In this piece it was my design to explain and enforce this doctrine1, that vicious actions are not hurtful because they are forbidden, but forbidden because they are hurtful, the nature of man alone considered; that it was, therefore, every one's interest to be virtuous3 who wish'd to be happy even in this world; and I should, from this circumstance (there being always in the world a number of rich merchants, nobility, states, and princes, who have need of honest instruments for the management of their affairs, and such being so rare), have endeavored to convince young persons that no qualities were so likely to make a poor man's fortune as those of probity5 and integrity.
My list of virtues6 contain'd at first but twelve; but a Quaker friend having kindly8 informed me that I was generally thought proud; that my pride show'd itself frequently in conversation; that I was not content with being in the right when discussing any point, but was overbearing, and rather insolent9, of which he convinc'd me by mentioning several instances; I determined10 endeavouring to cure myself, if I could, of this vice11 or folly12 among the rest, and I added Humility13 to my list) giving an extensive meaning to the word.
I cannot boast of much success in acquiring the reality of this virtue7, but I had a good deal with regard to the appearance of it. I made it a rule to forbear all direct contradiction to the sentiments of others, and all positive assertion of my own. I even forbid myself, agreeably to the old laws of our Junto14, the use of every word or expression in the language that imported a fix'd opinion, such as certainly, undoubtedly15, etc., and I adopted, instead of them, I conceive, I apprehend16, or I imagine a thing to be so or so; or it so appears to me at present. When another asserted something that I thought an error, I deny'd myself the pleasure of ontradicting him abruptly17, and of showing immediately some absurdity19 in his proposition; and in answering I began by observing that in certain cases or circumstances his opinion would be right, but in the present case there appear'd or seem'd to me some difference, etc. I soon found the advantage of this change in my manner; the conversations I engag'd in went on more pleasantly. The modest way in which I propos'd my opinions procur'd them a readier recep tion and less contradiction; I had less mortification20 when I was found to be in the wrong, and I more easily prevail'd with others to give up their mistakes and join with me when I happened to be in the right.
And this mode, which I at first put on with some violence to natural inclination21, became at length so easy, and so habitual22 to me, that perhaps for these fifty years past no one has ever heard a dogmatical expression escape me. And to this habit (after my character of integrity) I think it principally owing that I had early so much weight with my fellow-citizens when I proposed new institutions, or alterations23 in the old, and so much influence in public councils when I became a member; for I was but a bad speaker, never eloquent24, subject to much hesitation25 in my choice of words, hardly correct in language, and yet I generally carried my points.
In reality, there is, perhaps, no one of our natural passions so hard to subdue26 as pride. Disguise it, struggle with it, beat it down, stifle27 it, mortify28 it as much as one pleases, it is still alive, and will every now and then peep out and show itself; you will see it, perhaps, often in this history; for, even if I could conceive that I had compleatly overcome it, I should probably be proud of my humility.
[Thus far written at Passy, 1741.]
["I am now about to write at home, August, 1788, but can not have the help expected from my papers, many of them being lost in the war. I have, however, found the following."]This is a marginal memorandum29.--B.
HAVING mentioned a great and extensive project which I had conceiv'd, it seems proper that some account should be here given of that project and its object. Its first rise in my mind appears in the following little paper, accidentally preserv'd, viz.:
Observations on my reading history, in Library, May 19th, 1731.
"That the great affairs of the world, the wars, revolutions, etc., are carried on and affected30 by parties.
"That the view of these parties is their present general interest, or what they take to be such.
"That the different views of these different parties occasion all confusion.
"That while a party is carrying on a general design, each man has his particular private interest in view.
"That as soon as a party has gain'd its general point, each member becomes intent upon his particular interest; which, thwarting31 others, breaks that party into divisions, and occasions more confusion.
"That few in public affairs act from a meer view of the good of their country, whatever they may pretend; and, tho' their actings bring real good to their country, yet men primarily considered that their own and their country's interest was united, and did not act from a principle of benevolence32.
"That fewer still, in public affairs, act with a view to the good of mankind.
"There seems to me at present to be great occasion for raising a United Party for Virtue, by forming the virtuous and good men of all nations into a regular body, to be govern'd by suitable good and wise rules, which good and wise men may probably be more unanimous in their obedience33 to, than common people are to common laws.
"I at present think that whoever attempts this aright, and is well qualified35, can not fail of pleasing God, and of meeting with success. B. F."
Revolving36 this project in my mind, as to be undertaken hereafter, when my circumstances should afford me the necessary leisure, I put down from time to time, on pieces of paper, such thoughts as occurr'd to me respecting it. Most of these are lost; but I find one purporting37 to be the substance of an intended creed38) containing, as I thought, the essentials of every known religion, and being free of every thing that might shock the professors of any religion. It is express'd in these words, viz.:
"That there is one God, who made all things.
"That he governs the world by his providence39.
"That he ought to be worshiped by adoration40, prayer, and thanksgiving.
"But that the most acceptable service of God is doing good to man.
"And that God will certainly reward virtue and punish vice either here or hereafter."
In the Middle Ages, Franklin, if such a phenomenon as Franklin were possible in the Middle Ages, would probably have been the founder42 of a monastic order.--B.
My ideas at that time were, that the sect43 should be begun and spread at first among young and single men only; that each person to be initiated44 should not only declare his assent45 to such creed, but should have exercised himself with the thirteen weeks' examination and practice of the virtues) as in the before-mention'd model; that the existence of such a society should he kept a secret, till it was become considerable, to prevent solicitations for the admission of improper46 persons, but that the members should each of them search among his acquaintance for ingenuous47, well-disposed youths, to whom, with prudent48 caution, the scheme should be grad ually communicated; that the members should engage to afford their advice, assistance, and support to each other in promoting one another's interests, business, and advancement49 in life; that, for distinction, we should be call'd The Society of the Free and Easy: free, as being, by the general practice and habit of the virtues, free from the dominion50 of vice; and particularly by the practice of industry and frugality51, free from debt, which exposes a man to confinement52, and a species of slavery to his creditors53.
This is as much as I can now recollect54 of the project, except that I communicated it in part to two young men, who adopted it with some enthusiasm; but my then narrow circumstances, and the necessity I was under of sticking close to my business, occasion'd my postponing55 the further prosecution56 of it at that time; and my multifarious occupations, public and private, induc'd me to continue postponing, so that it has been omitted till I have no longer strength or activity left sufficient for such an enterprise; tho' I am still of opinion that it was a practicable scheme, and might have been very useful, by forming a great number of good citizens; and I was not discourag'd by the seeming magnitude of the undertaking57, as I have always thought that one man of tolerable abilities may work great changes, and accomplish great affairs among mankind, if he first forms a good plan, and, cutting off all amusements or other employments that would divert his attention, makes the execution of that same plan his sole study and business.
In 1732 I first publish'd my Almanack, under the name of Richard Saunders; it was continu'd by me about twenty-five years, commonly call'd Poor Richard's Almanac. I endeavor'd to make it both entertaining and useful, and it accordingly came to be in such demand, that I reap'd considerable profit from it, vending58 annually59 near ten thousand. And observing that it was generally read, scarce any neighborhood in the province being without it, I consider'd it as a proper vehicle for conveying instruction among the common people, who bought scarcely any other books; I therefore filled all the little spaces that occurr'd between the remarkable60 days in the calendar with proverbial sentences, chiefly such as inculcated industry and frugality, as the means of procuring61 wealth, and thereby62 securing virtue; it being more difficult for a man in want, to act always honestly, as, to use here one of those proverbs, it is hard for an empty sack to stand up-right.
These proverbs, which contained the wisdom of many ages and nations, I assembled and form'd into a connected discourse63 prefix'd to the Almanack of 1757, as the harangue64 of a wise old man to the people attending an auction65. The bringing all these scatter'd counsels thus into a focus enabled them to make greater impression. The piece, being universally approved, was copied in all the newspapers of the Continent; reprinted in Britain on a broad side, to be stuck up in houses; two translations were made of it in French, and great numbers bought by the clergy66 and gentry67, to distribute gratis68 among their poor parishioners and tenants69. In Pennsylvania, as it discouraged useless expense in foreign superfluities, some thought it had its share of influence in producing that growing plenty of money which was observable for several years after its publication.
I considered my newspaper, also, as another means of communicating instruction, and in that view frequently reprinted in it extracts from the Spectator, and other moral writers; and sometimes publish'd little pieces of my own, which had been first compos'd for reading in our Junto. Of these are a Socratic dialogue, tending to prove that, whatever might be his parts and abilities, a vicious man could not properly be called a man of sense; and a discourse on self-denial, showing that virtue was not secure till its practice became a habitude, and was free from the opposition70 of contrary inclinations71. These may be found in the papers about the beginning Of 1735.
In the conduct of my newspaper, I carefully excluded all libelling and personal abuse, which is of late years become so disgraceful to our country. Whenever I was solicited72 to insert anything of that kind, and the writers pleaded, as they generally did, the liberty of the press, and that a newspaper was like a stagecoach73, in which any one who would pay had a right to a place, my answer was, that I would print the piece separately if desired, and the author might have as many copies as he pleased to distribute himself, but that I would not take upon me to spread his detraction74; and that, having contracted with my subscribers to furnish them with what might be either useful or entertaining, I could not fill their papers with private altercation75, in which they had no concern, without doing them manifest injustice76.
Now, many of our printers make no scruple77 of gratifying the malice78 of individuals by false accusations79 of the fairest characters among ourselves, augmenting80 animosity even to the producing of duels81; and are, moreover, so indiscreet as to print scurrilous82 reflections on the government of neighboring states, and even on the conduct of our best national allies, which may be attended with the most pernicious consequences. These things I mention as a caution to young printers, and that they may be encouraged not to pollute their presses and disgrace their profession by such infamous83 practices, but refuse steadily84, as they may see by my example that such a course of conduct will not, on the whole, be injurious to their interests.
In 1733 I sent one of my journeymen to Charleston, South Carolina, where a printer was wanting. I furnish'd him with a press and letters, on an agreement of partnership85, by which I was to receive one-third of the profits of the business, paying one-third of the expense. He was a man of learning, and honest but ignorant in matters of account; and, tho' he sometimes made me remittances86, I could get no account from him, nor any satisfactory state of our partnership while he lived. On his decease, the business was continued by his widow, who, being born and bred in Holland, where, as I have been inform'd, the knowledge of accounts makes a part of female education, she not only sent me as clear a state as she could find of the transactions past, but continued to account with the greatest regularity87 and exactness every quarter afterwards, and managed the business with such success, that she not only brought up reputably a family of children, but, at the expiration90 of the term, was able to purchase of me the printing-house, and establish her son in it.
I mention this affair chiefly for the sake of recommending that branch of education for our young females, as likely to be of more use to them and their children, in case of widowhood, than either music or dancing, by preserving them from losses by imposition of crafty91 men, and enabling them to continue, perhaps, a profitable mercantile house, with establish'd correspondence, till a son is grown up fit to undertake and go on with it, to the lasting92 advantage and enriching of the family.
About the year 1734 there arrived among us from Ireland a young Presbyterian preacher, named Hemphill, who delivered with a good voice, and apparently93 extempore, most excellent discourses94, which drew together considerable numbers of different persuasion95, who join'd in admiring them. Among the rest, I became one of his constant hearers, his sermons pleasing me, as they had little of the dogmatical kind, but inculcated strongly the practice of virtue, or what in the religious stile are called good works. Those, however, of our congregation, who considered themselves as orthodox Presbyterians, disapprov'd his doctrine, and were join'd by most of the old clergy, who arraign'd him of heterodoxy before the synod, in order to have him silenc'd. I became his zealous96 partisan97, and contributed all I could to raise a party in his favour, and we combated for him a while with some hopes of success. There was much scribbling98 pro4 and con2 upon the occasion; and finding that, tho' an elegant preacher, he was but a poor writer, I lent him my pen and wrote for him two or three pamphlets, and one piece in the Gazette of April, 1735. Those pamphlets, as is generally the case with controversial writings, tho' eagerly read at the time, were soon out of vogue99, and I question whether a single copy of them now exists.
During the contest an unlucky occurrence hurt his cause exceedingly. One of our adversaries100 having heard him preach a sermon that was much admired, thought he had somewhere read the sermon before, or at least a part of it. On search he found that part quoted at length, in one of the British Reviews, from a discourse of Dr. Foster's. This detection gave many of our party disgust, who accordingly abandoned his cause, and occasion'd our more speedy discomfiture101 in the synod. I stuck by him, however, as I rather approv'd his giving us good sermons compos'd by others, than bad ones of his own manufacture, tho' the latter was the practice of our common teachers. He afterward88 acknowledg'd to me that none of those he preach'd were his own; adding, that his memory was such as enabled him to retain and repeat any sermon after one reading only. On our defeat, he left us in search elsewhere of better fortune, and I quitted the congregation, never joining it after, tho' I continu'd many years my subscription102 for the support of its ministers.
I had begun in 1733 to study languages; I soon made myself so much a master of the French as to be able to read the books with ease. I then undertook the Italian. An acquaintance, who was also learning it, us'd often to tempt34 me to play chess with him. Finding this took up too much of the time I had to spare for study, I at length refus'd to play any more, unless on this condition, that the victor in every game should have a right to impose a task, either in parts of the grammar to be got by heart, or in translations, etc., which tasks the vanquish'd was to perform upon honour, before our next meeting. As we play'd pretty equally, we thus beat one another into that language. I afterwards with a little painstaking103, acquir'd as much of the Spanish as to read their books also.
I have already mention'd that I had only one year's instruction in a Latin school, and that when very young, after which I neglected that language entirely104. But, when I had attained106 an acquaintance with the French, Italian, and Spanish, I was surpriz'd to find, on looking over a Latin Testament107, that I understood so much more of that language than I had imagined, which encouraged me to apply myself again to the study of it, and I met with more success, as those preceding languages had greatly smooth'd my way.
From these circumstances, I have thought that there is some inconsistency in our common mode of teaching languages. We are told that it is proper to begin first with the Latin, and, having acquir'd that, it will be more easy to attain105 those modern languages which are deriv'd from it; and yet we do not begin with the Greek, in order more easily to acquire the Latin. It is true that, if you can clamber and get to the top of a staircase without using the steps, you will more easily gain them in descending108; but certainly, if you begin with the lowest you will with more ease ascend109 to the top; and I would therefore offer it to the consideration of those who superintend the education of our youth, whether, since many of those who begin with the Latin quit the same after spending some years without having made any great proficiency110, and what they have learnt becomes almost useless, so that their time has been lost, it would not have been better to have begun with the French, proceeding111 to the Italian, etc.; for, tho', after spending the same time, they should quit the study of languages and never arrive at the Latin, they would, however, have acquired another tongue or two, that, being in modern use, might be serviceable to them in common life.
After ten years' absence from Boston, and having become easy in my circumstances, I made a journey thither112 to visit my relations, which I could not sooner well afford.
In returning, I call'd at Newport to see my brother, then settled there with his printing-house. Our former differences were forgotten, and our meeting was very cordial and affectionate. He was fast declining in his health, and requested of me that, in case of his death, which he apprehended113 not far distant, I would take home his son, then but ten years of age, and bring him up to the printing business. This I accordingly perform'd, sending him a few years to school before I took him into the office. His mother carried on the business till he was grown up, when I assisted him with an assortment114 of new types, those of his father being in a manner worn out. Thus it was that I made my brother ample amends115 for the service I had depriv'd him of by leaving him so early.
In 1736 I lost one of my sons, a fine boy of four years old, by the small-pox, taken in the common way. I long regretted bitterly, and still regret that I had not given it to him by inoculation116. This I mention for the sake of parents who omit that operation, on the supposition that they should never forgive themselves if a child died under it; my example showing that the regret may be the same either way, and that, therefore, the safer should be chosen.
Our club, the Junto, was found so useful, and afforded such satisfaction to the members, that several were desirous of introducing their friends, which could not well be done without exceeding what we had settled as a convenient number, viz., twelve. We had from the beginning made it a rule to keep our institution a secret, which was pretty well observ'd; the intention was to avoid applications of improper persons for admittance, some of whom, perhaps, we might find it difficult to refuse. I was one of those who were against any addition to our number, but, instead of it, made in writing a proposal, that every member separately should endeavor to form a subordinate club, with the same rules respecting queries117, etc., and without informing them of the connection with the Junto. The advantages proposed were, the improvement of so many more young citizens by the use of our institutions; our better acquaintance with the general sentiments of the inhabitants on any occasion, as the Junto member might propose what queries we should desire, and was to report to the Junto what pass'd in his separate club; the promotion118 of our particular interests in business by more extensive recommendation, and the increase of our influence in public affairs, and our power of doing good by spreading thro' the several clubs the sentiments of the Junto.
The project was approv'd, and every member undertook to form his club, but they did not all succeed. Five or six only were compleated, which were called by different names, as the Vine, the Union, the Band, etc. They were useful to themselves, and afforded us a good deal of amusement, information, and instruction, besides answering, in some considerable degree, our views of influencing the public opinion on particular occasions, of which I shall give some instances in course of time as they happened.
My first promotion was my being chosen, in 1736, clerk of the General Assembly. The choice was made that year without opposition; but the year following, when I was again propos'd (the choice, like that of the members, being annual), a new member made a long speech against me, in order to favour some other candidate. I was, however, chosen, which was the more agreeable to me, as, besides the pay for the immediate18 service as clerk, the place gave me a better opportunity of keeping up an interest among the members, which secur'd to me the business of printing the votes, laws, paper money, and other occasional jobbs for the public, that, on the whole, were very profitable.
I therefore did not like the opposition of this new member, who was a gentleman of fortune and education, with talents that were likely to give him, in time, great influence in the House, which, indeed, afterwards happened. I did not, however, aim at gaining his favour by paying any servile respect to him, but, after some time, took this other method. Having heard that he had in his library a certain very scarce and curious book, I wrote a note to him, expressing my desire of perusing119 that book, and requesting he would do me the favour of lending it to me for a few days. He sent it immediately, and I return'd it in about a week with another note, expressing strongly my sense of the favour. When we next met in the House, he spoke120 to me (which he had never done before), and with great civility; and he ever after manifested a readiness to serve me on all occasions, so that we became great friends, and our friendship continued to his death. This is another instance of the truth of an old maxim121 I had learned, which says, "He that has once done you a kindness will be more ready to do you another, than he whom you yourself have obliged." And it shows how much more profitable it is prudently122 to remove, than to resent, return, and continue inimical proceedings123.
In 1737, Colonel Spotswood, late governor of Virginia, and then postmaster-general, being dissatisfied with the conduct of his deputy at Philadelphia, respecting some negligence124 in rendering125, and inexactitude of his accounts, took from him the commission and offered it to me. I accepted it readily, and found it of great advantage; for, tho' the salary was small, it facilitated the correspondence that improv'd my newspaper, increas'd the number demanded, as well as the advertisements to be inserted, so that it came to afford me a considerable income. My old competitor's newspaper declin'd proportionably, and I was satisfy'd without retaliating126 his refusal, while postmaster, to permit my papers being carried by the riders. Thus he suffer'd greatly from his neglect in due accounting127; and I mention it as a lesson to those young men who may be employ'd in managing affairs for others, that they should always render accounts, and make remittances, with great clearness and punctuality.
The character of observing such a conduct is the most powerful of all recommendations to new employments and increase of business.
I began now to turn my thoughts a little to public affairs, beginning, however, with small matters. The city watch was one of the first things that I conceiv'd to want regulation. It was managed by the constables129 of the respective wards89 in turn; the constable128 warned a number of housekeepers131 to attend him for the night. Those who chose never to attend paid him six shillings a year to be excus'd, which was suppos'd to be for hiring substitutes, but was, in reality, much more than was necessary for that purpose, and made the constableship a place of profit; and the constable, for a little drink, often got such ragamuffins about him as a watch, that respectable housekeepers did not choose to mix with. Walking the rounds, too, was often neglected, and most of the nights spent in tippling. I thereupon wrote a paper, to be read in Junto, representing these irregularities, but insisting more particularly on the inequality of this six-shilling tax of the constables, respecting the circumstances of those who paid it, since a poor widow housekeeper130, all whose property to be guarded by the watch did not perhaps exceed the value of fifty pounds, paid as much as the wealthiest merchant, who had thousands of pounds worth of goods in his stores.
On the whole, I proposed as a more effectual watch, the hiring of proper men to serve constantly in that business; and as a more equitable132 way of supporting the charge the levying133 a tax that should be proportion'd to the property. This idea, being approv'd by the Junto, was communicated to the other clubs, but as arising in each of them; and though the plan was not immediately carried into execution, yet, by preparing the minds of people for the change, it paved the way for the law obtained a few years after, when the members of our clubs were grown into more influence.
About this time I wrote a paper (first to be read in Junto, but it was afterward publish'd) on the different accidents and carelessnesses by which houses were set on fire, with cautions against them, and means proposed of avoiding them. This was much spoken of as a useful piece, and gave rise to a project, which soon followed it, of forming a company for the more ready extinguishing of fires, and mutual134 assistance in removing and securing the goods when in danger. Associates in this scheme were presently found, amounting to thirty. Our articles of agreement oblig'd every member to keep always in good order, and fit for use, a certain number of leather buckets, with strong bags and baskets (for packing and transporting of goods), which were to be brought to every fire; and we agreed to meet once a month and spend a social evening together, in discoursing135 and communicating such ideas as occurred to us upon the subject of fires, as might be useful in our conduct on such occasions.
The utility of this institution soon appeared, and many more desiring to be admitted than we thought convenient for one company, they were advised to form another, which was accordingly done; and this went on, one new company being formed after another, till they became so numerous as to include most of the inhabitants who were men of property; and now, at the time of my writing this, tho' upward of fifty years since its establishment, that which I first formed, called the Union Fire Company, still subsists136 and flourishes, tho' the first members are all deceas'd but myself and one, who is older by a year than I am. The small fines that have been paid by members for absence at the monthly meetings have been apply'd to the purchase of fire-engines, ladders, fire-hooks, and other useful implements137 for each company, so that I question whether there is a city in the world better provided with the means of putting a stop to beginning conflagrations138; and, in fact, since these institutions, the city has never lost by fire more than one or two houses at a time, and the flames have often been extinguished before the house in which they began has been half consumed.
In 1739 arrived among us from Ireland the Reverend Mr. Whitefield, who had made himself remarkable there as an itinerant139 preacher. He was at first permitted to preach in some of our churches; but the clergy, taking a dislike to him, soon refus'd him their pulpits, and he was oblig'd to preach in the fields. The multitudes of all sects140 and denominations141 that attended his sermons were enormous, and it was matter of speculation142 to me, who was one of the number, to observe the extraordinary influence of his oratory143 on his hearers, and bow much they admir'd and respected him, notwithstanding his common abuse of them, by assuring them that they were naturally half beasts and half devils. It was wonderful to see the change soon made in the manners of our inhabitants. From being thoughtless or indifferent about religion, it seem'd as if all the world were growing religious, so that one could not walk thro' the town in an evening without hearing psalms144 sung in different families of every street.
And it being found inconvenient145 to assemble in the open air, subject to its inclemencies, the building of a house to meet in was no sooner propos'd, and persons appointed to receive contributions, but sufficient sums were soon receiv'd to procure146 the ground and erect147 the building, which was one hundred feet long and seventy broad, about the size of Westminster Hall; and the work was carried on with such spirit as to be finished in a much shorter time than could have been expected. Both house and ground were vested in trustees, expressly for the use of any preacher of any religious persuasion who might desire to say something to the people at Philadelphia; the design in building not being to accommodate any particular sect, but the inhabitants in general; so that even if the Mufti of Constantinople were to send a missionary148 to preach Mohammedanism to us, he would find a pulpit at his service.
Mr. Whitefield, in leaving us, went preaching all the way thro' the colonies to Georgia. The settlement of that province had lately been begun, but, instead of being made with hardy149, industrious150 husbandmen, accustomed to labor151, the only people fit for such an enterprise, it was with families of broken shop-keepers and other insolvent152 debtors153, many of indolent and idle habits, taken out of the jails, who, being set down in the woods, unqualified for clearing land, and unable to endure the hardships of a new settlement, perished in numbers, leaving many helpless children unprovided for. The sight of their miserable154 situation inspir'd the benevolent155 heart of Mr. Whitefield with the idea of building an Orphan156 House there, in which they might be supported and educated. Returning northward157, he preach'd up this charity, and made large collections, for his eloquence158 had a wonderful power over the hearts and purses of his hearers, of which I myself was an instance.
I did not disapprove159 of the design, but, as Georgia was then destitute160 of materials and workmen, and it was proposed to send them from Philadelphia at a great expense, I thought it would have been better to have built the house here, and brought the children to it. This I advis'd; but he was resolute161 in his first project, rejected my counsel, and I therefore refus'd to contribute. I happened soon after to attend one of his sermons, in the course of which I perceived he intended to finish with a collection, and I silently resolved he should get nothing from me, I had in my pocket a handful of copper162 money, three or four silver dollars, and five pistoles in gold. As he proceeded I began to soften163, and concluded to give the coppers164. Another stroke of his oratory made me asham'd of that, and determin'd me to give the silver; and he finish'd so admirably, that I empty'd my pocket wholly into the collector's dish, gold and all. At this sermon there was also one of our club, who, being of my sentiments respecting the building in Georgia, and suspecting a collection might be intended, had, by precaution, emptied his pockets before he came from home. Towards the conclusion of the discourse, however, he felt a strong desire to give, and apply'd to a neighbour, who stood near him, to borrow some money for the purpose. The application was unfortunately [made] to perhaps the only man in the company who had the firmness not to be affected by the preacher. His answer was, "At any other time, Friend Hopkinson, I would lend to thee freely; but not now, for thee seems to be out of thy right senses."
Some of Mr. Whitefield's enemies affected to suppose that he would apply these collections to his own private emolument165; but I who was intimately acquainted with him (being employed in printing his Sermons and Journals, etc.), never had the least suspicion of his integrity, but am to this day decidedly of opinion that he was in all his conduct a perfectly166 honest man, and methinks my testimony167 in his favour ought to have the more weight, as we had no religious connection. He us'd, indeed, sometimes to pray for my conversion168, but never had the satisfaction of believing that his prayers were heard. Ours was a mere169 civil friendship, sincere on both sides, and lasted to his death.
The following instance will show something of the terms on which we stood. Upon one of his arrivals from England at Boston, he wrote to me that he should come soon to Philadelphia, but knew not where he could lodge170 when there, as he understood his old friend and host, Mr. Benezet, was removed to Germantown. My answer was, "You know my house; if you can make shift with its scanty171 accommodations, you will be most heartily172 welcome." He reply'd, that if I made that kind offer for Christ's sake, I should not miss of a reward. And I returned, "Don't let me be mistaken; it was not for Christ's sake, but for your sake." One of our common acquaintance jocosely173 remark'd, that, knowing it to be the custom of the saints, when they received any favour, to shift the burden of the obligation from off their own shoulders, and place it in heaven, I had contriv'd to fix it on earth.
The last time I saw Mr. Whitefield was in London, when he consulted me about his Orphan House concern, and his purpose of appropriating it to the establishment of a college.
He had a loud and clear voice, and articulated his words and sentences so perfectly, that he might be heard and understood at a great distance, especially as his auditories, however numerous, observ'd the most exact silence. He preach'd one evening from the top of the Court-house steps, which are in the middle of Market-street, and on the west side of Second-street, which crosses it at right angles. Both streets were fill'd with his hearers to a considerable distance. Being among the hindmost in Market-street, I had the curiosity to learn how far he could be heard, by retiring backwards174 down the street towards the river; and I found his voice distinct till I came near Front-street, when some noise in that street obscur'd it. Imagining then a semi-circle, of which my distance should be the radius175, and that it were fill'd with auditors176, to each of whom I allow'd two square feet, I computed177 that he might well be heard by more than thirty thousand. This reconcil'd me to the newspaper accounts of his having preach'd to twenty-five thousand people in the fields, and to the antient histories of generals haranguing178 whole armies, of which I had sometimes doubted.
By hearing him often, I came to distinguish easily between sermons newly compos'd, and those which he had often preach'd in the course of his travels. His delivery of the latter was so improv'd by frequent repetitions that every accent, every emphasis, every modulation179 of voice, was so perfectly well turn'd and well plac'd, that, without being interested in the subject, one could not help being pleas'd with the discourse; a pleasure of much the same kind with that receiv'd from an excellent piece of musick. This is an advantage itinerant preachers have over those who are stationary180, as the latter can not well improve their delivery of a sermon by so many rehearsals181.
His writing and printing from time to time gave great advantage to his enemies; unguarded expressions, and even erroneous opinions, delivered in preaching, might have been afterwards explain'd or qualifi'd by supposing others that might have accompani'd them, or they might have been deny'd; but litera scripta monet. Critics attack'd his writings violently, and with so much appearance of reason as to diminish the number of his votaries182 and prevent their encrease; so that I am of opinion if he had never written any thing, he would have left behind him a much more numerous and important sect, and his reputation might in that case have been still growing, even after his death, as there being nothing of his writing on which to found a censure183 and give him a lower character, his proselytes would be left at liberty to feign184 for him as great a variety of excellence185 as their enthusiastic admiration186 might wish him to have possessed187.
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doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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virtuous
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| adj.有品德的，善良的，贞洁的，有效力的 | |
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pro
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| n.赞成，赞成的意见，赞成者 | |
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probity
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| n.刚直；廉洁，正直 | |
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virtues
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| 美德( virtue的名词复数 )； 德行； 优点； 长处 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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kindly
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| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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insolent
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| adj.傲慢的，无理的 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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vice
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| n.坏事；恶习；[pl.]台钳，老虎钳；adj.副的 | |
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folly
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| n.愚笨，愚蠢，蠢事，蠢行，傻话 | |
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humility
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| n.谦逊，谦恭 | |
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junto
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| n.秘密结社；私党 | |
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undoubtedly
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| adv.确实地，无疑地 | |
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apprehend
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| vt.理解，领悟，逮捕，拘捕，忧虑 | |
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abruptly
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| adv.突然地，出其不意地 | |
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immediate
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| adj.立即的；直接的，最接近的；紧靠的 | |
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absurdity
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| n.荒谬，愚蠢；谬论 | |
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mortification
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| n.耻辱，屈辱 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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habitual
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| adj.习惯性的；通常的，惯常的 | |
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alterations
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| n.改动( alteration的名词复数 )；更改；变化；改变 | |
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eloquent
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| adj.雄辩的，口才流利的；明白显示出的 | |
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hesitation
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| n.犹豫，踌躇 | |
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subdue
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| vt.制服，使顺从，征服；抑制，克制 | |
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stifle
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| vt.使窒息；闷死；扼杀；抑止，阻止 | |
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mortify
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| v.克制，禁欲，使受辱 | |
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memorandum
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| n.备忘录，便笺 | |
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affected
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| adj.不自然的，假装的 | |
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thwarting
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| 阻挠( thwart的现在分词 )； 使受挫折； 挫败； 横过 | |
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benevolence
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| n.慈悲，捐助 | |
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obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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tempt
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| vt.引诱，勾引，吸引，引起…的兴趣 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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revolving
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| adj.旋转的，轮转式的；循环的v.（使）旋转( revolve的现在分词 )；细想 | |
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purporting
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| v.声称是…，（装得）像是…的样子( purport的现在分词 ) | |
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creed
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| n.信条；信念，纲领 | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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adoration
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| n.爱慕，崇拜 | |
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immortal
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| adj.不朽的；永生的，不死的；神的 | |
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Founder
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| n.创始者，缔造者 | |
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43
sect
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| n.派别，宗教，学派，派系 | |
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initiated
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| n. 创始人 adj. 新加入的 vt. 开始，创始，启蒙，介绍加入 | |
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45
assent
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| v.批准，认可；n.批准，认可 | |
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46
improper
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| adj.不适当的，不合适的，不正确的，不合礼仪的 | |
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ingenuous
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| adj.纯朴的，单纯的；天真的；坦率的 | |
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prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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49
advancement
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| n.前进，促进，提升 | |
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50
dominion
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| n.统治，管辖，支配权；领土，版图 | |
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51
frugality
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| n.节约，节俭 | |
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52
confinement
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| n.幽禁，拘留，监禁；分娩；限制，局限 | |
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53
creditors
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| n.债权人，债主( creditor的名词复数 ) | |
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54
recollect
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| v.回忆，想起，记起，忆起，记得 | |
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55
postponing
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| v.延期，推迟( postpone的现在分词 ) | |
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56
prosecution
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| n.起诉，告发，检举，执行，经营 | |
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57
undertaking
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| n.保证，许诺，事业 | |
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58
vending
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| v.出售（尤指土地等财产）( vend的现在分词 )；（尤指在公共场所）贩卖；发表（意见，言论）；声明 | |
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59
annually
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| adv.一年一次，每年 | |
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60
remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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61
procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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62
thereby
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| adv.因此，从而 | |
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discourse
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| n.论文，演说；谈话；话语；vi.讲述，著述 | |
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64
harangue
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| n.慷慨冗长的训话，言辞激烈的讲话 | |
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auction
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| n.拍卖；拍卖会；vt.拍卖 | |
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66
clergy
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| n.[总称]牧师，神职人员 | |
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67
gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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68
gratis
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| adj.免费的 | |
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69
tenants
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| n.房客( tenant的名词复数 )；佃户；占用者；占有者 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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inclinations
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| 倾向( inclination的名词复数 )； 倾斜； 爱好； 斜坡 | |
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solicited
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| v.恳求( solicit的过去式和过去分词 )；（指娼妇）拉客；索求；征求 | |
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73
stagecoach
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| n.公共马车 | |
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74
detraction
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| n.减损；诽谤 | |
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75
altercation
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| n.争吵，争论 | |
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injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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malice
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| n.恶意，怨恨，蓄意；[律]预谋 | |
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accusations
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| n.指责( accusation的名词复数 )；指控；控告；（被告发、控告的）罪名 | |
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augmenting
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| 使扩张 | |
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duels
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| n.两男子的决斗( duel的名词复数 )；竞争，斗争 | |
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scurrilous
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| adj.下流的，恶意诽谤的 | |
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infamous
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| adj.声名狼藉的，臭名昭著的，邪恶的 | |
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steadily
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| adv.稳定地；不变地；持续地 | |
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partnership
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| n.合作关系，伙伴关系 | |
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remittances
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| n.汇寄( remittance的名词复数 )；汇款，汇款额 | |
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regularity
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| n.规律性，规则性；匀称，整齐 | |
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afterward
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| adv.后来；以后 | |
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wards
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| 区( ward的名词复数 )； 病房； 受监护的未成年者； 被人照顾或控制的状态 | |
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expiration
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| n.终结，期满，呼气，呼出物 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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apparently
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| adv.显然地；表面上，似乎 | |
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discourses
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| 论文( discourse的名词复数 )； 演说； 讲道； 话语 | |
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persuasion
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| n.劝说；说服；持有某种信仰的宗派 | |
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zealous
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| adj.狂热的，热心的 | |
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partisan
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| adj.党派性的；游击队的；n.游击队员；党徒 | |
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scribbling
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| n.乱涂[写]胡[乱]写的文章[作品]v.潦草的书写( scribble的现在分词 )；乱画；草草地写；匆匆记下 | |
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Vogue
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| n.时髦，时尚；adj.流行的 | |
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adversaries
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| n.对手，敌手( adversary的名词复数 ) | |
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discomfiture
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| n.崩溃；大败；挫败；困惑 | |
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subscription
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| n.预订，预订费，亲笔签名，调配法，下标（处方） | |
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painstaking
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| adj.苦干的；艰苦的，费力的，刻苦的 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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attained
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| （通常经过努力）实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 )； 达到； 获得； 达到（某年龄、水平、状况） | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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descending
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| n. 下行 adj. 下降的 | |
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ascend
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| vi.渐渐上升，升高；vt.攀登，登上 | |
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proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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thither
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| adv.向那里；adj.在那边的，对岸的 | |
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apprehended
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| 逮捕，拘押( apprehend的过去式和过去分词 )； 理解 | |
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assortment
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| n.分类，各色俱备之物，聚集 | |
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amends
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| n. 赔偿 | |
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inoculation
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| n.接芽；预防接种 | |
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queries
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| n.问题( query的名词复数 )；疑问；询问；问号v.质疑，对…表示疑问( query的第三人称单数 )；询问 | |
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promotion
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| n.提升，晋级；促销，宣传 | |
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119
perusing
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| v.读（某篇文字）( peruse的现在分词 )；（尤指）细阅；审阅；匆匆读或心不在焉地浏览（某篇文字） | |
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120
spoke
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| n.（车轮的）辐条；轮辐；破坏某人的计划；阻挠某人的行动 v.讲，谈（speak的过去式）；说；演说；从某种观点来说 | |
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121
maxim
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| n.格言，箴言 | |
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122
prudently
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| adv. 谨慎地，慎重地 | |
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123
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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124
negligence
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| n.疏忽，玩忽，粗心大意 | |
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125
rendering
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| n.表现，描写 | |
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126
retaliating
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| v.报复，反击( retaliate的现在分词 ) | |
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127
accounting
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| n.会计，会计学，借贷对照表 | |
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128
constable
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| n.(英国)警察，警官 | |
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129
constables
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| n.警察( constable的名词复数 ) | |
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130
housekeeper
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| n.管理家务的主妇，女管家 | |
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131
housekeepers
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| n.（女）管家( housekeeper的名词复数 ) | |
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132
equitable
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| adj.公平的；公正的 | |
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133
levying
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| 征（兵）( levy的现在分词 )； 索取； 发动（战争）； 征税 | |
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134
mutual
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| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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135
discoursing
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| 演说（discourse的现在分词形式） | |
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136
subsists
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| v.（靠很少的钱或食物）维持生活，生存下去( subsist的第三人称单数 ) | |
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137
implements
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| n.工具( implement的名词复数 )；家具；手段；[法律]履行（契约等）v.实现( implement的第三人称单数 )；执行；贯彻；使生效 | |
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138
conflagrations
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| n.大火（灾）( conflagration的名词复数 ) | |
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139
itinerant
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| adj.巡回的；流动的 | |
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140
sects
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| n.宗派，教派( sect的名词复数 ) | |
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141
denominations
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| n.宗派( denomination的名词复数 )；教派；面额；名称 | |
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142
speculation
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| n.思索，沉思；猜测；投机 | |
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143
oratory
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| n.演讲术；词藻华丽的言辞 | |
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144
psalms
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| n.赞美诗( psalm的名词复数 )；圣诗；圣歌；(中的) | |
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145
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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146
procure
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| vt.获得，取得，促成；vi.拉皮条 | |
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147
erect
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| n./v.树立，建立，使竖立；adj.直立的，垂直的 | |
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148
missionary
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| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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149
hardy
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| adj.勇敢的，果断的，吃苦的；耐寒的 | |
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150
industrious
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| adj.勤劳的，刻苦的，奋发的 | |
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151
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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152
insolvent
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| adj.破产的，无偿还能力的 | |
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153
debtors
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| n.债务人，借方( debtor的名词复数 ) | |
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154
miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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155
benevolent
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| adj.仁慈的，乐善好施的 | |
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156
orphan
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| n.孤儿；adj.无父母的 | |
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157
northward
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| adv.向北；n.北方的地区 | |
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158
eloquence
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| n.雄辩；口才，修辞 | |
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159
disapprove
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| v.不赞成，不同意，不批准 | |
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160
destitute
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| adj.缺乏的；穷困的 | |
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161
resolute
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| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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162
copper
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| n.铜；铜币；铜器；adj.铜(制)的；(紫)铜色的 | |
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163
soften
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| v.(使)变柔软；(使)变柔和 | |
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164
coppers
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| 铜( copper的名词复数 )； 铜币 | |
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165
emolument
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| n.报酬，薪水 | |
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166
perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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167
testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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168
conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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169
mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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170
lodge
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| v.临时住宿，寄宿，寄存，容纳；n.传达室，小旅馆 | |
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171
scanty
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| adj.缺乏的，仅有的，节省的，狭小的，不够的 | |
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172
heartily
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| adv.衷心地，诚恳地，十分，很 | |
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173
jocosely
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| adv.说玩笑地，诙谐地 | |
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174
backwards
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| adv.往回地，向原处，倒，相反，前后倒置地 | |
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175
radius
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| n.半径，半径范围；有效航程，范围，界限 | |
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176
auditors
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| n.审计员，稽核员( auditor的名词复数 )；（大学课程的）旁听生 | |
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177
computed
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| adj.[医]计算的，使用计算机的v.计算，估算( compute的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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178
haranguing
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| v.高谈阔论( harangue的现在分词 ) | |
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179
modulation
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| n.调制 | |
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180
stationary
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| adj.固定的，静止不动的 | |
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181
rehearsals
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| n.练习( rehearsal的名词复数 )；排练；复述；重复 | |
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182
votaries
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| n.信徒( votary的名词复数 )；追随者；（天主教）修士；修女 | |
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183
censure
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| v./n.责备；非难；责难 | |
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184
feign
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| vt.假装，佯作 | |
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185
excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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186
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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187
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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