I wrote this book to tell my story, and to tell the story of America in the last half of the twentieth century; to describe as fairly as I could the forces competing for the countrys heart and mind; to explain the challenges of the new world in which we live and how I believe our government and our citizens should respond to them; and to give people who have never been involved in public life a sense of what it is like to hold office, and especially what it is like to be President.
While writing, I found myself falling back in time, reliving events as I recounted them, feeling as I did then and writing as I felt. During my second term, as the partisan1 battles I tried to defuse continued unabated, I also tried to understand how my time in office fit into the stream of American history.
That history is largely the story of our efforts to honor our founders2 charge to form a more perfect union. In calmer times, our country has been well served by our two-party system, with progressives and conservatives debating what to change and what to preserve. But when change is forced upon us by events, we are all tested, and thrown back to our fundamental mission to widen the circle of opportunity, deepen the meaning of freedom, and strengthen the bonds of our community. To me, that is what it means to make our union more perfect.
At every turning point, we have chosen union over division: in the early days of the Republic, by building a national economic and legal system; during the Civil War, by preserving the Union and ending slavery; in the early twentieth century, as we moved from an agricultural to an industrial society, by making our government stronger to preserve competition, promote basic safeguards for labor3, provide for the poor, the elderly, and the infirm, and protect our natural resources from plunder4; and in the sixties and seventies, by advancing civil rights and womens rights. In each instance, while we were engaged in the struggle to define, defend, and expand our union, powerful conservative forces resisted, and as long as the outcome was in doubt, the political and personal conflicts were intense.
In 1993, when I took office, we were facing another historic challenge to the Union, as we moved from the industrial age into the global information age. The American people were faced with big changes in the way they lived and worked, and with big questions to be answered: Would we choose global economic engagement or economic nationalism? Would we use our unrivaled military, political, and economic power to spread the benefits and confront the emerging threats of the interdependent world or become Fortress5 America? Would we abandon our industrial-age government, with its commitments to equal opportunity and social justice, or reform it so as to retain its achievements while giving people the tools to succeed in the new era? Would our increasing racial and religious diversity fracture or strengthen our national community?
As President, I tried to answer these questions in a way that kept moving us toward a more perfect union, lifting peoples vision, and bringing them together to build a new vital center for American politics in the twenty-first century. Two-thirds of our citizens supported my general approach, but on the controversial cultural questions and on the always appealing tax cuts, the electorate6 was more closely divided. With the outcome in doubt, bitter partisan and personal attacks raged, bearing a striking resemblance to those of the early Republic.
Whether my historical analysis is right or not, I judge my presidency7 primarily in terms of its impact on peoples lives. That is how I kept score: all the millions of people with new jobs, new homes, and college aid; the kids with health insurance and after-school programs; the people who left welfare for work; the families helped by the family leave law; the people living in safer neighborhoodsall those people have stories, and theyre better ones now. Life got better for all Americans because the air and water were cleaner and more of our natural heritage was preserved. And we brought more hope for peace, freedom, security, and prosperity to people all over the world. They have their stories, too.
When I became President, America was sailing into uncharted waters, into a world full of apparently8 disconnected positive and negative forces. Because I had spent a lifetime trying to bring together my own parallel lives and had been raised to value all people, and, as governor, had seen both the bright and dark sides of globalization, I felt I understood where my country was and how we needed to move into the new century. I knew how to put things together, and how hard it would be to do.
On September 11, things seemed to fall apart again as al Qaeda used the forces of interdependenceopen borders, easy immigration and travel, easy access to information and technologyto murder close to 3,000 people, from more than seventy nations, in New York, Washington, D.C., and Pennsylvania. The world rallied around our loss and the American people in our determination to fight terrorism. In the years since, the battle has intensified9, with understandable and honestly held differences at home and around the world about how best to pursue the war on terror.
The interdependent world we live in is inherently unstable10, full of both opportunity and forces of destruction. It will remain so until we find our way from interdependence to a more integrated global community of shared responsibilities, shared benefits, and shared values. Building that kind of world, and defeating terror, cannot be done quickly; it will be the great challenge of the first half of the twenty-first century. I believe there are five things the United States should be doing to lead the way: fight terror and the spread of weapons of mass destruction and improve our defenses against them; make more friends and fewer terrorists by helping11 the 50 percent of the world not reaping the benefits of globalization to overcome poverty, ignorance, disease, and bad government; strengthen the institutions of global cooperation and work through them to promote security and prosperity and combat our shared problems, from terror to AIDS to global warming; continue to make America a better model of how we want the world to work; and work to end the age-old compulsion to believe that our differences are more important than our common humanity.
I believe the world will continue its forward march from isolation12 to interdependence to cooperation because there is no other choice. We have come a long way since our ancestors first stood up on the African savannah more than a hundred thousand years ago. In just the fifteen years since the end of the Cold War, the West has been largely reconciled to its old adversaries13, Russia and China; more than half of the worlds people are living under governments of their own choosing for the first time in history; there has been an unprecedented14 degree of global cooperation against terror and a recognition that we must do more to fight poverty, disease, and global warming and to get all the worlds children in school; and America and many other free societies have shown that people of all races and religions can live together in mutual15 respect and harmony.
Our nation will not be undone16 by terror. We will defeat it, but we must take care that in so doing we do not compromise the character of our country or the future of our children. Our mission to form a more perfect union is now a global one.
As for myself, Im still working on that list of life goals I made as a young man. Becoming a good person is a lifelong effort that requires letting go of anger at others and holding on to responsibility for the mistakes Ive made. And it requires forgiveness. After all the forgiveness Ive been given from Hillary, Chelsea, my friends, and millions of people in America and across the world, its the least I can do. As a young politician, when I started going to black churches, for the first time I heard people refer to funerals as homegoings. Were all going home, and I want to be ready.
In the meantime, I take great joy in the life Chelsea is building, the superb job Hillary is doing in the Senate, and my foundations efforts to bring economic, educational, and service opportunities to poor communities in America and across the world; to fight AIDS and bring low-cost medicine to those who need it; and to continue my lifelong commitment to racial and religious reconciliation17.
Do I have regrets? Sure, both private and public ones, as Ive discussed in this book. I leave it to others to judge how to balance the scales.
Ive simply tried to tell the story of my joys and sorrows, dreams and fears, triumphs and failures. And Ive tried to explain the difference between my view of the world and that held by those on the Far Right with whom I did battle. In essence they honestly believe they know the whole truth. I see things differently. I think Saint Paul had it right when he said that in this life we see through a glass darkly and know in part. Thats why he extolled18 the virtues19 of faith, hope, and love.
Ive had an improbable life, and a wonderful one full of faith, hope, and love, as well as more than my share of grace and good fortune. As improbable as my life has been, it would have been impossible anywhere but America. Unlike so many people, I have been privileged to spend every day working for things Ive believed in since I was a little boy hanging around my grandfathers store. I grew up with a fascinating mother who adored me, have learned at the feet of great teachers, have made a legion of loyal friends, have built a loving life with the finest woman Ive ever known, and have a child who continues to be the light of my life.
As I said, I think its a good story, and Ive had a good time telling it.
收听单词发音 |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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founders
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| n.创始人( founder的名词复数 ) | |
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labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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plunder
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| vt.劫掠财物，掠夺；n.劫掠物，赃物；劫掠 | |
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fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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electorate
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| n.全体选民；选区 | |
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presidency
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| n.总统(校长，总经理)的职位(任期) | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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intensified
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| v.（使）增强， （使）加剧( intensify的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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unstable
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| adj.不稳定的，易变的 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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unprecedented
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| adj.无前例的，新奇的 | |
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mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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undone
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| a.未做完的，未完成的 | |
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reconciliation
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| n.和解，和谐，一致 | |
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extolled
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| v.赞颂，赞扬，赞美( extol的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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