The representative legislation of Constantine, with reference to Christianity, was pagan both as to its genius and form. The various edicts in favor of Christians contained little or nothing of true liberty of conscience. They were the steps by which Christianity, already paganized, was recognized, and gradually raised to a dominant4 place among the legal religions. This accorded with the prevailing5 syncretism, and the policy which Rome had always exercised toward foreign religions. On the other hand, the Emperor, still acting7 as Pontifex Maximus, and long before he was baptized into the fellowship of the Church, became its dictator. He convened8 and controlled the famous council at Nice (325 A.D.)[218] while his hands were red with the blood of his kindred, whom he slew9 lest they might come between him and his ambition to be sole emperor.
The decisions of the Council of Nice mark the beginning of centuries in which imperial law determined10 what should be called Christianity, what orthodoxy, and what heterodoxy. The Bible was not the standard of faith, or practice. Traditions, imperial decrees, the decisions of councils called and dictated11 by the imperial power, determined the practice of the Church, and formulated12 her faith. This will be shown more in detail farther on. Meanwhile we pause to examine the character of one of Constantine’s earliest laws, which has left a lasting13 influence on all Christian history—his “Sunday Edict” of 321 A.D. It is the more important to do this, since the question of Sunday laws and their enforcement is now at the front, and it is well that the reader understand the source from which Sunday legislation sprung. This edict of Constantine is the beginning of Sunday legislation, and it is not difficult to determine the influences which gave it birth. There is no evidence that such legislation was either sought or desired by Christians. They formed but a small fragment of the population of the empire, and in so far as the principles of New Testament15 Christianity remained, they forbade all such legislation.
[219]
The power to appoint holy days rested in the Emperor. His voice was supreme16 in all such matters. Although history has been carefully searched, there is no trace that any influence was brought to bear upon Constantine, by any person, any event, any custom which represented the Christians, or in which they were interested, to induce him to enact17 a Sunday law. There is every evidence that he acted in his proper capacity as Pontifex Maximus, and whatever notions may have entered into his determination to promulgate18 the edict, they could not have been Christian. On the other hand, there were abundant reasons why he should begin legislation in favor of Sunday. It was Apollo’s day. Apollo was the patron deity19 of Constantine. He was the beautiful Sun-god, and Constantine was proud of his own personal beauty, because of which his fawning20 courtiers were accustomed to liken him to Apollo. The sun-worship cult14 had been popular for a long time. Any favor shown to it would strengthen his influence with the “first families” of the empire. It was the settled policy of the emperors to overcome the discontent of the masses, under increasing taxation21 and burdens, by increasing holidays, games, and enjoyments22. To exalt23 the day of the Sun at such a time was a stroke of policy wholly in keeping with the universal practice[220] of Constantine. The general character of the man, his personal devotion to the Sun-god, and the surrounding demands, furnish all needful reasons for an act of legislation which was pagan, as we shall see, from centre to circumference24. This famous edict runs as follows:
“Let all judges, and all city people, and all tradesmen, rest upon the Venerable Day of the Sun. But let those dwelling25 in the country freely and with full liberty attend to the culture of their fields; since it frequently happens that no other day is so fit for the sowing of grain, or the planting of vines; hence the favorable time should not be allowed to pass, lest the provisions of heaven be lost.”[194]
This was issued on the seventh of March, A.D. 321. In June of the same year it was modified so as to allow the manumission of slaves on Sunday. The reader will notice that this edict makes no reference to the day as a Sabbath, as the Lords day, or as in any way connected with Christianity. Neither is it an edict addressed to Christians. Nor is the idea of any moral obligation or Christian duty found in it. It is merely the edict of a heathen emperor, addressed to all his subjects, Christian and heathen, who dwelt in cities, and were tradesmen, or officers of justice, commanding them to refrain from their business on the “venerable day” of the god whom Constantine most[221] adored, and to whom he loved in his pride to be compared. There are several distinct lines of argument which prove that this edict was a pagan rather than a Christian document.
On the following day Constantine issued an edict with reference to consulting the pagan soothsayers in case of public misfortune, which, like the Sunday edict, is so purely26 heathen that no “Christian Emperor” could have conceived or issued it. It runs as follows:
Edict Concerning Aruspices.
“The August Emperor Constantine to Maximus:
“If any part of the palace or other public works shall be struck by lightning, let the sooth-sayers, following old usages, inquire into the meaning of the portent27, and let their written words, very carefully collected, be reported to our knowledge; and also let the liberty of making use of this custom be accorded to others, provided they abstain28 from private sacrifices, which are specially29 prohibited.
“Moreover, that declaration and exposition written in respect to the amphitheater being struck by lightning, concerning which you had written to Heraclianus, the tribune, and master of offices, you may know has been reported to us.
“Dated the 16th, before the calends of January, at Serdica (320) Acc. the 8th, before the Ides of March, in the consulship30 of Crispus II. and Constantine III., C?sars Coss. (321).”[195]
[222]
There is abundant evidence, beyond the above, that the Sunday-law was the product of paganism.
The language used speaks of the day only as the “Venerable Day of the Sun,” a title purely heathen. There is not even a hint at any connection between the day and Christianity, or the practices of Christians.
Similar laws concerning many other heathen festivals were common. Joseph Bingham bears the following testimony31, when speaking of the edict under consideration:
“This was the same respect as the old Roman laws had paid to their feri?, or festivals, in times of idolatry and superstition32.... Now, as the old Roman laws exempted33 the festivals of the heathen from all judicial35 business, and suspended all processes and pleadings, except in the fore-mentioned cases, so Constantine ordered that the same respect should be paid to the Lord’s day, that it should be a day of perfect vacation from all prosecutions36, and pleadings, and business of law, except where any case of great necessity or charity required a juridical process and public transaction.”[196]
Bingham states correctly that such prohibitions37 were made by the Roman laws in favor of pagan festivals, but adds, incorrectly, that Constantine made the same in favor of the “Lord’s day.” It was not the Lord’s day, but the “Venerable Day of the Sun,” which the edict mentions; and it is impossible[223] to suppose that a law, made by a Christian prince, in favor of a Christian institution, should not in any way mention that institution, or hint that the law was designed to apply to it.
Millman corroborates38 this idea as follows:
“The earlier laws of Constantine, though in their effect favorable to Christianity, claimed some deference39, as it were, to the ancient religion, in the ambiguity40 of their language, and the cautious terms in which they interfered41 with paganism. The rescript commanding the celebration of the Christian Sabbath, bears no allusion42 to its peculiar43 sanctity as a Christian institution. It is the day of the sun which is to be observed by the general veneration44: the courts were to be closed, and the noise and tumult45 of public business and legal litigation were no longer to violate the repose46 of the sacred day. But the believer in the new paganism, of which the solar worship was the characteristic, might acquiesce47 without scruple48 in the sanctity of the first day of the week....
“The rescript, indeed, for the religious observance of the Sunday, which enjoined49 the suspension of all public business and private labor50, except that of agriculture, was enacted51, according to the apparent terms of the decree, for the whole Roman Empire. Yet, unless we had direct proof that the decree set forth52 the Christian reason for the sanctity of the day, it may be doubted whether the act would not be received by the greater part of the empire as merely adding one more festival to the fasti of the empire, as proceeding53 entirely54 from the will of the emperor, or even grounded on his authority as supreme pontiff, by which he had the plenary power of[224] appointing holy days. In fact, as we have before observed, the day of the sun would be willingly hallowed by almost all the pagan world, especially that part which had admitted any tendency toward the oriental theology.”[197]
Millman hints at some “direct proof.” There is none; hence the correctness of his conclusion, that the people looked upon the new holiday, “as merely adding one more festival to the fasti of the empire.” It was not only non-Christian but eminently55 unchristian.
Stronger still is the testimony of an English barrister, Edward V. Neale. These are his words:
“That the division of days into juridici et feriati, judicial and non-judicial, did not arise out of the modes of thought peculiar to the Christian world must be known to every classical scholar. Before the age of Augustus, the number of days upon which out of reverence56 to the gods to whom they were consecrated57, no trials could take place at Rome, had become a resource upon which a wealthy criminal could speculate as a means of evading58 justice; and Suetonius enumerates59 among the praiseworthy acts of that emperor, the cutting off from the number, thirty days, in order that crime might not go unpunished nor business be impeded60.”[198]
After enumerating61 certain kinds of business which were allowed under these general laws, Mr. Neale adds: “Such was the state of the laws with[225] respect to judicial proceedings62, while the empire was still heathen.” Concerning the suspension of labor, we learn from the same author that:
“The practice of abstaining63 from various sorts of labor upon days consecrated by religious observance, like that of suspending at such seasons judicial proceedings, was familiar to the Roman world before the introduction of Christian ideas. Virgil enumerates the rural labors64, which might on festal days be carried on, without entrenching65 upon the prohibitions of religion and right; and the enumeration66 shows that many works were considered as forbidden. Thus it appears that it was permitted to clean out the channels of an old water course, but not to make a new one; to wash the herd67 or flock, if such washing was needful for their health, but not otherwise; to guard the crop from injury by setting snares68 for birds, or fencing in the grain; and to burn unproductive thorns.”[199]
Sir Henry Spelman, who is recognized as high authority, in discussing the origin of practices in the English courts, says that all ancient nations prohibited legal proceedings on sacred days. His words are:
“To be short, it was so common a thing in those days of old to exempt34 the times of exercise of religion from all worldly business, that the barbarous nations, even our Angli, while they were yet in Germany, the Suevians themselves, and others in those Northern parts would in no wise violate or interrupt it. Tacitus says of them[226] that during this time of holy rites69, non bellum ineunt, non arma sumunt. Clausum omne ferrum. Pax et quies tunc tantum nota, tunc tantum amat.”
Speaking of the origin of the English “court terms,” Spelman says:
“I will therefore seek the original of our terms only from the Romans, as all other nations that have been subject to their civil and ecclesiastical monarch70 do, and must.
“The ancient Romans, while they were yet heathens, did not, as we at this day, use certain continual portions of the year for a legal decision of controversies71, but out of superstitious72 conceit73 that some days were ominous74 and more unlucky than others (according to that of the Egyptians), they made one day to be fastus or term day and another (as an Egyptian day), to be vacation or nefastus; seldom two fast days or law days together; yea, they sometimes divided one and the same day in this manner:
“Qui modo fastus erat, mune nefastus erat.
“The afternoon was term, the morning holy day.
“Nor were all their fasti applied75 to judicature, but some of them to other meetings and consultations76 of the commonwealth77; so that being divided into three sorts, which they called fastos proprie, fastos endotercisos, and fastos comitiales, containing together one hundred and eighty-four days through all the months of the year, there remained not properly to the pr?tor, as judicial or triverbial days, above twenty-eight.”[200]
[227]
Nothing more is needed to show that the Sunday edict was the product of the heathen cult, as truly as that which was issued in connection with it, relative to the Aruspices. There is an evident connection between the two edicts. Apollo was the patron deity of the soothsayers, as well as of Constantine. At least nine years later than this, Constantine placed his new residence at Byzantium under the protection of the heathen goddess of Fortune; he never gave up the title of high-priest of the heathen religion; he did not formally embrace Christianity until sixteen years later.
Whatever he did to favor Christianity, and whatever claims he made to conversion78, were the outgrowth of a shrewd policy, rather than of a converted heart. And when the conservative historian can say of him, “The very brightest period of his reign6 is stained with crimes, which even the spirit of the age, and the policy of an absolute monarch, cannot excuse,” he cannot be called a Christian prince.
If he made any general laws against heathenism, they were little executed; for it was not suppressed in the empire until A.D. 390—seventy-nine years after his Sunday edict, and fifty-three years after his death. The few abuses against which he legislated79 were those which had been condemned80 before by the laws of the heathen rulers who had[228] preceded him, such as the obscure midnight orgies, etc. Millman says on this point:
“If it be difficult to determine the extent to which Constantine proceeded in the establishment of Christianity, it is even more perplexing to estimate how far he exerted the imperial authority in the abolition81 of paganism.... The pagan writers, who are not scrupulous82 in their charges against the memory of Constantine and dwell with bitter resentment83 on all his overt84 acts of hostility85 to the ancient religion, do not accuse him of these direct encroachments on paganism. Neither Julian nor Zosimus lay this to his charge. Libanius distinctly asserts that the temples were left open and undisturbed during his reign, and that paganism remained unchanged. Though Constantine advanced many Christians to offices of trust, and no doubt many who were ambitious of such offices conformed to the religion of the emperor, probably most of the high dignities of the State were held by the pagans.... In the capitol there can be little doubt that sacrifices were offered in the name of the senate and the people of Rome till a much later period.”[201]
The whole matter is tersely86 told by a late English writer, who, speaking of the time of the Sunday edict, says:
“At a later period, carried away by the current of opinion, he declared himself a convert to the church. Christianity then, or what he was pleased to call by that name, became the law of the land, and the edict of A.D. 321, being unrevoked, was enforced as a Christian ordinance87.”[202]
[229]
The following words of the learned Niebuhr, in his lectures on Roman history, are to the same effect:
“Many judge of Constantine by too severe a standard, because they regard him as a Christian; but I cannot look at him in that light. The religion which he had in his head, must have been a strange jumble88 indeed.... He was a superstitious man, and mixed up his Christian religion with all kinds of absurd and superstitious opinions. When certain oriental writers call him equal to the apostles, they do not know what they are saying, and to speak of him as a saint is a profanation89 of the word.”[203]
It is a curious and little known fact, that markets were expressly appointed by Constantine to be held on Sunday. This we learn from an inscription90 on a Slavonian bath rebuilt by him, published in Gruter’s Inscriptiones Antiqu? Totius Orbis Romani, clxiv., 2. It is there recorded of the emperor, that “provisione pietatis su? nundinas dies solis perpeti anno constituit”; “by a pious91 provision he appointed markets to be held on Sunday throughout the year.” His pious object doubtless was to promote the attendance of the country people at churches in towns. “Thus,” says Charles Julius Hare, “Constantine was the author of the practice of holding markets on Sunday, which, in many parts of Europe, prevailed above a thousand[230] years after, though Charlemagne issued a special law (cap. cxl.) against it.”[204] In “Scotland, this practice was first forbidden on holy days by an Act of James IV., in 1503, and on Sundays in particular by one of James VI., in 1579.”
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1
essentially
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| adv.本质上，实质上，基本上 | |
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Christian
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| adj.基督教徒的；n.基督教徒 | |
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Christians
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| n.基督教徒( Christian的名词复数 ) | |
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4
dominant
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| adj.支配的，统治的；占优势的；显性的；n.主因，要素，主要的人(或物)；显性基因 | |
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prevailing
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| adj.盛行的；占优势的；主要的 | |
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reign
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| n.统治时期，统治，支配，盛行；v.占优势 | |
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acting
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| n.演戏，行为，假装；adj.代理的，临时的，演出用的 | |
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convened
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| 召开( convene的过去式 )； 召集； （为正式会议而）聚集； 集合 | |
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slew
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| v.（使）旋转；n.大量，许多 | |
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determined
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| adj.坚定的；有决心的 | |
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dictated
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| v.大声讲或读( dictate的过去式和过去分词 )；口授；支配；摆布 | |
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12
formulated
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| v.构想出( formulate的过去式和过去分词 )；规划；确切地阐述；用公式表示 | |
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lasting
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| adj.永久的，永恒的；vbl.持续，维持 | |
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cult
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| n.异教，邪教；时尚，狂热的崇拜 | |
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testament
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| n.遗嘱；证明 | |
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supreme
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| adj.极度的，最重要的；至高的，最高的 | |
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enact
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| vt.制定(法律)；上演，扮演 | |
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promulgate
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| v.宣布；传播；颁布（法令、新法律等） | |
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deity
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| n.神，神性；被奉若神明的人(或物) | |
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fawning
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| adj.乞怜的，奉承的v.（尤指狗等）跳过来往人身上蹭以示亲热( fawn的现在分词 )；巴结；讨好 | |
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taxation
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| n.征税，税收，税金 | |
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enjoyments
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| 愉快( enjoyment的名词复数 )； 令人愉快的事物； 享有； 享受 | |
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exalt
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| v.赞扬，歌颂，晋升，提升 | |
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circumference
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dwelling
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| n.住宅，住所，寓所 | |
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purely
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| adv.纯粹地，完全地 | |
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portent
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| n.预兆；恶兆；怪事 | |
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abstain
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| v.自制，戒绝，弃权，避免 | |
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specially
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consulship
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| 领事的职位或任期 | |
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testimony
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| n.证词；见证，证明 | |
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superstition
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| n.迷信，迷信行为 | |
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exempted
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| 使免除[豁免]( exempt的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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exempt
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| adj.免除的；v.使免除；n.免税者，被免除义务者 | |
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judicial
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| adj.司法的，法庭的，审判的，明断的，公正的 | |
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prosecutions
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| 起诉( prosecution的名词复数 )； 原告； 实施； 从事 | |
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prohibitions
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corroborates
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| v.证实，支持（某种说法、信仰、理论等）( corroborate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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deference
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| n.尊重，顺从；敬意 | |
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ambiguity
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| n.模棱两可；意义不明确 | |
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interfered
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| v.干预( interfere的过去式和过去分词 )；调停；妨碍；干涉 | |
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allusion
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| n.暗示，间接提示 | |
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peculiar
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| adj.古怪的，异常的；特殊的，特有的 | |
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veneration
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| n.尊敬，崇拜 | |
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tumult
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| n.喧哗；激动，混乱；吵闹 | |
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repose
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| v.(使)休息；n.安息 | |
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acquiesce
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| vi.默许，顺从，同意 | |
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48
scruple
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| n./v.顾忌，迟疑 | |
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49
enjoined
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| v.命令( enjoin的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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50
labor
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| n.劳动，努力，工作，劳工；分娩；vi.劳动，努力，苦干；vt.详细分析；麻烦 | |
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51
enacted
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| 制定（法律），通过（法案）( enact的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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52
forth
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| adv.向前；向外，往外 | |
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53
proceeding
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| n.行动，进行，(pl.)会议录，学报 | |
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54
entirely
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| ad.全部地，完整地；完全地，彻底地 | |
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eminently
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| adv.突出地；显著地；不寻常地 | |
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56
reverence
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| n.敬畏，尊敬，尊严；Reverence:对某些基督教神职人员的尊称；v.尊敬，敬畏，崇敬 | |
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57
consecrated
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| adj.神圣的，被视为神圣的v.把…奉为神圣，给…祝圣( consecrate的过去式和过去分词 )；奉献 | |
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58
evading
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| 逃避( evade的现在分词 )； 避开； 回避； 想不出 | |
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59
enumerates
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的第三人称单数 ) | |
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60
impeded
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| 阻碍，妨碍，阻止( impede的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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enumerating
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| v.列举，枚举，数( enumerate的现在分词 ) | |
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62
proceedings
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| n.进程，过程，议程；诉讼(程序)；公报 | |
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63
abstaining
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| 戒（尤指酒），戒除( abstain的现在分词 )； 弃权（不投票） | |
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labors
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| v.努力争取(for)( labor的第三人称单数 )；苦干；详细分析；（指引擎）缓慢而困难地运转 | |
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entrenching
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| v.用壕沟围绕或保护…( entrench的现在分词 )；牢固地确立… | |
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enumeration
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| n.计数，列举；细目；详表；点查 | |
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herd
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| n.兽群，牧群；vt.使集中，把…赶在一起 | |
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snares
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| n.陷阱( snare的名词复数 )；圈套；诱人遭受失败（丢脸、损失等）的东西；诱惑物v.用罗网捕捉，诱陷，陷害( snare的第三人称单数 ) | |
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rites
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| 仪式，典礼( rite的名词复数 ) | |
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monarch
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| n.帝王，君主，最高统治者 | |
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controversies
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| 争论 | |
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superstitious
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| adj.迷信的 | |
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conceit
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| n.自负，自高自大 | |
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ominous
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| adj.不祥的，不吉的，预兆的，预示的 | |
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applied
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| adj.应用的；v.应用，适用 | |
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consultations
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| n.磋商（会议）( consultation的名词复数 )；商讨会；协商会；查找 | |
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commonwealth
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| n.共和国，联邦，共同体 | |
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conversion
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| n.转化，转换，转变 | |
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legislated
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| v.立法，制定法律( legislate的过去式和过去分词 ) | |
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condemned
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| adj. 被责难的, 被宣告有罪的 动词condemn的过去式和过去分词 | |
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abolition
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| n.废除，取消 | |
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scrupulous
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| adj.审慎的，小心翼翼的，完全的，纯粹的 | |
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resentment
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| n.怨愤，忿恨 | |
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overt
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| adj.公开的，明显的，公然的 | |
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hostility
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| n.敌对，敌意；抵制［pl.］交战，战争 | |
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tersely
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| adv. 简捷地, 简要地 | |
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ordinance
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| n.法令；条令；条例 | |
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jumble
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| vt.使混乱，混杂；n.混乱；杂乱的一堆 | |
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profanation
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| n.亵渎 | |
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inscription
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| n.（尤指石块上的）刻印文字，铭文，碑文 | |
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pious
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| adj.虔诚的；道貌岸然的 | |
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