i. Repercussions1 in Britain
THE AWAKENING2 of the Tibetans caused a stir throughout the world. For a while it seemed that at last the light would win. Bold young Tibetans, ‘itinerant servants of the light’, left their frugal3 and crag-bound ‘incipient Utopia’ to spread the gospel across the high passes of the Karakorum Range into Sinkiang and far into the Russian plain. Others, still more daring, penetrated4 eastward5 to the upper reaches of the Hwang Ho. Evading6 the efficient Chinese police, they carried the word even to Shanghai, and thence to Japan. Yet others, crossing the more difficult and neglected of the Himalayan passes, percolated7 like an invisible ferment8 into the peoples of India; while others again crept along the gorges9 of Kashmir, seeking Europe. Thousands were caught, and tortured with all the cunning of medical and psychological science. In China these tortures were often carried out in public to entertain the people and warn those who had any leanings towards the light. But few of the missionaries10 were extirpated11 before they had infected with their message many who were ripe to receive it. Meanwhile in Lhasa and the other great centres of the new-old truth swarms12 of young men and women were being trained to carry on the great task.
In every land the servants of the light were heartened. The servants of darkness were bewildered and anxious. Here and there throughout the two great empires brave attempts were made to copy the Tibetan experiment. Here and there, notably13 in Britain, the party of the light organized an armed rebellion.
The three peoples of Britain, the English, the Scotch14, and the Welsh, had long ago ceased to count politically in the world. Enslaved first by Germany and then by Russia, they had adapted themselves to their servile condition. Nevertheless they retained a precious memory not only of their ancient national splendour but also of that humane15 and liberal spirit for which, in spite of heinous16 faults, they had once been famous. Whenever in any part of the world a stand was made for freedom and individual integrity the three British peoples, and often the Irish too, were ready to cause trouble for their masters. Rumour17 soon told them that the new Tibetan state was not the Gilbert and Sullivan fantasy which Russian propaganda reported. Presently the secret emissaries of Tibet were at work in London and the North-west. The gospel spread. But the British, imperfectly schooled in the life of the spirit, never clearly grasped it. Only the political aspect of it was fully18 intelligible19 to them. Politically they were still gifted with a certain tact20, forbearance, and inventiveness; and they were not incapable21 of making a bold stand against tyranny. But this was not enough. To break the mechanized power of the foreign dictatorship they needed to have, as a whole people, that outstanding fortitude23 and integrity which are possible only to those who have endured a long and intelligent discipline under the light. The British rebellion failed because the spirit behind it was confused and uncertain, and therefore incapable of that fantastic and universal heroism24 which alone can triumph over odds25 that are obviously impossible. The young Russian air-police quickly obliterated26 the few towns which the rebels were able to seize.
ii. A Synthetic27 Faith
This little episode on the fringe of the Russian Empire was of no general significance. The focus of interest was always Tibet itself. The two imperial powers had, of course tried to frustrate28 the Tibetan revolution, but at first each had regarded the strange commotion29 on ‘the Roof of the World’ as a comic side-show. Each had been concerned to gain a diplomatic victory over its rival in the Tibetan no-man’s-land rather than to preserve the old Tibetan régime. But when the revolution was actually accomplished30, the Russian and Chinese oligarchs began to be alarmed. And when it became evident that the insignificant31 Tibetan state was fomenting33 the subversive34 forces beyond its frontiers and planning a world-wide revolution, both the imperial governments began to take serious action. The campaign of terrorism which each undertook within its own frontiers was not as successful as had been hoped. The progressive minority, disciplined by Tibetan leaders, showed fanatical courage. Moreover each imperial government at first made the mistake of fostering the subversive movement in its rival’s territory. Not till matters had become very grave was this policy abandoned by a tacit agreement between the two great powers to postpone35 all action against one another till the epidemic36 of sedition37 had been crushed. Even so, neither could trust the other not to use the crushing of the Tibetan experiment as a pretext38 for annexing39 the country. Whenever one of the two powers threatened invasion if Tibetan propaganda did not cease, the government at Lhasa was able to count on diplomatic or even military intervention40 by the other.
There came a time, however, when fear of Tibetan ideas overcame imperial rivalry41. Both oligarchies42 were finding it impossible to cope with the rising tide of religious fanaticism43 within their own frontiers. Though every city had now its own congested concentration camp, though time after time these camps were emptied to provide a public holocaust44 in which, before the eyes of a howling and ecstatic mob, thousands were roasted alive or vivisected by machinery45 devised to produce maximal pain, the movement continued to spread. It even infected the troops. In these circumstances the two oligarchies were forced to put aside their rivalry. Their leaders met in conference in the newest and wealthiest suburb of Irkutsk, on the forest-clad shores of Lake Baikal. There they worked out a common policy. The conference was dominated by a young Chinese official psychologist who claimed to have an infallible cure for the world’s madness.
To appreciate his contentions46 it is necessary to understand the mentality47 of the oligarchs. They were in the main sincere believers in their respective empires, and in imperialism48 itself. Their conscious minds were those of devoted49, meticulously50 accurate civil servants who felt that their society was in danger of disintegration51 through an enthusiasm beyond their comprehension. On the whole they disliked the orgy of torture with which it was hoped to break the movement, but they believed it necessary. Moreover most of them unwittingly derived52 satisfaction from it, for most were frustrated53 spirits, teased by an unrecognized itch54 of resentment55 against those who had maintained spiritual liberty and integrity by rebelling against the established barbarism. Moreover in the Russian and the Chinese cultures there were elements which favoured cruelty. The Russians were a kindly56 not a cruel people, but in the pseudo-mysticism of degenerate57 Russia there was in some respects a return to prerevolutionary ideas. Suffering was conceived of as the supreme58 purifier and the supreme source of illumination. Consequently the infliction59 of suffering on others might sometimes be laudable. The Chinese, on the other hand, though so fastidious and so friendly, had always been liable both to cold cruelty and to passionate60 vindictiveness61. The Chinaman who had ‘run amok’ did but manifest an impulse which was latent in all his race, and indeed in all mankind, though with less dramatic expression.
The argument of the young psychologist was briefly62 this. Tibet had become obsessed63 with an idea, and was infecting every people. To resist such an emotional and dynamic idea it was necessary to have another idea, contrary and even more potent64. It was necessary to give the people something to live for, die for, and kill for. The Tibetan idea was the incredible ideal of a world in which men would fulfil their powers in joyful65 service of the common weal. To counter this insidious66 doctrine67 it was necessary to preach sacrifice, self-immolation, enlightenment in suffering, obedience68 to the divine and ruthless Will, embodied69, of course, in the fiat70 of the state. Two ideas, the psychologist insisted, must be reiterated71 on all possible occasions and given some kind of concrete symbolization72. In the first place it must be constantly pointed73 out that though the Tibetans themselves insisted on submission74 to the divine will, their conception of that will was effeminate. Moreover the Tibetan emphasis on submission was incompatible75 with the contrary exhortation76 to strive for revolutionary change. Submission must be absolute, fervent77, ecstatic. Only at the command of the state must it give place to struggle, and then struggle itself must spring from utter submission to the divine state. Of course if the state was palpably not divine, if it was, for instance, the utterly78 perverted79 Tibetan state, struggle must be constant and resolute80 until the true state was founded. But under the divine state the supreme virtue81 was obedience. For the state in its wisdom would decide what was the right function of everyone. As for the right to education, there was no such thing. In its place must be set the right and duty of ignorance. Let each man know merely whatever was needed for the fulfilling of his function. To know more was wicked, and to the truly spiritual mind repugnant. Obedience involved also the pious82 acceptance of suffering, one’s own and one’s neighbour’s. But indeed suffering was not only to be reluctantly accepted; it must be welcomed. For the second great idea which the psychologist stressed was the excellence83 both of suffering and of cruelty. In praising kindliness84 and mutual85 respect the Tibetans had overlooked another important value. No doubt there was a place for kindliness. Between members of one family, and between loyal members of the divine state, kindliness was necessary so long as it did not infringe86 against loyalty87, But from the spiritual point of view there was a virtue more important and more illuminating88 than kindliness, namely cruelty. For cruelty, he said, was complementary to suffering. In torture, both victim and agent should experience an ineffable89 illumination. Like the union of love, and in a far more vivid manner, the union of victim and torturer was a creative synthesis in which a new and splendid reality was brought into being. The proof of this was in the experience itself. The torturer knew well that ecstasy90. The victim, if he was spiritually disciplined beforehand, should experience an even more exquisite91, excruciating joy.
The psychologist urged that the two governments should secretly select and train the future prophets of this faith, and launch them out as spontaneous religious enthusiasts92 throughout the two empires. It would be well that these agitators93 should be critical of the existing imperial governments, condemning94 them as but feeble embodiments of the truth. Indeed these state-aided revolutionaries should be encouraged to demand a new regime. Let them go so far as to incur95 persecution96 by the existing governments. Some of them would then have to be sacrificed, but the survivors97 must be heavily financed to rouse a revolutionary fervour among the populace, the object of which would be not the milk-sop liberal-socialist Utopia achieved by Tibet but the fulfilment of the potentialities of the existing order. Only when the true divine state had been established would the virtue of absolute acquiescence98 be possible.
Such a movement, the psychologist prophesied99, would sweep the world. It would appeal both to the universal impulse to ‘pass by on the other side’ when help was demanded and to the no less ‘widespread need for destruction and cruelty’. He suggested that, in consonance with the two national temperaments100, acquiescence should be stressed in Russia, cruelty in China. This difference, he added, could be used as a basis on which to build Russo–Chinese national hatred101 when the time came (as it surely would) for the world-wide ruling class to tighten102 its grip on the people by means of a world war. It was never clear whether the young man believed in the faith that he was preaching or whether he advocated it merely as a piece of necessary statecraft. It was as statecraft that the conference accepted the policy.
Presently the Tibetan missionaries found themselves confronted by a rival missionary103 movement, with which they could not cope. The instigators of this new movement were a kind of wild dervish. They lashed104 their audiences into fury, preaching sacred cruelty and demanding a revitalization of the imperial state. After their meetings there was always a lynching, sometimes a mass sacrifice of captive servants of the light. The movement spread from Canton to Leningrad. The two governments bowed before the storm. Their personnel was somewhat changed, their policy clarified and brought into line with the new faith. National differences were for the time submerged under the common will to destroy Tibet.
iii. The Tibetans Defend Themselves
It was obvious that the Tibetans, few, relatively105 poor, and unequipped for war, could not resist the combined forces of the two empires that covered the world. There was only one hope, namely that the servants of the light in all countries would be able to carry out so great a campaign of passive resistance and active sabotage106 that the attack would never be launched.
The Tibetan renaissance107 had been strongly pacifist in temper, though never pledged to absolute non-violence. The Indian influence had been complicated by the influence of China. In the new crisis a vociferous108 party urged that, since resistance was anyhow hopeless, the time had come for heroic non-resistance to invasion; and that sabotage in the two empires must not be encouraged. Against this view it was pointed out that non-resistance was doomed109 to fail against invaders111 schooled to despise gentleness, and that no policy could succeed but one which combined total revolutionary action in the imperial territories, desperate resistance to invasion, and absolute loyalty to the spirit.
This became the official policy, but as the war proceeded the pure pacifists became strong enough to blunt the edge of resolution. In relation to Russian and Chinese propaganda in Tibet the strength of pure pacifism in the country had an unfortunate influence. Large numbers of the less intelligent Tibetans, seeing clearly enough that pure pacifism would not work against the ruthless enemy, conceived suspicion and disgust against all those who were in any way sympathetic to pacifism. They thus laid themselves open to the propaganda of the servants of darkness, who soon discovered that their efforts to undermine Tibetan faith were not wholly unsuccessful.
But the battle was not yet lost. The servants of light throughout the empires did succeed in rousing many peoples to organize strikes and rebellions in defence of Tibet. In parts of Western China, in Sinkiang, and in Kashmir, all of which had been greatly influenced by the new Tibet, the imperial governments were defeated, and governments of the light were created. Even in far Europe and in farther America the Russian power was seriously threatened. Everywhere the rebels knew that they were fighting in a desperate cause, and that if they were defeated the vengeance112 of the tyrants113 would be diabolic. But Tibet had become for millions throughout the world a holy land, and its people the chosen people who must be preserved at all costs. For Tibet was thought of as the germ from which a new world-organism would in due season develop. If the germ was destroyed, all hope would be for ever lost.
While these rebellions were in progress, and while throughout Asia munition114 factories were mysteriously blowing up and aeroplanes showing a strange inability to leave the ground, the Tibetans were hastily organizing a forlorn defence. Rebellions beyond their northern frontiers made it possible to work unhindered to turn the Karakorum and Dangla Ranges into a continuous fortress115. To the south the Himalayas were a natural barrier. To the west the successful Kashmiri rebels would defend them to the death. Eastward the Chwanben gorges were still being held.
But the main defence against invasion, though not against attack from the air, was a device recently invented by geneticists and biochemists in one of the great reformed Lamasseries. The character of this invention shows how strangely science was developing under the influence of will for the light. Some miles in front of the fortifications the new defences formed a belt about two miles wide and completely surrounding Tibetan territory, save for the exits and entrances of rivers. Throughout this belt the ground was impregnated to a depth of several feet with a micro-organism which had been artificially bred from a natural virus. It had a strange property. Though in one stage of’ its life-cycle this ultra-microscopic object remained deep underground in chemical reaction with certain products of vegetable decomposition116, in another stage it gradually percolated towards the surface and finally drifted off into the air, to reproduce and take part in other chemical reactions before settling once more on the ground and sinking into the subsoil. In the air this virus formed an ultra-microscopic dust which would inevitably117 be inhaled118 by all animals in the infected area. From the respiratory organs it travelled to the brain. It had a startling effect on the higher brain centres. It produced a complete but temporary loss of memory and of nearly all acquired skills. Even those habits that were most long-established and familiar were seriously disturbed. Speech and walking became infantile, perception largely meaningless. Intelligence remained; but, shorn of all its acquired experience, it was like the intelligence of a bright and ignorant child. But the most striking aspect of the virus was that its influence could be almost completely resisted by minds of high intelligence and integrity that had undergone a thorough spiritual discipline. Many Tibetans, therefore, could cross the defence belt in safety so long as they kept their minds occupied with meditation119, while on the journey and resisted the oppressive drowsiness120 which was the first symptom of disintegration.
When at last the dull-witted armies of Russia and China with their irresistible121 war machines attempted to cross the belt, their personnel was mysteriously reduced to infantilism. Many accidentally killed themselves with their own machinery. The army became a stumbling, helpless mob. They were shepherded back into their own territory by Tibetan police. Many were then slaughtered122 by their Russian or Chinese compatriots as worthless goods. Some were preserved for observation, and after a few weeks they completely recovered. Fresh attempts at invasion met with the same fate. Respirators were of no avail, for the ultra-microscopic spores123 could pass through any filter, and nothing would poison them that was not also poisonous to human beings.
But though on the ground the frontier was inviolate124, the virus provided no defence against attack by air. The Tibetans had a small but brilliant air force. It had been assumed that in any attack by one of the two empires the other would be eager to check aggression125 by its rival. In such circumstances such an air force as Tibet possessed126 might prove invaluable127. But against the combined air forces of Russia and China, it must surely (thought the leaders of those empires) prove impotent. This calculation omitted the spiritual factor. Not only had the Tibetan airmen been trained to the highest technical proficiency128. They were also, one and all, conscious servants of the light. Boys though they were, and therefore as yet incapable of the deeper spiritual insight, they had been brought up to experience without perversion129 the fundamental values for which Tibet was standing22. Full well they knew that the Tibetan community was the one sane130 and joyful community in a crazy world, and indeed the first terrestrial society to be consciously planned for the full expression of the spirit. They also knew that if they allowed Tibet to be conquered they would doom110 the human race to servitude under the will for darkness. They knew that henceforth all human loveliness would wither131 and vanish. And they were convinced that for themselves fulfilment must lie in perfect service in the air. With a calm and absolute courage more formidable than any fanaticism these young men soared against the invading bombers132, and brought them down in thousands.
In passing I record one unusual qualification which the Tibetan government exacted of its young airmen. They must be married men. Further, none might go into action against the enemy unless he had a child, or his wife was pregnant. It even became a point of honour with these strange ‘aces’ not to take extreme risks until they had at least three children to their credit.
So effective was the defence put up by the Tibetan air force that the repeated waves of attack became more and more infrequent and finally ceased for several years. During this period the Tibetans maintained themselves in complete isolation133 from the rest of the world, save by radio and occasional daring excursions by planes to foment32 revolution or seize some much needed commodity. Meanwhile the imperialists were preparing so great an air-fleet and so numerous a population of pilots that effective resistance by the shrunken Tibetan air force would be impossible.
When the great attack was launched, the sky over Tibet was darkened by the invading bombers. Every town and village and all the great isolated134 monasteries135 were very soon destroyed. Lhasa, the spiritual heart of the country, was completely obliterated.
Watching these events from my look-out in the remote future, with superhuman intelligences as my fellow spectators, I might surely have been immune from human pity. But in fact compassion136 and admiration137 overwhelmed me. For here was a people most sensitive, most aware, the heirs and upholders of a most rare and glorious social fabric138, a people rightly believing themselves to be the sole effective champions of the light in a darkened world. And all that they had built was being destroyed. Not only the loved temples of their faith, not only their precious houses of learning and all their instruments of economic production, were now being sacrificed, but also, and far more precious, their young people, the perfect fruit of all their past endeavour. Homes were broken up for ever, parents bereft139, children orphaned140, and lovers, seizing delight even under the wings of death, were suddenly mingled141 in a hideous142 and undesired union. By night the high clouds were lit up continuously by the flashes of guns and bombs and the sinister143 but lovely glow of the great fires. By night and by day the bombs still screamed and crashed, while men searched the wreckage144 for their companions. The Tibetans did not give way to self-pity. The prevailing145 temper was a devoted patriotism146, which, like so many earlier patriotisms, but this time with justice, regarded the preservation147 of this nation and its culture as urgent for the well-being148 of humanity. At this stage of the war the population went about its work in a state of exaltation tempered by humour; with a sense that this was the supreme moment of mankind and a battle infinitely149 worth fighting, yet with surprisingly detached relish150 of the irony151 of Tibet’s plight152.
The people now set about adapting themselves to their new conditions.
The country was large, and the population small. Agriculture, which had been so carefully fostered by the new régime, now ceased to be possible, for the homesteads were bombed and machine-gunned, and the dams of the great reservoirs were destroyed. But the yak153 remained; the population reverted154 to a nomad155 pastoral life. Wandering in small groups, pitching their camouflaged156 tents in fresh places every night, they offered a poor target to the enemy. Fortunately the imperialists at first made no attempt to land troops by plane, for they believed that the whole country was infected with the strange disease that had frustrated the first land attacks. The Tibetans, meanwhile, were hastily spreading the precious virus throughout their territory. Its effect was to eliminate all who did not attain157 the necessary standard of lucidity158 to resist infection. Only a small minority were thus put out of action. These were cared for in special homes. A much larger number, but still only a minority, suffered from temporary mild attacks of the disease. The virus was now also spreading itself beyond the frontiers. There, of course, its effects were incomparably worse. Organization in the infected areas completely vanished.
iv. The Destruction of Tibet
For long the Tibetans remained in good heart, sending constant radio encouragement to the tormented159 servants of the light throughout the world. But the bombing increased. The whole strength of the two empires was concentrated on the destruction of the heroic nomads160. According to a current jest Tibet had bombs instead of raindrops. The enemy air forces succeeded in infecting the reservoirs with disease-germs. Disease spread like fire through the population. Prolonged freedom from infection had deprived it of the normal powers of resistance. Meanwhile the pure pacifists, and also the secret believers in the synthetic faith which was propagated from the empires, were urging the government to surrender. From the point of view of the ‘fifth-columnists’ peace was indeed earnestly to be desired; for the gradual impregnation of the whole land with the virus of defence was already reducing them to imbeciles. Many whose faith in the light had been strong were now so physically161 enfeebled by the strains of war that even they could no longer resist the virus. It soon became evident that in time the great mass of the population would succumb162.
The obliteration163 of Lhasa had destroyed the educational and spiritual nerve-centre of the state. For a while the great provincial164 religious institutions successfully carried on the task of maintaining the spiritual discipline of the population. But one by one these were destroyed. The older generation were still fortified165 by their past schooling166, but the education of the young, formerly167 the state’s most urgent task, had now perforce to be neglected in favour of the insistent168 demands of defence. Consequently it became increasingly difficult for adolescents to resist the virus. Even at the height of Tibet’s prosperity the population had been small. Warfare169 had now greatly reduced it. Under the progressive regime the Tibetans had been the world’s healthiest people. Native toughness had co-operated with a magnificent health service. Those days were gone, for war had not only introduced disease germs but destroyed the health service. Moreover there had been heavy casualties among the herds170 of yak. Famine was still further weakening the stamina171 of the people. Worst of all, the water supply, always meagre, had been greatly reduced by the constant bombing of the dams.
Already the weaker brethren were openly demanding surrender and even plotting betrayal. But betrayal turned out to be impossible because it involved spiritual disintegration, and therefore surrender to the all-pervading virus.
Beyond the frontiers the rebellions organized by the servants of the light had long since been crushed. Tibet now faced the world alone. The only hope was that, since the victory of the imperial powers seemed now certain, they would begin to quarrel with one another and use their armaments for mutual destruction. But the Russian and Chinese ruling classes now regarded Tibet with unreasoning, obsessive172 terror and hate. Consciously believing in their own righteousness and their social usefulness, they were at the same time unconsciously tormented by a guilt173 which they dared not confess to themselves, a guilt which was both social and spiritual. Against a community which had purged174 itself of that guilt, and demanded a world-wide purge175, they felt bitter resentment and loathing176. Moreover the Tibetan community had manifested strange powers which the imperialists in their own hearts knew to be the powers of light, but which consciously they condemned177 as diabolical178. Thus their action against Tibet showed all the persistence179 of one who, discovering on his body the first minute pustule of some frightful180 disease, believes it to be the fruit of his own sin, and resolves to cut out the infected part.
For the Tibetans the crisis came when a party within the government itself declared that further resistance was not only futile181 but wrong, since it involved the useless sacrifice of lives. The advocates of surrender were clearly not guilty of treason against the spirit, for they showed no signs of succumbing182 to the virus. The disagreement was between persons of equal integrity. In the end the peace party triumphed. Those who were still determined183 to maintain their freedom at all costs withdrew into the wild country on the northern slopes of the Himalayas.
Tibet surrendered; and, under the shock of this recognition of defeat, practically the whole population succumbed184 to the virus.. Those who retained their sanity185 strove in vain to protect the hosts of their childish compatriots from coming to hurt; but these, unable to cope with ordinary situations, were killed off in thousands. Their decaying bodies littered the plains and added to the pestilence186. The sane were helpless, and their numbers constantly decreased. Meanwhile surrender had not brought peace. The victors dared not enter the conquered country, lest they should succumb to the virus. They therefore continued their efforts to exterminate187 the Tibetan people from the air. In this policy in due season they succeeded. For a few years the Himalayan remnant miserably188 survived, but in the end these last servants of the spirit were discovered by the Russian airmen. Henceforth their high valleys and gorges were systematically189 bombed until all trace of habitation had vanished.
The imperialists still dared not enter the country, for fear of the virus. They first undertook what must have been the greatest of all decontamination operations. Aeroplanes systematically sprayed the whole vast area with a strong disinfectant which destroyed not only the virus but every trace of animal and vegetable life. The home of the world’s most developed community was thus turned into a desert.
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repercussions
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| n.后果，反响( repercussion的名词复数 )；余波 | |
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awakening
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| n.觉醒，醒悟 adj.觉醒中的；唤醒的 | |
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frugal
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| adj.节俭的，节约的，少量的，微量的 | |
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penetrated
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| adj. 击穿的，鞭辟入里的 动词penetrate的过去式和过去分词形式 | |
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eastward
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| adv.向东；adj.向东的；n.东方，东部 | |
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evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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percolated
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| v.滤( percolate的过去式和过去分词 )；渗透；（思想等）渗透；渗入 | |
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ferment
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| vt.使发酵；n./vt.（使）激动，（使）动乱 | |
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gorges
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| n.山峡，峡谷( gorge的名词复数 )；咽喉v.（用食物把自己）塞饱，填饱( gorge的第三人称单数 )；作呕 | |
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missionaries
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| n.传教士( missionary的名词复数 ) | |
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extirpated
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| v.消灭，灭绝( extirpate的过去式和过去分词 )；根除 | |
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swarms
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| 蜂群，一大群( swarm的名词复数 ) | |
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notably
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| adv.值得注意地，显著地，尤其地，特别地 | |
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scotch
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| n.伤口，刻痕；苏格兰威士忌酒；v.粉碎，消灭，阻止；adj.苏格兰(人)的 | |
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humane
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| adj.人道的，富有同情心的 | |
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heinous
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| adj.可憎的，十恶不赦的 | |
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rumour
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| n.谣言，谣传，传闻 | |
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fully
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| adv.完全地，全部地，彻底地；充分地 | |
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intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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tact
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| n.机敏，圆滑，得体 | |
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incapable
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| adj.无能力的，不能做某事的 | |
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standing
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| n.持续，地位；adj.永久的，不动的，直立的，不流动的 | |
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fortitude
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| n.坚忍不拔；刚毅 | |
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heroism
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| n.大无畏精神，英勇 | |
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odds
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| n.让步，机率，可能性，比率；胜败优劣之别 | |
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obliterated
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| v.除去( obliterate的过去式和过去分词 )；涂去；擦掉；彻底破坏或毁灭 | |
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synthetic
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| adj.合成的，人工的；综合的；n.人工制品 | |
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frustrate
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| v.使失望；使沮丧；使厌烦 | |
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commotion
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| n.骚动，动乱 | |
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30
accomplished
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| adj.有才艺的；有造诣的；达到了的 | |
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31
insignificant
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| adj.无关紧要的，可忽略的，无意义的 | |
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32
foment
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| v.煽动，助长 | |
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33
fomenting
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| v.激起，煽动（麻烦等）( foment的现在分词 ) | |
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34
subversive
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| adj.颠覆性的，破坏性的；n.破坏份子，危险份子 | |
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35
postpone
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| v.延期，推迟 | |
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36
epidemic
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| n.流行病；盛行；adj.流行性的，流传极广的 | |
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37
sedition
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| n.煽动叛乱 | |
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38
pretext
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| n.借口，托词 | |
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39
annexing
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| 并吞( annex的现在分词 )； 兼并； 强占； 并吞（国家、地区等） | |
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40
intervention
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| n.介入，干涉，干预 | |
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41
rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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42
oligarchies
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| n.寡头统治的政府( oligarchy的名词复数 )；寡头政治的执政集团；寡头统治的国家 | |
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43
fanaticism
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| n.狂热，盲信 | |
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44
holocaust
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| n.大破坏；大屠杀 | |
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45
machinery
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| n.(总称)机械，机器；机构 | |
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46
contentions
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| n.竞争( contention的名词复数 )；争夺；争论；论点 | |
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47
mentality
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| n.心理，思想，脑力 | |
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48
imperialism
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|
| n.帝国主义，帝国主义政策 | |
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49
devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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50
meticulously
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| adv.过细地，异常细致地；无微不至；精心 | |
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51
disintegration
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| n.分散，解体 | |
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52
derived
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|
| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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53
frustrated
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|
| adj.挫败的，失意的，泄气的v.使不成功( frustrate的过去式和过去分词 )；挫败；使受挫折；令人沮丧 | |
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54
itch
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| n.痒，渴望，疥癣；vi.发痒，渴望 | |
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55
resentment
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|
| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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56
kindly
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|
| adj.和蔼的，温和的，爽快的；adv.温和地，亲切地 | |
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57
degenerate
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| v.退步，堕落；adj.退步的，堕落的；n.堕落者 | |
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58
supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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59
infliction
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| n.（强加于人身的）痛苦，刑罚 | |
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60
passionate
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|
| adj.热情的，热烈的，激昂的，易动情的，易怒的，性情暴躁的 | |
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61
vindictiveness
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| 恶毒；怀恨在心 | |
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62
briefly
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| adv.简单地，简短地 | |
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63
obsessed
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| adj.心神不宁的,鬼迷心窍的,沉迷的 | |
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64
potent
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| adj.强有力的，有权势的；有效力的 | |
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65
joyful
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|
| adj.欢乐的，令人欢欣的 | |
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66
insidious
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|
| adj.阴险的，隐匿的，暗中为害的，（疾病）不知不觉之间加剧 | |
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67
doctrine
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| n.教义；主义；学说 | |
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68
obedience
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| n.服从，顺从 | |
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69
embodied
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| v.表现( embody的过去式和过去分词 )；象征；包括；包含 | |
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70
fiat
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| n.命令，法令，批准；vt.批准，颁布 | |
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71
reiterated
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| 反复地说，重申( reiterate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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72
symbolization
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| n.象征，符号表现 | |
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73
pointed
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|
| adj.尖的，直截了当的 | |
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74
submission
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|
| n.服从，投降；温顺，谦虚；提出 | |
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75
incompatible
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|
| adj.不相容的，不协调的，不相配的 | |
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76
exhortation
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|
| n.劝告，规劝 | |
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77
fervent
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|
| adj.热的，热烈的，热情的 | |
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78
utterly
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|
| adv.完全地，绝对地 | |
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79
perverted
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|
| adj.不正当的v.滥用( pervert的过去式和过去分词 )；腐蚀；败坏；使堕落 | |
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80
resolute
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|
| adj.坚决的，果敢的 | |
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81
virtue
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|
| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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82
pious
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|
| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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83
excellence
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|
| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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84
kindliness
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|
| n.厚道，亲切，友好的行为 | |
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85
mutual
|
|
| adj.相互的，彼此的；共同的，共有的 | |
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86
infringe
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| v.违反，触犯，侵害 | |
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87
loyalty
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|
| n.忠诚，忠心 | |
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88
illuminating
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|
| a.富于启发性的，有助阐明的 | |
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89
ineffable
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|
| adj.无法表达的，不可言喻的 | |
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90
ecstasy
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|
| n.狂喜，心醉神怡，入迷 | |
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91
exquisite
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|
| adj.精美的；敏锐的；剧烈的，感觉强烈的 | |
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92
enthusiasts
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| n.热心人，热衷者( enthusiast的名词复数 ) | |
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93
agitators
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|
| n.（尤指政治变革的）鼓动者( agitator的名词复数 )；煽动者；搅拌器；搅拌机 | |
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94
condemning
|
|
| v.（通常因道义上的原因而）谴责( condemn的现在分词 )；宣判；宣布…不能使用；迫使…陷于不幸的境地 | |
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95
incur
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|
| vt.招致，蒙受，遭遇 | |
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96
persecution
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|
| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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97
survivors
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| 幸存者，残存者，生还者( survivor的名词复数 ) | |
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98
acquiescence
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| n.默许；顺从 | |
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99
prophesied
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| v.预告，预言( prophesy的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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100
temperaments
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|
| 性格( temperament的名词复数 )； （人或动物的）气质； 易冲动； （性情）暴躁 | |
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101
hatred
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|
| n.憎恶，憎恨，仇恨 | |
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102
tighten
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| v.(使)变紧；(使)绷紧 | |
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103
missionary
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|
| adj.教会的，传教(士)的；n.传教士 | |
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104
lashed
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| adj.具睫毛的v.鞭打( lash的过去式和过去分词 )；煽动；紧系；怒斥 | |
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105
relatively
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|
| adv.比较...地，相对地 | |
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106
sabotage
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|
| n.怠工，破坏活动，破坏；v.从事破坏活动，妨害，破坏 | |
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107
renaissance
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| n.复活，复兴，文艺复兴 | |
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108
vociferous
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|
| adj.喧哗的，大叫大嚷的 | |
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109
doomed
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| 命定的 | |
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110
doom
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|
| n.厄运，劫数；v.注定，命定 | |
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111
invaders
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| 入侵者，侵略者，侵入物( invader的名词复数 ) | |
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112
vengeance
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| n.报复，报仇，复仇 | |
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113
tyrants
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| 专制统治者( tyrant的名词复数 )； 暴君似的人； （古希腊的）僭主； 严酷的事物 | |
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114
munition
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|
| n.军火；军需品；v.给某部门提供军火 | |
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115
fortress
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| n.堡垒，防御工事 | |
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116
decomposition
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|
| n. 分解, 腐烂, 崩溃 | |
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117
inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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118
inhaled
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| v.吸入( inhale的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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119
meditation
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| n.熟虑，（尤指宗教的）默想，沉思，（pl.）冥想录 | |
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120
drowsiness
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| n.睡意；嗜睡 | |
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121
irresistible
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|
| adj.非常诱人的，无法拒绝的，无法抗拒的 | |
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122
slaughtered
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| v.屠杀，杀戮，屠宰( slaughter的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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123
spores
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| n.（细菌、苔藓、蕨类植物）孢子( spore的名词复数 )v.（细菌、苔藓、蕨类植物）孢子( spore的第三人称单数 ) | |
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124
inviolate
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|
| adj.未亵渎的，未受侵犯的 | |
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125
aggression
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| n.进攻，侵略，侵犯，侵害 | |
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126
possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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127
invaluable
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|
| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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128
proficiency
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| n.精通，熟练，精练 | |
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129
perversion
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| n.曲解；堕落；反常 | |
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130
sane
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| adj.心智健全的，神志清醒的，明智的，稳健的 | |
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131
wither
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|
| vt.使凋谢，使衰退，(用眼神气势等)使畏缩；vi.枯萎，衰退，消亡 | |
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132
bombers
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|
| n.轰炸机( bomber的名词复数 )；投弹手；安非他明胶囊；大麻叶香烟 | |
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133
isolation
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| n.隔离，孤立，分解，分离 | |
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134
isolated
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| adj.与世隔绝的 | |
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135
monasteries
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| 修道院( monastery的名词复数 ) | |
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136
compassion
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| n.同情，怜悯 | |
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137
admiration
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| n.钦佩，赞美，羡慕 | |
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138
fabric
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|
| n.织物，织品，布；构造，结构，组织 | |
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139
bereft
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| adj.被剥夺的 | |
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140
orphaned
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| [计][修]孤立 | |
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141
mingled
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|
| 混合，混入( mingle的过去式和过去分词 )； 混进，与…交往[联系] | |
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142
hideous
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|
| adj.丑陋的，可憎的，可怕的，恐怖的 | |
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143
sinister
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| adj.不吉利的，凶恶的，左边的 | |
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144
wreckage
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| n.（失事飞机等的）残骸，破坏，毁坏 | |
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145
prevailing
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|
| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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146
patriotism
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| n.爱国精神，爱国心，爱国主义 | |
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147
preservation
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| n.保护，维护，保存，保留，保持 | |
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148
well-being
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| n.安康，安乐，幸福 | |
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149
infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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150
relish
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|
| n.滋味，享受，爱好，调味品；vt.加调味料，享受，品味；vi.有滋味 | |
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151
irony
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|
| n.反语，冷嘲；具有讽刺意味的事，嘲弄 | |
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152
plight
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| n.困境，境况，誓约，艰难；vt.宣誓，保证，约定 | |
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153
yak
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| n.牦牛 | |
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154
reverted
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| 恢复( revert的过去式和过去分词 )； 重提； 回到…上； 归还 | |
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155
nomad
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|
| n.游牧部落的人，流浪者，游牧民 | |
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156
camouflaged
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|
| v.隐蔽( camouflage的过去式和过去分词 )；掩盖；伪装，掩饰 | |
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157
attain
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| vt.达到，获得，完成 | |
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158
lucidity
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| n.明朗，清晰，透明 | |
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tormented
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| 饱受折磨的 | |
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nomads
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| n.游牧部落的一员( nomad的名词复数 )；流浪者；游牧生活；流浪生活 | |
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physically
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| adj.物质上，体格上，身体上，按自然规律 | |
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succumb
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| v.屈服，屈从；死 | |
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obliteration
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| n.涂去，删除；管腔闭合 | |
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provincial
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| adj.省的，地方的；n．外省人，乡下人 | |
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fortified
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| adj. 加强的 | |
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schooling
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| n.教育；正规学校教育 | |
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formerly
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| adv.从前，以前 | |
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insistent
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| adj.迫切的，坚持的 | |
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warfare
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| n.战争(状态)；斗争；冲突 | |
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herds
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| 兽群( herd的名词复数 )； 牧群； 人群； 群众 | |
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stamina
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| n.体力；精力；耐力 | |
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obsessive
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| adj. 着迷的, 强迫性的, 分神的 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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purged
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| 清除（政敌等）( purge的过去式和过去分词 )； 涤除（罪恶等）； 净化（心灵、风气等）； 消除（错事等）的不良影响 | |
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purge
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| n.整肃，清除，泻药，净化；vt.净化，清除，摆脱；vi.清除，通便，腹泻，变得清洁 | |
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176
loathing
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| n.厌恶，憎恨v.憎恨，厌恶( loathe的现在分词)；极不喜欢 | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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diabolical
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| adj.恶魔似的，凶暴的 | |
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persistence
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| n.坚持，持续，存留 | |
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frightful
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| adj.可怕的；讨厌的 | |
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futile
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| adj.无效的，无用的，无希望的 | |
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succumbing
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的现在分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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succumbed
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| 不再抵抗（诱惑、疾病、攻击等）( succumb的过去式和过去分词 )； 屈从； 被压垮； 死 | |
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185
sanity
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| n.心智健全，神智正常，判断正确 | |
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186
pestilence
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| n.瘟疫 | |
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187
exterminate
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| v.扑灭，消灭，根绝 | |
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miserably
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| adv.痛苦地；悲惨地；糟糕地；极度地 | |
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systematically
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| adv.有系统地 | |
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