The scene of this romance is laid in the fifteenth century, when the feudal1 system, which had been the sinews and nerves of national defence, and the spirit of chivalry2, by which, as by a vivifying soul, that system was animated3, began to be innovated4 upon and abandoned by those grosser characters who centred their sum of happiness in procuring5 the personal objects on which they had fixed6 their own exclusive attachment7. The same egotism had indeed displayed itself even in more primitive8 ages; but it was now for the first time openly avowed9 as a professed10 principle of action. The spirit of chivalry had in it this point of excellence11, that, however overstrained and fantastic many of its doctrines12 may appear to us, they were all founded on generosity13 and self denial, of which, if the earth were deprived, it would be difficult to conceive the existence of virtue14 among the human race.
Among those who were the first to ridicule15 and abandon the self denying principles in which the young knight16 was instructed and to which he was so carefully trained up, Louis XI of France was the chief. That sovereign was of a character so purely18 selfish -- so guiltless of entertaining any purpose unconnected with his ambition, covetousness20, and desire of selfish enjoyment21 -- that he almost seems an incarnation of the devil himself, permitted to do his utmost to corrupt22 our ideas of honour in its very source. Nor is it to be forgotten that Louis possessed23 to a great extent that caustic24 wit which can turn into ridicule all that a man does for any other person's advantage but his own, and was, therefore, peculiarly qualified26 to play the part of a cold hearted and sneering27 fiend.
The cruelties, the perjuries28, the suspicions of this prince, were rendered more detestable, rather than amended29, by the gross and debasing superstition30 which he constantly practised. The devotion to the heavenly saints, of which he made such a parade, was upon the miserable31 principle of some petty deputy in office, who endeavours to hide or atone32 for the malversations of which he is conscious by liberal gifts to those whose duty it is to observe his conduct, and endeavours to support a system of fraud by an attempt to corrupt the incorruptible. In no other light can we regard his creating the Virgin33 Mary a countess and colonel of his guards, or the cunning that admitted to one or two peculiar25 forms of oath the force of a binding34 obligation which he denied to all other, strictly35 preserving the secret, which mode of swearing he really accounted obligatory36, as one of the most valuable of state mysteries.
To a total want of scruple37, or, it would appear, of any sense whatever of moral obligation, Louis XI added great natural firmness and sagacity of character, with a system of policy so highly refined, considering the times he lived in, that he sometimes overreached himself by giving way to its dictates38.
Probably there is no portrait so dark as to be without its softer shades. He understood the interests of France, and faithfully pursued them so long as he could identify them with his own. He carried the country safe through the dangerous crisis of the war termed "for the public good;" in thus disuniting and dispersing40 this grand and dangerous alliance of the great crown vassals42 of France against the Sovereign, a king of a less cautious and temporizing43 character, and of a more bold and less crafty44 disposition45 than Louis XI, would, in all probability, have failed. Louis had also some personal accomplishments46 not inconsistent with his public character. He was cheerful and witty47 in society; and none was better able to sustain and extol48 the superiority of the coarse and selfish reasons by which he endeavoured to supply those nobler motives49 for exertion50 which his predecessors51 had derived52 from the high spirit of chivalry.
In fact, that system was now becoming ancient, and had, even while in its perfection, something so overstrained and fantastic in its principles, as rendered it peculiarly the object of ridicule, whenever, like other old fashions, it began to fall out of repute; and the weapons of raillery could be employed against it, without exciting the disgust and horror with which they would have been rejected at an early period, as a species of blasphemy53. The principles of chivalry were cast aside, and their aid supplied by baser stimulants54. Instead of the high spirit which pressed every man forward in the defence of his country, Louis XI substituted the exertions55 of the ever ready mercenary soldier, and persuaded his subjects, among whom the mercantile class began to make a figure, that it was better to leave to mercenaries the risks and labours of war, and to supply the Crown with the means of paying them, than to peril56 themselves in defence of their own substance. The merchants were easily persuaded by this reasoning. The hour did not arrive in the days of Louis XI when the landed gentry57 and nobles could be in like manner excluded from the ranks of war; but the wily monarch58 commenced that system, which, acted upon by his successors, at length threw the whole military defence of the state into the hands of the Crown.
He was equally forward in altering the principles which were wont59 to regulate the intercourse60 of the sexes. The doctrines of chivalry had established, in theory at least, a system in which Beauty was the governing and remunerating divinity -- Valour, her slave, who caught his courage from her eye and gave his life for her slightest service. It is true, the system here, as in other branches, was stretched to fantastic extravagance, and cases of scandal not unfrequently arose. Still, they were generally such as those mentioned by Burke, where frailty61 was deprived of half its guilt19, by being purified from all its grossness. In Louis XI's practice, it was far otherwise. He was a low voluptuary, seeking pleasure without sentiment, and despising the sex from whom he desired to obtain it. ... By selecting his favourites and ministers from among the dregs of the people, Louis showed the slight regard which he paid to eminent62 station and high birth; and although this might be not only excusable but meritorious63, where the monarch's fiat64 promoted obscure talent, or called forth65 modest worth, it was very different when the King made his favourite associates of such men as the chief of his police, Tristan l'Hermite. .
Nor were Louis's sayings and actions in private or public of a kind which could redeem66 such gross offences against the character of a man of honour. His word, generally accounted the most sacred test of a man's character, and the least impeachment67 of which is a capital offence by the code of honour, was forfeited68 without scruple on the slightest occasion, and often accompanied by the perpetration of the most enormous crimes ... It is more than probable that, in thus renouncing69 almost openly the ties of religion, honour, and morality, by which mankind at large feel themselves influenced, Louis sought to obtain great advantages in his negotiations70 with parties who might esteem71 themselves bound, while he himself enjoyed liberty. He started from the goal, he might suppose, like the racer who has got rid of the weights with which his competitors are still encumbered72, and expects to succeed of course. But Providence73 seems always to unite the existence of peculiar danger with some circumstance which may put those exposed to the peril upon their guard. The constant suspicion attached to any public person who becomes badly eminent for breach74 of faith is to him what the rattle75 is to the poisonous serpent: and men come at last to calculate not so much on what their antagonist76 says as upon that which he is likely to do; a degree of mistrust which tends to counteract77 the intrigues78 of such a character, more than his freedom from the scruples80 of conscientious81 men can afford him advantage. .
Indeed, although the reign17 of Louis had been as successful in a political point of view as he himself could have desired, the spectacle of his deathbed might of itself be a warning piece against the seduction of his example. Jealous of every one, but chiefly of his own son, he immured83 himself in his Castle of Plessis, intrusting his person exclusively to the doubtful faith of his Scottish mercenaries. He never stirred from his chamber84; he admitted no one into it, and wearied heaven and every saint with prayers, not for forgiveness of his sins, but for the prolongation of his life. With a poverty of spirit totally inconsistent with his shrewd worldly sagacity, he importuned86 his physicians until they insulted as well as plundered87 him. .
It was not the least singular circumstance of this course, that bodily health and terrestrial felicity seemed to be his only object. Making any mention of his sins when talking on the state of his health, was strictly prohibited; and when at his command a priest recited a prayer to Saint Eutropius in which he recommended the King's welfare both in body and soul, Louis caused the two last words to be omitted, saying it was not prudent88 to importune85 the blessed saint by too many requests at once. Perhaps he thought by being silent on his crimes he might suffer them to pass out of the recollection of the celestial89 patrons, whose aid he invoked90 for his body.
So great were the well merited tortures of this tyrant91's deathbed, that Philip de Comines enters into a regular comparison between them and the numerous cruelties inflicted92 on others by his order; and considering both, comes to express an opinion that the worldly pangs93 and agony suffered by Louis were such as might compensate94 the crimes he had committed, and that, after a reasonable quarantine in purgatory95, he might in mercy he found duly qualified for the superior regions ... The instructive but appalling96 scene of this tyrant's sufferings was at length closed by death, 30th August, 1483.
The selection of this remarkable97 person as the principal character in the romance -- for it will be easily comprehended that the little love intrigue79 of Quentin is only employed as the means of bringing out the story -- afforded considerable facilities to the author. In Louis XI's time, extraordinary commotions98 existed throughout all Europe. England's Civil Wars were ended, rather in appearance than reality, by the short lived ascendancy99 of the House of York. Switzerland was asserting that freedom which was afterwards so bravely defended. In the Empire and in France, the great vassals of the crown were endeavouring to emancipate100 themselves from its control, while Charles of Burgundy by main force, and Louis more artfully by indirect means, laboured to subject them to subservience101 to their respective sovereignties. Louis, while with one hand he circumvented102 and subdued103 his own rebellious104 vassals, laboured secretly with the other to aid and encourage the large trading towns of Flanders to rebel against the Duke of Burgundy, to which their wealth and irritability105 naturally disposed them. In the more woodland districts of Flanders, the Duke of Gueldres, and William de la Marck, called from his ferocity the Wild Boar of Ardennes, were throwing off the habits of knights106 and gentlemen to practise the violences and brutalities of common bandits.
(Chapter I gives a further account of the conditions of the period which Quentin Durward portrays107.)
A hundred secret combinations existed in the different provinces of France and Flanders; numerous private emissaries of the restless Louis, Bohemians, pilgrims, beggars, or agents disguised as such, were everywhere spreading the discontent which it was his policy to maintain in the dominions108 of Burgundy.
Amidst so great an abundance of materials, it was difficult to select such as should be most intelligible109 and interesting to the reader: and the author had to regret, that though he made liberal use of the power of departing from the reality of history, he felt by no means confident of having brought his story into a pleasing, compact, and sufficiently110 intelligible form. The mainspring of the plot is that which all who know the least of the feudal system can easily understand, though the facts are absolutely fictitious111. The right of a feudal superior was in nothing more universally acknowledged than in his power to interfere112 in the marriage of a female vassal41. This may appear to exist as a contradiction both of the civil and canon laws, which declare that marriage shall be free, while the feudal or municipal jurisprudence, in case of a fief passing to a female, acknowledges an interest in the superior of the fief to dictate39 the choice of her companion in marriage. This is accounted for on the principle that the superior was, by his bounty113, the original granter of the fief, and is still interested that the marriage of the vassal shall place no one there who may be inimical to his liege lord. On the other hand, it might be reasonably pleaded that this right of dictating114 to the vassal to a certain extent in the choice of a husband, is only competent to the superior from whom the fief is originally derived. There is therefore no violent improbability in a vassal of Burgundy flying to the protection of the King of France, to whom the Duke of Burgundy himself was vassal; not is it a great stretch of probability to affirm that Louis, unscrupulous as he was, should have formed the design of betraying the fugitive115 into some alliance which might prove inconvenient116, if not dangerous, to his formidable kinsman117 and vassal of Burgundy.
(Some of these departures from historical accuracy, as when the death of the Bishop118 of Liege is antedated119, are duly set forth in the notes. It should be mentioned that Mr. J. F. Kirk, in his elaborate History of Charles the Bold, claims that in some points injustice120 has been done to the Duke in this romance. He says: "The faults of Charles were sufficiently glaring, and scarcely admitted of exaggeration; but his breeding had been that of a prince, his education had been better than that of other princes of his time, his tastes and habits were more, not less, refined than theirs, and the restraint he imposed upon his sensual appetites was as conspicuous121 a trait as his sternness and violence.")
Abbotsford, 1830.
Quentin Durward was published in June, 1823, and was Scott's first venture on foreign ground. While well received at home, the sensation it created in Paris was comparable to that caused by the appearance of Waverley in Edinburgh and Ivanhoe in London. In Germany also, where the author was already popular, the new novel had a specially122 enthusiastic welcome. The scene of the romance was partly suggested by a journal kept by Sir Walter's dear friend, Mr. James Skene of Rubislaw, during a French tour, the diary being illustrated123 by a vast number of clever drawings. The author, in telling this tale laid in unfamiliar124 scenes, encountered difficulties of a kind quite new to him, as it necessitated125 much study of maps, gazetteers126, and books of travel. For the history, he naturally found above all else the Memoirs127 of Philip de Comines "the very key of the period," though it need not be said that the lesser128 chroniclers received due attention. It is interesting to note that in writing to his friend, Daniel Terry, the actor and manager, Scott says, "I have no idea my present labours will be dramatic in situation; as to character, that of Louis XI, the sagacious, perfidious129, superstitious130, jocular, politic82 tyrant, would be, for a historical chronicle containing his life and death, one of the most powerful ever brought on the stage." So thought the poet, Casimir Delavigne -- writing when Scott's influence was marked upon French literature -- whose powerful drama, Louis XI, was a great Parisian success. Later Charles Kean and Henry Irving made an English version of it well known in England and America.
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feudal
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| adj.封建的，封地的，领地的 | |
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chivalry
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| n.骑士气概，侠义；（男人）对女人彬彬有礼，献殷勤 | |
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animated
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| adj.生气勃勃的，活跃的，愉快的 | |
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innovated
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| v.改革，创新( innovate的过去式和过去分词 )；引入（新事物、思想或方法）， | |
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procuring
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| v.（努力）取得， （设法）获得( procure的现在分词 )；拉皮条 | |
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fixed
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| adj.固定的，不变的，准备好的；(计算机)固定的 | |
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attachment
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| n.附属物，附件；依恋；依附 | |
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primitive
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| adj.原始的；简单的；n.原(始)人，原始事物 | |
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avowed
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| adj.公开声明的，承认的v.公开声明，承认( avow的过去式和过去分词) | |
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professed
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| 公开声称的，伪称的，已立誓信教的 | |
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excellence
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| n.优秀，杰出，(pl.)优点，美德 | |
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doctrines
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| n.教条( doctrine的名词复数 )；教义；学说；（政府政策的）正式声明 | |
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generosity
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| n.大度，慷慨，慷慨的行为 | |
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virtue
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| n.德行，美德；贞操；优点；功效，效力 | |
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ridicule
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| v.讥讽，挖苦；n.嘲弄 | |
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knight
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| n.骑士，武士；爵士 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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guilt
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| n.犯罪；内疚；过失，罪责 | |
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covetousness
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enjoyment
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| n.乐趣；享有；享用 | |
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corrupt
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| v.贿赂，收买；adj.腐败的，贪污的 | |
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possessed
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| adj.疯狂的；拥有的，占有的 | |
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caustic
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| adj.刻薄的，腐蚀性的 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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qualified
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| adj.合格的，有资格的，胜任的，有限制的 | |
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sneering
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| 嘲笑的，轻蔑的 | |
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perjuries
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| n.假誓，伪证，伪证罪( perjury的名词复数 ) | |
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Amended
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| adj. 修正的 动词amend的过去式和过去分词 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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miserable
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| adj.悲惨的，痛苦的；可怜的，糟糕的 | |
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atone
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| v.赎罪，补偿 | |
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virgin
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| n.处女，未婚女子；adj.未经使用的；未经开发的 | |
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binding
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| 有约束力的，有效的，应遵守的 | |
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strictly
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| adv.严厉地，严格地；严密地 | |
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obligatory
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| adj.强制性的，义务的，必须的 | |
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scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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dictates
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| n.命令，规定，要求( dictate的名词复数 )v.大声讲或读( dictate的第三人称单数 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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dictate
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| v.口授；(使)听写；指令，指示，命令 | |
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dispersing
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| adj. 分散的 动词disperse的现在分词形式 | |
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vassal
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| n.附庸的；属下；adj.奴仆的 | |
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vassals
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| n.奴仆( vassal的名词复数 )；（封建时代）诸侯；从属者；下属 | |
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temporizing
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| v.敷衍( temporize的现在分词 )；拖延；顺应时势；暂时同意 | |
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crafty
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| adj.狡猾的，诡诈的 | |
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disposition
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| n.性情，性格；意向，倾向；排列，部署 | |
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accomplishments
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| n.造诣；完成( accomplishment的名词复数 )；技能；成绩；成就 | |
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witty
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| adj.机智的，风趣的 | |
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extol
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| v.赞美，颂扬 | |
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motives
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| n.动机，目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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exertion
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| n.尽力，努力 | |
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predecessors
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| n.前任( predecessor的名词复数 )；前辈；（被取代的）原有事物；前身 | |
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derived
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| vi.起源；由来；衍生；导出v.得到( derive的过去式和过去分词 )；（从…中）得到获得；源于；（从…中）提取 | |
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blasphemy
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| n.亵渎，渎神 | |
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stimulants
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| n.兴奋剂( stimulant的名词复数 )；含兴奋剂的饮料；刺激物；激励物 | |
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exertions
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| n.努力( exertion的名词复数 )；费力；（能力、权力等的）运用；行使 | |
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peril
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| n.(严重的)危险；危险的事物 | |
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gentry
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| n.绅士阶级，上层阶级 | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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wont
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| adj.习惯于；v.习惯；n.习惯 | |
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intercourse
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| n.性交；交流，交往，交际 | |
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frailty
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| n.脆弱；意志薄弱 | |
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eminent
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| adj.显赫的，杰出的，有名的，优良的 | |
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meritorious
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| adj.值得赞赏的 | |
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fiat
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| n.命令，法令，批准；vt.批准，颁布 | |
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forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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redeem
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| v.买回，赎回，挽回，恢复，履行（诺言等） | |
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impeachment
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| n.弹劾；控告；怀疑 | |
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forfeited
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| （因违反协议、犯规、受罚等）丧失，失去( forfeit的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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renouncing
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| v.声明放弃( renounce的现在分词 )；宣布放弃；宣布与…决裂；宣布摒弃 | |
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negotiations
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| 协商( negotiation的名词复数 )； 谈判； 完成（难事）； 通过 | |
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esteem
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| n.尊敬，尊重；vt.尊重，敬重；把…看作 | |
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encumbered
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| v.妨碍，阻碍，拖累( encumber的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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providence
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| n.深谋远虑，天道，天意；远见；节约；上帝 | |
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74
breach
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| n.违反，不履行；破裂；vt.冲破，攻破 | |
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75
rattle
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| v.飞奔，碰响；激怒；n.碰撞声；拨浪鼓 | |
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76
antagonist
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| n.敌人，对抗者，对手 | |
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77
counteract
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| vt.对…起反作用，对抗，抵消 | |
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78
intrigues
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| n.密谋策划( intrigue的名词复数 )；神秘气氛；引人入胜的复杂情节v.搞阴谋诡计( intrigue的第三人称单数 )；激起…的好奇心 | |
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79
intrigue
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| vt.激起兴趣，迷住；vi.耍阴谋；n.阴谋，密谋 | |
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80
scruples
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| n.良心上的不安( scruple的名词复数 )；顾虑，顾忌v.感到于心不安，有顾忌( scruple的第三人称单数 ) | |
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81
conscientious
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| adj.审慎正直的，认真的，本着良心的 | |
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82
politic
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| adj.有智虑的；精明的；v.从政 | |
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83
immured
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| v.禁闭，监禁( immure的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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84
chamber
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| n.房间，寝室；会议厅；议院；会所 | |
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85
importune
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| v.强求；不断请求 | |
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86
importuned
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| v.纠缠，向（某人）不断要求( importune的过去式和过去分词 )；（妓女）拉（客） | |
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87
plundered
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| 掠夺，抢劫( plunder的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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88
prudent
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| adj.谨慎的，有远见的，精打细算的 | |
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89
celestial
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| adj.天体的；天上的 | |
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90
invoked
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| v.援引( invoke的过去式和过去分词 )；行使（权利等）；祈求救助；恳求 | |
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91
tyrant
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| n.暴君，专制的君主，残暴的人 | |
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92
inflicted
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| 把…强加给，使承受，遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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93
pangs
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| 突然的剧痛( pang的名词复数 )； 悲痛 | |
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94
compensate
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| vt.补偿，赔偿；酬报 vi.弥补；补偿；抵消 | |
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95
purgatory
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| n.炼狱；苦难；adj.净化的，清洗的 | |
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appalling
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| adj.骇人听闻的，令人震惊的，可怕的 | |
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remarkable
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| adj.显著的，异常的，非凡的，值得注意的 | |
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98
commotions
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| n.混乱，喧闹，骚动( commotion的名词复数 ) | |
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99
ascendancy
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| n.统治权，支配力量 | |
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100
emancipate
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| v.解放，解除 | |
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101
subservience
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| n.有利，有益；从属（地位），附属性；屈从，恭顺；媚态 | |
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102
circumvented
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| v.设法克服或避免（某事物），回避( circumvent的过去式和过去分词 )；绕过，绕行，绕道旅行 | |
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103
subdued
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| adj. 屈服的，柔和的，减弱的 动词subdue的过去式和过去分词 | |
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104
rebellious
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| adj.造反的，反抗的，难控制的 | |
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105
irritability
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| n.易怒 | |
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106
knights
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| 骑士； （中古时代的）武士( knight的名词复数 )； 骑士； 爵士； （国际象棋中）马 | |
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107
portrays
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| v.画像( portray的第三人称单数 )；描述；描绘；描画 | |
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108
dominions
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| 统治权( dominion的名词复数 )； 领土； 疆土； 版图 | |
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109
intelligible
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| adj.可理解的，明白易懂的，清楚的 | |
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110
sufficiently
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| adv.足够地，充分地 | |
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111
fictitious
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| adj.虚构的，假设的；空头的 | |
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112
interfere
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| v.(in)干涉，干预；(with)妨碍，打扰 | |
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113
bounty
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| n.慷慨的赠予物，奖金；慷慨，大方；施与 | |
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114
dictating
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的现在分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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115
fugitive
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| adj.逃亡的，易逝的；n.逃犯，逃亡者 | |
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116
inconvenient
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| adj.不方便的，令人感到麻烦的 | |
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117
kinsman
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| n.男亲属 | |
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118
bishop
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| n.主教，（国际象棋）象 | |
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119
antedated
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| v.（在历史上）比…为早( antedate的过去式和过去分词 )；先于；早于；（在信、支票等上）填写比实际日期早的日期 | |
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120
injustice
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| n.非正义，不公正，不公平，侵犯（别人的）权利 | |
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121
conspicuous
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| adj.明眼的，惹人注目的；炫耀的，摆阔气的 | |
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122
specially
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| adv.特定地；特殊地；明确地 | |
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123
illustrated
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| adj. 有插图的，列举的 动词illustrate的过去式和过去分词 | |
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124
unfamiliar
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| adj.陌生的，不熟悉的 | |
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125
necessitated
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| 使…成为必要，需要( necessitate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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126
gazetteers
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| n.地名索引，地名词典( gazetteer的名词复数 ) | |
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127
memoirs
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| n.回忆录；回忆录传( mem,自oir的名词复数) | |
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128
lesser
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| adj.次要的，较小的；adv.较小地，较少地 | |
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129
perfidious
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| adj.不忠的，背信弃义的 | |
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130
superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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