入教，表明信仰 | |
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legislative
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| n.立法机构，立法权；adj.立法的，有立法权的 | |
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dishonour
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| n./vt.拒付（支票、汇票、票据等）；vt.凌辱，使丢脸；n.不名誉，耻辱，不光彩 | |
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majesty
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| n.雄伟，壮丽，庄严，威严；最高权威，王权 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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atheistic
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| adj.无神论者的 | |
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anarchy
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| n.无政府状态；社会秩序混乱，无秩序 | |
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recur
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| vi.复发，重现，再发生 | |
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mythically
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| adv.想像地，虚构地 | |
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sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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deficient
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| adj.不足的，不充份的，有缺陷的 | |
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prospered
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| 成功，兴旺( prosper的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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consolidated
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| a.联合的 | |
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mighty
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| adj.强有力的；巨大的 | |
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omnipotent
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| adj.全能的，万能的 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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barbarians
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| n.野蛮人( barbarian的名词复数 )；外国人；粗野的人；无教养的人 | |
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socialists
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| 社会主义者( socialist的名词复数 ) | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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savagery
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| n.野性 | |
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attaining
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的现在分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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thoroughly
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| adv.完全地，彻底地，十足地 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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distinguished
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| adj.卓越的，杰出的，著名的 | |
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followers
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| 追随者( follower的名词复数 )； 用户； 契据的附面； 从动件 | |
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adverse
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| adj.不利的；有害的；敌对的，不友好的 | |
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votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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disquieted
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| v.使不安，使忧虑，使烦恼( disquiet的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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confidential
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| adj.秘（机）密的，表示信任的，担任机密工作的 | |
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recurs
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| 再发生，复发( recur的第三人称单数 ) | |
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distress
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| n.苦恼，痛苦，不舒适；不幸；vt.使悲痛 | |
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arrogance
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| n.傲慢，自大 | |
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mitigated
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| v.减轻，缓和( mitigate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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ardent
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| adj.热情的，热烈的，强烈的，烈性的 | |
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mortify
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| v.克制，禁欲，使受辱 | |
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adherent
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| n.信徒，追随者，拥护者 | |
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42
subsisted
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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unwilling
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| adj.不情愿的 | |
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unwillingly
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| adv.不情愿地 | |
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entreated
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| 恳求，乞求( entreat的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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repulse
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| n.击退，拒绝；vt.逐退，击退，拒绝 | |
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compliance
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| n.顺从；服从；附和；屈从 | |
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importunity
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| n.硬要，强求 | |
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aloof
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| adj.远离的；冷淡的，漠不关心的 | |
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spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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51
remains
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| n.剩余物，残留物；遗体，遗迹 | |
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52
vein
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| n.血管，静脉；叶脉，纹理；情绪；vt.使成脉络 | |
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53
mortified
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| v.使受辱( mortify的过去式和过去分词 )；伤害（人的感情）；克制；抑制（肉体、情感等） | |
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54
authorized
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| a.委任的，许可的 | |
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adjourned
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| （使）休会， （使）休庭( adjourn的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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56
dispersed
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| adj. 被驱散的, 被分散的, 散布的 | |
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57
ascertain
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| vt.发现，确定，查明，弄清 | |
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58
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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59
toil
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| vi.辛劳工作，艰难地行动；n.苦工，难事 | |
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60
tenacious
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| adj.顽强的，固执的，记忆力强的，粘的 | |
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61
physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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62
prostrate
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| v.拜倒，平卧，衰竭；adj.拜倒的，平卧的，衰竭的 | |
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63
astonishment
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| n.惊奇，惊异 | |
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64
renowned
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| adj.著名的，有名望的，声誉鹊起的 | |
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65
relinquished
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| 交出，让给( relinquish的过去式和过去分词 )； 放弃 | |
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66
accurately
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| adv.准确地，精确地 | |
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67
implored
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| 恳求或乞求（某人）( implore的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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68
detrimental
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| adj.损害的，造成伤害的 | |
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prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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70
bestowed
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| 赠给，授予( bestow的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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71
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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72
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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74
remodel
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| v.改造，改型，改变 | |
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75
supersede
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| v.替代；充任 | |
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76
lieutenancy
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| n.中尉之职，代理官员 | |
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confidentially
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| ad.秘密地，悄悄地 | |
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78
remonstrated
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| v.抗议( remonstrate的过去式和过去分词 )；告诫 | |
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recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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80
foretold
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| v.预言，预示( foretell的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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81
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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82
inefficient
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| adj.效率低的，无效的 | |
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83
corps
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| n.(通信等兵种的)部队；(同类作的)一组 | |
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84
zeal
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| n.热心，热情，热忱 | |
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scattered
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| adj.分散的，稀疏的；散步的；疏疏落落的 | |
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swerve
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| v.突然转向，背离；n．转向，弯曲，背离 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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88
graceful
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| adj.优美的，优雅的；得体的 | |
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entreaties
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| n.恳求，乞求( entreaty的名词复数 ) | |
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pique
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| v.伤害…的自尊心，使生气 n.不满，生气 | |
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sullenness
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| n. 愠怒, 沉闷, 情绪消沉 | |
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distressing
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| a.使人痛苦的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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zealously
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| adv.热心地；热情地；积极地；狂热地 | |
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expedient
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| adj.有用的，有利的；n.紧急的办法，权宜之计 | |
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indefatigable
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| adj.不知疲倦的，不屈不挠的 | |
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pretension
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| n.要求；自命，自称；自负 | |
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orator
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| n.演说者，演讲者，雄辩家 | |
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conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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100
dealing
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| n.经商方法，待人态度 | |
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101
amiable
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| adj.和蔼可亲的，友善的，亲切的 | |
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102
conversing
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| v.交谈，谈话( converse的现在分词 ) | |
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frankly
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| adv.坦白地，直率地；坦率地说 | |
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proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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recurred
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| 再发生，复发( recur的过去式和过去分词 )； 治愈 | |
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106
merged
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| （使）混合( merge的过去式和过去分词 )； 相融； 融入； 渐渐消失在某物中 | |
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107
abdication
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| n.辞职；退位 | |
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108
formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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109
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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110
prospects
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| n.希望，前途(恒为复数) | |
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111
opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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112
abdicated
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| 放弃（职责、权力等）( abdicate的过去式和过去分词 )； 退位，逊位 | |
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113
schism
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| n.分派，派系，分裂 | |
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114
chaos
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| n.混乱，无秩序 | |
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115
animation
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| n.活泼，兴奋，卡通片／动画片的制作 | |
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116
vindicated
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| v.澄清（某人/某事物）受到的责难或嫌疑( vindicate的过去式和过去分词 )；表明或证明（所争辩的事物）属实、正当、有效等；维护 | |
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117
inquiry
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| n.打听，询问，调查，查问 | |
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118
pusillanimous
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| adj.懦弱的，胆怯的 | |
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119
redress
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| n.赔偿，救济，矫正；v.纠正，匡正，革除 | |
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120
purport
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| n.意义，要旨，大要；v.意味著，做为...要旨，要领是... | |
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121
acquiescing
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| v.默认，默许( acquiesce的现在分词 ) | |
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122
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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123
decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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124
upwards
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| adv.向上，在更高处...以上 | |
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125
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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126
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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127
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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128
stimulus
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| n.刺激，刺激物，促进因素，引起兴奋的事物 | |
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129
undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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130
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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