WHY IS IT DONE?
It had cleared up and was starlight. Except in a few places the mud was frozen hard when Nekhludoff returned to his inn and knocked at one of its dark windows. The broad-shouldered labourer came barefooted to open the door for him and let him in. Through a door on the right, leading to the back premises1, came the loud snoring of the carters, who slept there, and the sound of many horses chewing oats came from the yard. The front room, where a red lamp was burning in front of the icons2, smelt3 of wormwood and perspiration4, and some one with mighty5 lungs was snoring behind a partition. Nekhludoff undressed, put his leather travelling pillow on the oilcloth sofa, spread out his rug and lay down, thinking over all he had seen and heard that day; the boy sleeping on the liquid that oozed6 from the stinking7 tub, with his head on the convict's leg, seemed more dreadful than all else.
Unexpected and important as his conversation with Simonson and Katusha that evening had been, he did not dwell on it; his situation in relation to that subject was so complicated and indefinite that he drove the thought from his mind. But the picture of those unfortunate beings, inhaling8 the noisome9 air, and lying in the liquid oozing10 out of the stinking tub, especially that of the boy, with his innocent face asleep on the leg of a criminal, came all the more vividly11 to his mind, and he could not get it out of his head.
To know that somewhere far away there are men who torture other men by inflicting12 all sorts of humiliations and inhuman13 degradation14 and sufferings on them, or for three months incessantly15 to look on while men were inflicting these humiliations and sufferings on other men is a very different thing. And Nekhludoff felt it. More than once during these three months he asked himself, "Am I mad because I see what others do not, or are they mad that do these things that I see?"
Yet they (and there were many of them) did what seemed so astonishing and terrible to him with such quiet assurance that what they were doing was necessary and was important and useful work that it was hard to believe they were mad; nor could he, conscious of the clearness of his thoughts, believe he was mad; and all this kept him continually in a state of perplexity.
This is how the things he saw during these three months impressed Nekhludoff: From among the people who were free, those were chosen, by means of trials and the administration, who were the most nervous, the most hot tempered, the most excitable, the most gifted, and the strongest, but the least careful and cunning. These people, not a wit more dangerous than many of those who remained free, were first locked in prisons, transported to Siberia, where they were provided for and kept months and years in perfect idleness, and away from nature, their families, and useful work--that is, away from the conditions necessary for a natural and moral life. This firstly. Secondly16, these people were subjected to all sorts of unnecessary indignity17 in these different Places--chains, shaved heads, shameful18 clothing--that is, they were deprived of the chief motives19 that induce the weak to live good lives, the regard for public opinion, the sense of shame and the consciousness of human dignity. Thirdly, they were continually exposed to dangers, such as the epidemics20 so frequent in places of confinement21, exhaustion22, flogging, not to mention accidents, such as sunstrokes, drowning or conflagrations23, when the instinct of self-preservation makes even the kindest, most moral men commit cruel actions, and excuse such actions when committed by others.
Fourthly, these people were forced to associate with others who were particularly depraved by life, and especially by these very institutions--rakes, murderers and villains--who act on those who are not yet corrupted24 by the measures inflicted25 on them as leaven26 acts on dough27.
And, fifthly, the fact that all sorts of violence, cruelty, inhumanity, are not only tolerated, but even permitted by the government, when it suits its purposes, was impressed on them most forcibly by the inhuman treatment they were subjected to; by the sufferings inflicted on children, women and old men; by floggings with rods and whips; by rewards offered for bringing a fugitive28 back, dead or alive; by the separation of husbands and wives, and the uniting them with the wives and husbands of others for sexual intercourse29; by shooting or hanging them. To those who were deprived of their freedom, who were in want and misery30, acts of violence were evidently still more permissible31. All these institutions seemed purposely invented for the production of depravity and vice32, condensed to such a degree that no other conditions could produce it, and for the spreading of this condensed depravity and vice broadcast among the whole population.
"Just as if a problem had been set to find the best, the surest means of depraving the greatest number of persons," thought Nekhludoff, while investigating the deeds that were being done in the prisons and halting stations. Every year hundreds of thousands were brought to the highest pitch of depravity, and when completely depraved they were set free to carry the depravity they had caught in prison among the people. In the prisons of Tamen, Ekaterinburg, Tomsk and at the halting stations Nekhludoff saw how successfully the object society seemed to have set itself was attained33.
Ordinary, simple men with a conception of the demands of the social and Christian34 Russian peasant morality lost this conception, and found a new one, founded chiefly on the idea that any outrage35 or violence was justifiable36 if it seemed profitable. After living in a prison those people became conscious with the whole of their being that, judging by what was happening to themselves, all the moral laws, the respect and the sympathy for others which church and the moral teachers preach, was really set aside, and that, therefore, they, too, need not keep the laws. Nekhludoff noticed the effects of prison life on all the convicts he knew--on Fedoroff, on Makar, and even on Taras, who, after two months among the convicts, struck Nekhludoff by the want of morality in his arguments. Nekhludoff found out during his journey how tramps, escaping into the marshes37, persuade a comrade to escape with them, and then kill him and feed on his flesh. (He saw a living man who was accused of this and acknowledged the fact.) And the most terrible part was that this was not a solitary38, but a recurring39 case.
Only by a special cultivation40 of vice, such as was perpetrated in these establishments, could a Russian be brought to the state of this tramp, who excelled Nietzsche's newest teaching, and held that everything was possible and nothing forbidden, and who spread this teaching first among the convicts and then among the people in general.
The only explanation of all that was being done was the wish to put a stop to crime by fear, by correction, by lawful41 vengeance42 as it was written in the books. But in reality nothing in the least resembling any of these results came to pass. Instead of vice being put a stop to, it only spread further; instead of being frightened, the criminals were encouraged (many a tramp returned to prison of his own free will). Instead of being corrected, every kind of vice was systematically43 instilled44, while the desire for vengeance did not weaken by the measures of the government, but was bred in the people who had none of it.
"Then why is it done?" Nekhludoff asked himself, but could find no answer. And what seemed most surprising was that all this was not being done accidentally, not by mistake, not once, but that it had continued for centuries, with this difference only, that at first the people's nostrils45 used to be torn and their ears cut off; then they were branded, and now they were manacled and transported by steam instead of on the old carts. The arguments brought forward by those in government service, who said that the things which aroused his indignation were simply due to the imperfect arrangements of the places of confinement, and that they could all be put to rights if prisons of a modern type were built, did not satisfy Nekhludoff, because he knew that what revolted him was not the consequence of a better or worse arrangement of the prisons. He had read of model prisons with electric bells, of executions by electricity, recommended by Tard; but this refined kind of violence revolted him even more.
But what revolted Nekhludoff most was that there were men in the law courts and in the ministry46 who received large salaries, taken from the people, for referring to books written by men like themselves and with like motives, and sorting actions that violated laws made by themselves according to different statutes47; and, in obedience48 to these statutes, sending those guilty of such actions to places where they were completely at the mercy of cruel, hardened inspectors49, jailers, convoy50 soldiers, where millions of them perished body and soul.
Now that he had a closer knowledge of prisons, Nekhludoff found out that all those vices51 which developed among the prisoners--drunkenness, gambling52, cruelty, and all these terrible crimes, even cannibalism53--were not casual, or due to degeneration or to the existence of monstrosities of the criminal type, as science, going hand in hand with the government, explained it, but an unavoidable consequence of the incomprehensible delusion54 that men may punish one another. Nekhludoff saw that cannibalism did not commence in the marshes, but in the ministry. He saw that his brother-in-law, for example, and, in fact, all the lawyers and officials, from the usher55 to the minister, do not care in the least for justice or the good of the people about whom they spoke56, but only for the roubles they were paid for doing the things that were the source whence all this degradation and suffering flowed. This was quite evident.
"Can it be, then, that all this is done simply through misapprehension? Could it not be managed that all these officials should have their salaries secured to them, and a premium57 paid them, besides, so that they should leave off, doing all that they were doing now?" Nekhludoff thought, and in spite of the fleas58, that seemed to spring up round him like water from a fountain whenever he moved, he fell fast asleep.
户外星光灿烂。聂赫留朵夫沿着上了冻、只有少数几处还有泥泞的道路回到客店,敲敲没有灯光的窗子,肩膀宽阔的茶房光着脚出来给他开门,放他进门廊。从门廊右首的披屋里发出马车夫响亮的鼾声;前面院子里传来许多马匹咀嚼燕麦的声音。左边有一道门,通向一间干净的正房。在这个干净的正房里弥漫着苦艾和汗酸的味儿,隔板后面,不知谁的强壮肺部发出均匀的鼾声,神像前面点着一盏红玻璃罩的神灯。聂赫留朵夫脱去衣服,把方格毛毯铺在漆布面子的沙发上,放好皮枕头,躺下来,头脑里重温着这一天的见闻。在聂赫留朵夫今天看到的各种景象中,最可怕的是那个头枕着男犯大腿、躺在便桶里渗出的粪汁中的男孩。
今晚他同西蒙松和卡秋莎的谈话虽然很意外,而且关系重大,但他不再考虑这件事。他同这件事的关系太复杂了,前途很难逆料,因此索性不去想它。然而他越来越生动地想起那些不幸的人,他们在恶浊的空气里喘息,在便桶渗出的粪汁中睡觉,特别是那个睡在男犯腿上的天真孩子的影子一直萦回在他的脑海里。
知道远处有人在折磨另一些人,使他们受到各种腐蚀、非人的屈辱和苦难,这是一回事。在三个月中连续不断地目睹一些人腐蚀和折磨另一些人,那可完全是另一回事。聂赫留朵夫现在就有这样的体会。他在这三个月中不断地问自己:“到底是我疯了,所以才看到人家看不到的事,还是做出我所看到那些事的人疯了?”不过,既然做出那些惊人和可怕的事的人(他们的人数是那么多)都心安理得,满心相信他们的行为不仅必要,而且十分有益,那就不能说他们是疯子;但他也无法自认为疯子,因为觉得自己头脑清楚。就因为这个缘故,他一直感到困惑不解。
这三个月的见闻,使聂赫留朵夫得出这样的印象:一些人利用法院和行政机关,从自由人中间抓走一批最神经质、最激烈、最容易冲动、最有才气和最坚强的人。这批人不象人家那么狡猾和小心,对社会却不比享有自由的人更有罪,更危险。首先,这批人被关在牢里,被迫流放,服苦役,成年累月无所事事,衣食无虞,但脱离自然,脱离家庭,脱离劳动,也就是脱离人类的自然生活和精神生活。这是一。第二,他们在那里遭到种种莫须有的屈辱,例如戴上镣铐,剃阴阳头,穿上可耻的囚服,也就是被剥夺了过良好生活的主要动力:舆论影响、羞耻心和自尊心。第三,他们经常有丧命的危险,因为监禁地疫病流行,再加劳累过度,横遭毒打,至于中暑、水淹、火灾,那就更不用说了。处身在这样的环境里,就连品德最高尚、心地最善良的人,也会出于自卫的本能干出惨无人道的事来,并且会原谅别人干那样的事。第四,他们被迫同那些生活极端腐化(尤其是处身在这样的环境里)的淫棍、凶手和歹徒朝夕相处,于是极端腐化分子对还没有完全腐化的人,就象酵母对面团一样,起了发酵作用。最后,第五,凡是身受这种影响的人,无不通过各种最有力的方式——通过人家强加到他们头上的惨无人道的行为,例如虐待儿童、妇女、老人,殴打,用树条或皮鞭抽打,奖励凡是活捉或击毙逃犯的人,拆散夫妻,促使有夫之妇和有妇之夫与人私通,枪毙,绞刑等方式——使人懂得一个道理:各种暴行、酷行、兽行,只要对政府有利,不仅不会遭到禁止,反会得到政府的许可,而这类暴行加在丧失自由、贫困不幸的人身上,那就更是合法的了。
所有这些办法仿佛都是精心设计出来的,以便制造在其他条件下不可能产生的极端腐化和罪恶,并且把它最大规模地传布到全民中去。“简直象规定任务似的,要用最有成效的方式尽量多腐蚀一些人,”聂赫留朵夫分析监狱和流放途中的见闻,想年年都有成千上万的人被极度腐蚀,等他们腐化透了,又被释放出狱,以便把他们在监狱里沾染的恶习传布到全民中间去。
在秋明、叶卡捷琳堡和托木斯克等地的监狱里,在流放旅站上,聂赫留朵夫看到这个由社会本身提出的目标正在顺利地达到。本来具有俄国社会道德、农民道德、基督教道德的普通人,如今都放弃那些道德,而接受了监狱里所流行的道德,主要认为一切对人的凌辱、暴行和残杀,只要有利可图,都是可以容许的。凡是在监狱里待过的人,通过切身体会都深深懂得,教会和道德大师所宣扬的尊重人和怜悯人的道德,在实际生活中都已被废弃,因此无需遵循。聂赫留朵夫在他所认识的犯人身上都看到了这一点,不论是费多罗夫,玛卡尔,还是塔拉斯。塔拉斯在流放途中同犯人们一起待了两个月,他那道德沦丧的观点使聂赫留朵夫大为吃惊。聂赫留朵夫一路上听人说,有些流浪汉往原始森林逃跑,还怂恿同伴跟他们一起跑,然后把他们杀死,吃他们的肉。他亲眼看见一个人被控犯了这种罪,而且自己直认不讳。最骇人听闻的是,这类吃人事件并非绝无仅有,而是一再发生。
只有经监狱和流放地特殊培养而产生的恶习,才能使一个俄罗斯人堕落成为无法无天的流浪汉,他们的思想甚至超过尼采的最新学说,对什么事都没有顾虑,真是百无禁忌,并且把这种理论传布给犯人,然后再扩散到全体人民中去。
目前这一切行为,照书本里的解释,完全是为了制止罪行,实施警戒,改造罪犯,依法惩办。但在实际生活中,根本不存在上述这四种作用。这样做不仅不能制止罪行,反而传布罪行。这样做不仅不能实施警戒,反而鼓励犯罪,许多人就象流浪汉那样自愿投狱。这样做不仅不能改造罪犯,反而把各种恶习系统地传染给别人。政府的处分不仅不能减少报复,反而在人民中间培养这种情绪。
“那他们究竟为什么要这样做呢?”聂赫留朵夫问自己,但是找不到答案。
最使他感到惊奇的是,这一切并非意外,也不是由于误会,不是偶尔一遭,而是几百年来司空见惯的现象,差别只在于以前是对犯人削鼻子割耳朵,后来在犯人身上打烙印,拴在铁杆子上,现在则用脚镣手铐,运送犯人不用大车而用轮船火车。
政府官员对聂赫留朵夫说,那些使他气愤的事都是由于监禁和流放地设备不完善造成的,一旦新式监狱建成,情况就会得到纠正。这种解释不能使他满意,因为使他气愤的并非监禁地完善不完善的问题。他读过塔尔德著作,那里谈到改良监狱装有电铃,使用电刑,而那种经过改良的暴行却使他更加气愤。
使聂赫留朵夫气愤的,主要是法院和政府机关里坐着一批官僚,他们领取从人民头上搜刮来的高薪,查阅由同一类官僚出于同一类动机所写成的法典,把凡是违反他们所制定的法律的行为纳入各种法律条文,然后根据这些条文把人送到他们看不见的地方,而那些人在残酷粗暴的典狱长、看守和法警的肆意虐待下,成千上万地在精神上和肉体上死亡。
聂赫留朵夫进一步了解了监狱和旅站的情况后,看出犯人中间蔓延的恶习:酗酒、赌博、暴行和其他骇人听闻的罪行,包括人吃人在内,都不是偶然现象,也不象那些头脑僵化的学者为了袒护政府而硬说他们是退化、犯罪型或者畸形发展,而是人可以惩罚人这种谬论造成的必然后果。聂赫留朵夫看出,人吃人这种事不是起源于原始森林,而是起源于政府各部、各委和各局,只不过最后在原始森林里结束罢了。他看出,象他姐夫那样的人,以及所有的法官和其他文官,从民事执行吏到部长,他们根本不关心平时挂在嘴上的正义和人民福利,他们人人追求的无非是卢布,那种由于他们出力造成腐化和苦难因而赏给他们的卢布。这是显而易见的。
“难道这一切都是由于误会吗?怎样才能使那些官僚不再干他们现在所干的事?情愿照样发给他们薪金,甚至外加奖金……”聂赫留朵夫想。他在这样思考中听到鸡啼第二遍,尽管他的身体一动,跳蚤就象喷泉一样纷纷落到身上,他还是沉酣地睡着了。
1 premises | |
n.建筑物,房屋 | |
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2 icons | |
n.偶像( icon的名词复数 );(计算机屏幕上表示命令、程序的)符号,图像 | |
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3 smelt | |
v.熔解,熔炼;n.银白鱼,胡瓜鱼 | |
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4 perspiration | |
n.汗水;出汗 | |
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5 mighty | |
adj.强有力的;巨大的 | |
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6 oozed | |
v.(浓液等)慢慢地冒出,渗出( ooze的过去式和过去分词 );使(液体)缓缓流出;(浓液)渗出,慢慢流出 | |
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7 stinking | |
adj.臭的,烂醉的,讨厌的v.散发出恶臭( stink的现在分词 );发臭味;名声臭;糟透 | |
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8 inhaling | |
v.吸入( inhale的现在分词 ) | |
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9 noisome | |
adj.有害的,可厌的 | |
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10 oozing | |
v.(浓液等)慢慢地冒出,渗出( ooze的现在分词 );使(液体)缓缓流出;(浓液)渗出,慢慢流出 | |
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11 vividly | |
adv.清楚地,鲜明地,生动地 | |
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12 inflicting | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的现在分词 ) | |
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13 inhuman | |
adj.残忍的,不人道的,无人性的 | |
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14 degradation | |
n.降级;低落;退化;陵削;降解;衰变 | |
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15 incessantly | |
ad.不停地 | |
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16 secondly | |
adv.第二,其次 | |
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17 indignity | |
n.侮辱,伤害尊严,轻蔑 | |
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18 shameful | |
adj.可耻的,不道德的 | |
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19 motives | |
n.动机,目的( motive的名词复数 ) | |
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20 epidemics | |
n.流行病 | |
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21 confinement | |
n.幽禁,拘留,监禁;分娩;限制,局限 | |
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22 exhaustion | |
n.耗尽枯竭,疲惫,筋疲力尽,竭尽,详尽无遗的论述 | |
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23 conflagrations | |
n.大火(灾)( conflagration的名词复数 ) | |
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24 corrupted | |
(使)败坏( corrupt的过去式和过去分词 ); (使)腐化; 引起(计算机文件等的)错误; 破坏 | |
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25 inflicted | |
把…强加给,使承受,遭受( inflict的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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26 leaven | |
v.使发酵;n.酵母;影响 | |
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27 dough | |
n.生面团;钱,现款 | |
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28 fugitive | |
adj.逃亡的,易逝的;n.逃犯,逃亡者 | |
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29 intercourse | |
n.性交;交流,交往,交际 | |
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30 misery | |
n.痛苦,苦恼,苦难;悲惨的境遇,贫苦 | |
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31 permissible | |
adj.可允许的,许可的 | |
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32 vice | |
n.坏事;恶习;[pl.]台钳,老虎钳;adj.副的 | |
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33 attained | |
(通常经过努力)实现( attain的过去式和过去分词 ); 达到; 获得; 达到(某年龄、水平、状况) | |
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34 Christian | |
adj.基督教徒的;n.基督教徒 | |
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35 outrage | |
n.暴行,侮辱,愤怒;vt.凌辱,激怒 | |
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36 justifiable | |
adj.有理由的,无可非议的 | |
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37 marshes | |
n.沼泽,湿地( marsh的名词复数 ) | |
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38 solitary | |
adj.孤独的,独立的,荒凉的;n.隐士 | |
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39 recurring | |
adj.往复的,再次发生的 | |
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40 cultivation | |
n.耕作,培养,栽培(法),养成 | |
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41 lawful | |
adj.法律许可的,守法的,合法的 | |
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42 vengeance | |
n.报复,报仇,复仇 | |
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43 systematically | |
adv.有系统地 | |
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44 instilled | |
v.逐渐使某人获得(某种可取的品质),逐步灌输( instill的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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45 nostrils | |
鼻孔( nostril的名词复数 ) | |
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46 ministry | |
n.(政府的)部;牧师 | |
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47 statutes | |
成文法( statute的名词复数 ); 法令; 法规; 章程 | |
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48 obedience | |
n.服从,顺从 | |
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49 inspectors | |
n.检查员( inspector的名词复数 );(英国公共汽车或火车上的)查票员;(警察)巡官;检阅官 | |
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50 convoy | |
vt.护送,护卫,护航;n.护送;护送队 | |
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51 vices | |
缺陷( vice的名词复数 ); 恶习; 不道德行为; 台钳 | |
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52 gambling | |
n.赌博;投机 | |
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53 cannibalism | |
n.同类相食;吃人肉 | |
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54 delusion | |
n.谬见,欺骗,幻觉,迷惑 | |
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55 usher | |
n.带位员,招待员;vt.引导,护送;vi.做招待,担任引座员 | |
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56 spoke | |
n.(车轮的)辐条;轮辐;破坏某人的计划;阻挠某人的行动 v.讲,谈(speak的过去式);说;演说;从某种观点来说 | |
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57 premium | |
n.加付款;赠品;adj.高级的;售价高的 | |
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58 fleas | |
n.跳蚤( flea的名词复数 );爱财如命;没好气地(拒绝某人的要求) | |
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