The very fact of its coming into the world is due to the pause in the author’s active political life. One of the unforeseen, though not accidental, stops in my life has proved to be Constantinople. Here I am camping — but not for the first time — and patiently waiting for what is to follow. The life of a revolutionary would be quite impossible without a certain amount of “fatalism.” In one way or another, the Constantinople interval6 has proved the most appropriate moment for me to look back before circumstances allow me to move forward
At first I wrote cursory7 autobiographical sketches8 for the newspapers, and thought I would let it go at that. And here I would like to say that, from my refuge, I was unable to watch the form in which those sketches reached the public. But every work has its own logic9. I did not get into my stride until I had nearly finished those articles. Then I decided10 to write a book. I applied11 a different and infinitely12 broader scale, and carried out the whole work anew. The only point in common between the original newspaper articles and this book is that both discuss the same subject. In everything else they are two different products.
I have dealt in especial detail with the second period of the Soviet13 revolution, the beginning of which coincided with Lenin’s illness and the opening of the campaign against “Trotskyism.” The struggle of the epigones for power, as I shall try to prove, was not merely a struggle of personalities15; it represented a new Political chapter — the reaction against October, and the preparation of the Thermidor. From this the answer to the that I have so often been asked — “How did you lose power?” — follows naturally.
An autobiography16 of a revolutionary politician must inevitably17 touch on a whole series of theoretical questions connected with the social development of Russia, and in part with humanity as a whole, but especially with those critical periods that are called revolutions. Of course I have not been able in these pages to examine complicated theoretical problems critically in their essence. The so-called theory of permanent revolution, which played so large a r?le in my personal life, and, what is more important, is acquiring such poignant18 reality in the countries of the East, runs through this book as a remote leitmotif. If this does not satisfy the reader, I can say that the consideration of the problem of revolution in its essence will constitute a separate book, in which I shall attempt to give form to the principal theoretical conclusions of the experiences of the last decades.
As many people pass through the pages of my book, portrayed19 not always in the light that they would have chosen for themselves or for their parties, many of them will find my account lacking the necessary detachment. Even extracts that have been published in the newspapers have elicited20 certain denials. That is inevitable21. One has no doubt that even if I had succeeded in making my autobiography a mere14 daguerreotype22 of my life — which I never intended it to be — it would nevertheless have called forth23 echoes of the discussion started at the time by the collisions described in the book. This book is not a dispassionate photograph of my life, however, but a component24 part of it. In these pages, I continue the struggle to which my whole life is devoted25. Describing, I also characterize and evaluate; narrating26, I also defend myself, and more often attack. It seems to me that this is the only method of making an autobiography objective in a higher sense, that is, of making it the most adequate expression of personality, conditions, and epoch.
Objectivity is not the pretended indifference27 with which con5 firmed hypocrisy28, in speaking of friends and enemies, suggests indirectly29 to the reader what it finds inconvenient30 to state directly. Objectivity of this sort is nothing but a conventional trick. I do not need it. Since I have submitted to the necessity of writing about myself — nobody has as yet succeeded in writing an autobiography without writing about himself — I can have no reason to hide my sympathies or antipathies31, my loves or my hates.
This is a book of polemics32. It reflects the dynamics33 of that social life which is built entirely34 on contradictions. The impertinence of the schoolboy toward his master; the pin-pricks of envy in the drawing-room, veiled by courtesies; the constant competition of commerce; the frenzied35 rivalry36 in all branches of pure and applied science, of art, and sport; the parliamentary clashes that reveal the deep opposition37 of interests; the furious struggle that goes on every day in the newspapers; the strikes of the workers; the shooting down of participants in demonstrations38; the packages of explosives that civilized39 neighbors send each other through the air; the fiery40 tongues of civil war, almost never extinguished on our planet — all these are the forms of social “polemics,” ranging from those that are usual, constant and normal, almost unnoticed despite their intensity41, to those of war and revolution that are extraordinary, explosive and volcanic42. Such is our epoch. We have all grown up with it. We breathe it and live by it. How can we help being polemical if we want to be true to our period in the mode of the day?
But there is another and more elementary criterion, one that relates to plain conscientiousness43 in stating facts. Just as the most bitter revolutionary struggle must take account of time and place, the most polemical work must observe the proportions that exist between objects and men. I hope that I have observed this demand not only in its entirety, but also in its particulars.
In certain cases — although these are not very numerous — I relate long-ago conversations in dialogue form. No one will demand a verbatim report of conversations repeated many years after. Nor do I claim such accuracy. Some of these dialogues have rather a symbolic44 character. Everyone, however, has had moments in his life when some particular conversation has impressed itself indelibly on his memory. One usually repeats that sort of conversation to one’s personal or political friends; thanks to this, they become fixed45 in one’s memory. I am thinking primarily, of course, of all conversations of a political nature.
I may state here that I am accustomed to trust to my memory. Its testimony46 has been subjected to verification by fact more than once, and it has stood the test perfectly47. But a reservation is necessary. If my topographic memory, not to mention my musical one, is very weak, and my visual memory and my linguistic48 memory fairly mediocre49, still my memory of ideas is considerably50 above the average. And, moreover, in this book ideas, their evolution, and the struggle of men for these ideas, have the most important place.
It is true that memory is not an automatic reckoner. Above all, it is never disinterested51. Not infrequently it expels or drives into a dark corner episodes not convenient to the vital instinct that controls it — usually ambition. But this is a matter for “psychoanalytic” criticism, which is sometimes very ingenious and instructive, but more often capricious and arbitrary.
Needless to say, I have persistently52 checked my memory by documentary evidence. Difficult as the conditions of my work have been, in the business of making inquiries53 in libraries or searching out archives I have been able to verify all the more important facts and dates that were needed.
Beginning with 1897, I have waged the fight chiefly with a pen in my hand. Thus the events of my life have left an almost uninterrupted trail in print over a period of thirty-two years. The factional struggle in the party, which began in 1903, has been rich in personal episodes. My opponents, like myself, have not withheld54 blows. All of them have left their scars in print. Since the October Revolution, the history of the revolutionary movement has held an important place in the research work of young Soviet scholars and of entire institutions. Everything of interest is sought out in the archives of the revolution and of the Czarist police department and published with detailed55 factual commentaries. In the first years, when there was as yet no need of disguising anything, this work was carried on most conscientiously56. The “works” of Lenin and some of mine were issued by the State Publishing House, with notes that took up dozens of pages in each volume and contained invaluable57 factual material concerning both the activities of the authors and the events of the corresponding period. All this of course facilitated my work, helping58 me to fix the correct chronological59 pattern and to avoid errors of fact, at least the most serious ones.
I cannot deny that my life has not followed quite the ordinary course. The reasons for that are inherent in the conditions of the time, rather than in me. Of course certain personal traits were also necessary for the work, good or bad, that I performed. But under other historical conditions, these personal peculiarities60 might have remained completely dormant61, as is true of so many propensities62 and passions on which the social environment makes no demands. On the other hand, other qualities today crowded out or suppressed might have come to the fore2. Above the subjective63 there rises the objective, and in the final reckoning it is the objective that decides.
My intellectual and active life, which began when I was about seventeen or eighteen years old, has been one of constant struggle for definite ideas. In my personal life there were no events de serving public attention in themselves. All the more or less unusual episodes in my life are bound up with the revolutionary struggle, and derive64 their significance from it. This alone justifies65 the appearance of my autobiography. But from this same source flow many difficulties for the author. The facts of my personal life have proved to be so closely interwoven with the texture66 of historical events that it has been difficult to separate them. This book, moreover, is not altogether an historical work. Events are treated here not according to their objective significance, but according to the way in which they are connected with the facts of my personal life. It is quite natural, then, that the accounts of specific events and of entire periods lack the proportion that would be demanded of them if this book were an historical work. I had to grope for the dividing line between autobiography and the history of the revolution. Without allowing the story of my life to become lost in an historical treatise67, it was necessary at the same time to give the reader a base of the facts of the social development. In doing this, I assumed that the main outlines of the great events were known to him, and that all his memory needed was a brief reminder68 of historical facts and their sequence.
By the time this book is published, I shall have reached my fiftieth birthday. The date coincides with that of the October Revolution. Mystics and Pythagoreans may draw from this what ever conclusions they like. I myself noticed this odd coincidence only three years after the October uprising. Until I was nine years old I lived in a remote little village. For eight years I studied at school. I was arrested for the first time a year after I left school. For universities, like many others of my time, I had prison, Siberia, and foreign exile. In the Czar’s prisons I served four years in two periods. In the Czarist exile I spent about two years the first time, a few weeks the second. I escaped from Siberia twice. As a foreign immigrant, I lived for about twelve years altogether in various European countries and in America — two years before the revolution of 1905, and nearly ten years after its defeat. In 1915, during the war, I was sentenced in my absence to imprisonment69 in Hohenzollern Germany; the next year I was expelled from France and Spain, and after a brief stay in the Madrid prison, and a month in Cadiz under the surveillance of the police, I was deported70 to America. I was there when the February Revolution broke out. On my way from New York I was arrested by the British in March, 1917, and detained for a month in a concentration camp in Canada. I took part in the revolutions of 1905 and 1917, and I was the chairman of the St. Petersburg Soviet of delegates in 1905, and again in 1917. I took an intimate part in the October Revolution, and was a member of the Soviet government. As the People’s Commissary for foreign affairs, I conducted peace negotiations71 at Brest-Litovsk with the delegates of Germany, Austria-Hungary, Turkey and Bulgaria. As People’s Commissary for military and naval72 affairs, I devoted about five years to organizing the Red Army and restoring the Red Navy. During the year 1920 I added to that the direction of the country’s disorganized railway system.
The main content of my life, however, except for the years of the civil war, has been party and literary activity. In 1923 the State Publishing House began the publication of my collected works. It succeeded in bringing out thirteen volumes, not counting the previously73 published five volumes on military subjects. Publication was discontinued in 1927, when the persecution74 of “Trotskyism” became especially intense.
In January, 1928, I was sent into exile by the present Soviet government; I spent a year on the Chinese frontier; in February, 1929, I was deported to Turkey, and I am now writing these lines from Constantinople.
Even in this condensed synopsis75, the outward course of my life could hardly be called monotonous76. On the contrary, counting the number of turns, surprises, sharp conflicts, ups and downs, one might say that my life was rather full of “adventures.” But I must say that, by natural inclination77, I have nothing in common with seekers after adventure. I am rather pedantic78 and conservative in my habits. I like and appreciate discipline and system. Not to provide a paradox79, but because it is a fact, I must add that I cannot endure disorder80 or destruction. I was always an accurate and diligent81 schoolboy, and I have preserved these two qualities all my life. In the years of the civil war, when I covered by train a distance equal to several times round the earth, I was greatly pleased to see each new fence constructed of freshly cut pine boards. Lenin, who knew this passion of mine, often twitted me about it in a friendly way. A well-written book in which one can find new ideas, and a good pen with which to communicate one’s own ideas to others, for me have always been and are today the most valuable and intimate products of culture. The desire for study has never left me, and many times in my life I felt that the revolution was interfering82 with my systematic83 work. Yet almost a third of a century of my conscious life was entirely filled with revolutionary struggle. And if I had to live it over again, I would unhesitatingly take the same path.
I am obliged to write these lines as an immigrant — for the third time — while my closest friends are filling the places of exile and the prisons of that Soviet republic in whose creating they took so decisive a part. Some of them are vacillating, withdrawing, bowing before the enemy. Some are doing it because they are morally exhausted84; others because they can find no other way out of the maze85 of circumstances; and still others because of the pressure of material reprisals86. I had already lived through two instances of such mass desertion of the banner: after the collapse87 of the revolution of 1905 and at the beginning of the World War. Thus I know well enough, from my own experience, the historical ebb88 and flow. They are governed by their own laws. Mere impatience89 will not expedite their change. I have grown accustomed to viewing the historical perspective not from the stand point of my personal fate. To understand the causal sequence of events and to find somewhere in the sequence one’s own place — that is the first duty of a revolutionary. And at the same time, it is the greatest personal satisfaction possible for a man who does not limit his tasks to the present day.
L. Trotsky. 1929
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memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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fore
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| adv.在前面；adj.先前的；在前部的；n.前部 | |
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epoch
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| n.(新)时代；历元 | |
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justify
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| vt.证明…正当(或有理)，为…辩护 | |
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con
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| n.反对的观点，反对者，反对票，肺病；vt.精读，学习，默记；adv.反对地，从反面；adj.欺诈的 | |
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interval
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| n.间隔，间距；幕间休息，中场休息 | |
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cursory
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| adj.粗略的；草率的；匆促的 | |
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sketches
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| n.草图( sketch的名词复数 )；素描；速写；梗概 | |
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logic
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| n.逻辑(学)；逻辑性 | |
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decided
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| adj.决定了的，坚决的；明显的，明确的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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infinitely
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| adv.无限地，无穷地 | |
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Soviet
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| adj.苏联的，苏维埃的；n.苏维埃 | |
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mere
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| adj.纯粹的；仅仅，只不过 | |
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personalities
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| n. 诽谤，（对某人容貌、性格等所进行的）人身攻击； 人身攻击；人格, 个性, 名人( personality的名词复数 ) | |
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autobiography
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| n.自传 | |
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inevitably
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| adv.不可避免地；必然发生地 | |
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poignant
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| adj.令人痛苦的，辛酸的，惨痛的 | |
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portrayed
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| v.画像( portray的过去式和过去分词 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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elicited
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| 引出，探出( elicit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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inevitable
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| adj.不可避免的，必然发生的 | |
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daguerreotype
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| n.银板照相 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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component
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| n.组成部分，成分，元件；adj.组成的，合成的 | |
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devoted
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| adj.忠诚的，忠实的，热心的，献身于...的 | |
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narrating
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| v.故事( narrate的现在分词 ) | |
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indifference
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| n.不感兴趣，不关心，冷淡，不在乎 | |
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hypocrisy
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| n.伪善，虚伪 | |
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indirectly
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| adv.间接地，不直接了当地 | |
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inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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antipathies
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| 反感( antipathy的名词复数 )； 引起反感的事物； 憎恶的对象； （在本性、倾向等方面的）不相容 | |
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polemics
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| n.辩论术，辩论法；争论( polemic的名词复数 )；辩论；辩论术；辩论法 | |
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dynamics
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| n.力学，动力学，动力，原动力；动态 | |
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entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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frenzied
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| a.激怒的；疯狂的 | |
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rivalry
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| n.竞争，竞赛，对抗 | |
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opposition
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| n.反对，敌对 | |
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demonstrations
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| 证明( demonstration的名词复数 )； 表明； 表达； 游行示威 | |
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civilized
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| a.有教养的，文雅的 | |
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fiery
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| adj.燃烧着的，火红的；暴躁的；激烈的 | |
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intensity
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| n.强烈，剧烈；强度；烈度 | |
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volcanic
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| adj.火山的；象火山的；由火山引起的 | |
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conscientiousness
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| 责任心 | |
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symbolic
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| adj.象征性的，符号的，象征主义的 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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perfectly
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| adv.完美地，无可非议地，彻底地 | |
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linguistic
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| adj.语言的，语言学的 | |
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mediocre
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| adj.平常的，普通的 | |
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considerably
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| adv.极大地；相当大地；在很大程度上 | |
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51
disinterested
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| adj.不关心的，不感兴趣的 | |
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persistently
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| ad.坚持地；固执地 | |
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53
inquiries
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| n.调查( inquiry的名词复数 )；疑问；探究；打听 | |
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54
withheld
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| withhold过去式及过去分词 | |
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detailed
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| adj.详细的，详尽的，极注意细节的，完全的 | |
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conscientiously
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| adv.凭良心地；认真地，负责尽职地；老老实实 | |
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invaluable
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| adj.无价的，非常宝贵的，极为贵重的 | |
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helping
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| n.食物的一份&adj.帮助人的，辅助的 | |
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chronological
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| adj.按年月顺序排列的，年代学的 | |
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peculiarities
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| n. 特质, 特性, 怪癖, 古怪 | |
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dormant
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| adj.暂停活动的；休眠的；潜伏的 | |
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propensities
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| n.倾向，习性( propensity的名词复数 ) | |
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subjective
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| a.主观(上)的，个人的 | |
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derive
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| v.取得；导出；引申；来自；源自；出自 | |
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justifies
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| 证明…有理( justify的第三人称单数 )； 为…辩护； 对…作出解释； 为…辩解（或辩护） | |
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texture
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| n.(织物)质地；(材料)构造；结构；肌理 | |
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treatise
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| n.专著；(专题)论文 | |
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reminder
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| n.提醒物，纪念品；暗示，提示 | |
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imprisonment
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| n.关押，监禁，坐牢 | |
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deported
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| v.将…驱逐出境( deport的过去式和过去分词 )；举止 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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naval
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| adj.海军的，军舰的，船的 | |
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previously
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| adv.以前，先前（地） | |
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persecution
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| n. 迫害,烦扰 | |
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synopsis
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| n.提要，梗概 | |
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monotonous
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| adj.单调的，一成不变的，使人厌倦的 | |
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inclination
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| n.倾斜；点头；弯腰；斜坡；倾度；倾向；爱好 | |
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78
pedantic
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| adj.卖弄学问的；迂腐的 | |
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79
paradox
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| n.似乎矛盾却正确的说法；自相矛盾的人(物) | |
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80
disorder
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| n.紊乱，混乱；骚动，骚乱；疾病，失调 | |
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81
diligent
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| adj.勤勉的，勤奋的 | |
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82
interfering
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| adj. 妨碍的 动词interfere的现在分词 | |
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83
systematic
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| adj.有系统的，有计划的，有方法的 | |
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84
exhausted
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| adj.极其疲惫的，精疲力尽的 | |
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85
maze
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| n.迷宫，八阵图，混乱，迷惑 | |
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86
reprisals
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| n.报复（行为）( reprisal的名词复数 ) | |
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87
collapse
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| vi.累倒；昏倒；倒塌；塌陷 | |
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88
ebb
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| vi.衰退，减退；n.处于低潮，处于衰退状态 | |
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89
impatience
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| n.不耐烦，急躁 | |
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